tion, 


j.  The  pena' 
longer  than  tlr, 
of  ten  cents  for 

4.  Every  memb^  ^ 
for  all  damages  done  t 
in  his  possession. 

5.  Should  a  memb 
shall  either  pay  tV>° 
the  Librarian,  c 

of  the  same  kin 
value. 

6.  Should  f 
longing  to  a', 
he  shall  pay  th 


OUR 


LIVING 


REPRESENTATIVE  MEN. 


FROM  OFFICIAL  AND  ORIGINAL  SOURCES. 


BY 

JOHN   SAVAGE. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CHILDS  &  PETERSON,  602  ARCH  ST. 
1860. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1860,  by 
CHILDS  &  PETERSON, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Eastern 
District  of  Pennsylvania. 


STEREOTYPED   BT   L.   JOHNSON   &   CO, 
PHILADELPHIA. 


BEACON  &   PETERSON,   PRINTERS. 


Bancroft  Ubraijr 


PREFACE. 


THIS  work  embraces  memoirs  of  the  lives  and  public 
services  of  those  statesmen,  soldiers,  and  politicians  who 
have  been  prominently  suggested  for  the  Presidential  suc- 
cession  in  1861. 

The  endeavor  has  been  to  make  the  work  useful  in 
matter  rather  than  ornamental  in  style,  —  to  give  a  graphic 
and  comprehensive  record  of  the  public  acts  of  our  public 
men,  free  from  any  partisan  influence,  and  to  present  each 
in  the  position  accorded  to  him  by  his  party  and  attained 
by  the  advocacy  of  the  principles  to  which  he  has  devoted 
his  powers  of  intellect.  Thus  the  acts  and  words  of  each 
man  are  allowed  to  define  his  own  position.  Each  man 
speaks  for  himself,  through  the  history  of  his  public  career, 
of  whose  utterances  I  am  but  the  recorder  and  not  the 


In  bringing  together  the  lives  of  so  many  contempo- 
raries, —  men  who  have  been  engaged  on  the  same  great 
field  of  politics,  —  it  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  avoid  fre- 
quent allusion  to  the  same  topic  under  different  heads. 
To  make  each  memoir  as  nearly  perfect  in  itself  as  pos- 
sible, no  other  bourse  could  be  pursued.  But  it  will  be 
found  that  allusions  to  the  same  general  topic  or  debate 
are  modified  by  the  extent  to  which  the  subject  under 
notice  made  the  one  or  participated  in  the  other. 

iii 


IV  PREFACE. 

The  opinions  and  speeches  of  every  statesman  on  all 
prominent  subjects  of  public  interest  are  indicated  or  ana- 
lyzed so  as  to  present  the  principal  features  in  the  most 
unmistakable  manner,  in  the  hope  that  the  volume  will 
be  the  most  useful,  as  it  is  the  most  extensive,  of  its  kind, 
and  a  work  of  reference  indispensable  to  men  in  every 
walk  of  life. 

In  the  collection  of  the  multitude  of  facts  and  dates  to 
be  found  here,  I  have  had,  in  addition  to  the  authority  of 
the  ponderous  archives  of  the  Government,  efficient  aid 
from  numerous  distinguished  political  and  literary  gentle- 
men. Besides  valuable  references  and  documents,  they 
furnished  me  with  elaborate  and  authentic  original  details, 
which  I  have  used  with,  I  trust,  impartial  freedom. 
Throughout  the  work  many  acknowledgments  of  indebt- 
edness for  such  assistance  are  made;  and  I  regret  that 
the  modest  generosity  of  many  prominent  correspondents 
compels  me  to  remain  their  silent  debtor. 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  that  the  articles  describing 
certain  scenes  in  the  Senate  during  the  great  Kansas 
debate  of  March,  1858,  were  written  on  the  spot,  in  full 
view  of  the  occurrences  related,  by  the  present  writer, 
during  his  connection  with  the  Washington  journal  from 
which  they  are  extracted. 

J.  S. 

WASHINGTON,  D.C. 


CONTENTS. 


NATHANIEL  P.  BANKS,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS Page    17 

Personal  Character  of  the  Literature  of  the  Day — No  Detailed  Account  of  Mr.  Banks's 
Career — His  Birth — Waltham,  Lowell,  and  Manchester — Childhood,  Factory-Life, 
and  Youth— Gerald  Massey's  Glimpse  of  Children  in  the  English  Factories— Tasting 
of  Knowledge — Village  Debating-Society — N,  P.  Banks  as  Democratic  Editor — Non- 
Success — Determines  to  go  to  California — Elected  to  Massachusetts  Legislature — 
First  Speech  on  Slavery  Question — Success — Speaker  of  the  Legislature — Agent  of 
the  Board  of  Education — On  the  State  Valuation  Committee — Simultaneously  elected 
to  the  State  Senate  and  House — Presides  at  Constitutional  Convention — Elected  to 
Congress,  in  1852,  by  a  Junction  of  Democrats  and  "  Know-Nothings" — Sympathy 
with  the  new  Republican  Party — Increasing  Prominence — His  Views  on  the  Ne- 
braska-Kansas Bill,  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  Eights  of  North  and  South  in 
the  Territories — Explanation  of  his  Previous  Career—Constitutionality  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise — Opposes  Military  Supervision  of  National  Armories — On  the 
Temporal  Power  of  the  Pope— Replies  of  Mr.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr. 
Chandler,  of  Pennsylvania,  thereto — Favors  Revision  of  the  Naturalization  Laws — 
State  of  Parties  at  the  Opening  of  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress — The  Candidates  for 
Speaker— The  Test  Questions— The  Black  and  White  Races— Election  of  Mr.  Banks 
— Remarks — Conduct  while  Speaker — His  Self-Possession — In  Favor  of  Fremont — 
Speech  on  the  Monetary  Crisis  of  1857— Thirty-Fifth  Congress— Opposes  the  Trea- 
sury-Note Bill — On  the  Message  and  Utah — Elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and 
resigns  bis  Seat  in  Congress— Twice  re-elected  Governor— His  Studious  Habits. 

EDWARD  BATES,  OF  MISSOURI 34 

Mr.  Bates's  Reputation  in  the  West— His  Birth  and  Ancestry— Quaker  Revolutionists 
— Sketch  of  his  Father's  Career — Edward,  left  an  Orphan,  is  taken  care  of  by  his 
Brothers — Early  School-Days — An  Accident  which  leads  to  a  Library — Desultory 
Education — Going  to  Sea — Warlike  Propensities — Volunteers  for  the  Defence  of  Nor- 
folk— Goes  to  the  West — St.  Louis  in  1814 — The  French,  Spanish,  and  American 
Settlers  and  the  Indians— Studies  Law,  and  is  admitted— Various  Offices  of  Trust 
held  by  him  in  Missouri— Elected  to  Congress— The  Friend  of  Clay  and  J.  Quincy 
Adams— Marriage— Liberates  his  Slaves— Marriage— Career  in  Congress— Blown  out 
of  Public  Life  by  the  Jackson  Storm— Retirement  for  Twenty  Years— Internal- 
Improvement  Convention  in  Chicago  in  1847 — Great  Speech  there— Declines  a  Seat 
in  Mr.  Fillmore's  Cabinet— His  Letter  on  Public  Affairs  in  reply  to  the  New  York 
"General  Whig  Committee"— Its  Details  on  Home  and  Foreign  Policy— Is  opposed 
to  the  Acquisition  of  Cuba  and  General  Houston's  Protectorate  over  Mexico — 
Reviews  the  Buchanan  Administration— Public  Expenditures  and  no  Improvements 
—The  Philadelphia  Platform  and  his  Views— Letter  to  the  Memphis  Convention- 
Sunday  Laws— Last  Exposition  of  his  Views  in  the  "  St.  Louis  News"— Approves  of 
the  Fugitive-Slave  Law. 

V 


yi  CONTENTS. 

JOHN  BELL,  OF  TENNESSEE Page    46 

Proposition  to  place  Mr.  Bell  at  the  head  of  the  "  United  Opposition" — His  Birth  and 
Education — Admitted  to  the  Bar  when  Nineteen  Years  old — Enters  into  Public  Life, 
and  is  elected  to  the  State  Senate — Retires  for  Nine  Years  to  his  Profession — Elected 
to  Congress  over  Felix  Grundy  in  the  Election  of  1827 — Congressional  Career — Enters 
Public  Life  friendly  to  GeneralJackson  and  John  C.  Calhoun — Differs  with  the  Bank 
Policy  of  the  one  and  the  Nullification  Doctrine  of  the  other — Alienation  from  tho 
Jackson  Democracy — Elected  Speaker  over  James  K.  Polk — Opposes  Mr.  Van  Burou 
— Declares  in  favor  of  Judge  White  for  the  Presidency — Carries  the  "  Hermitage 
District" — In  favor  of  Receiving  Petitions  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia — Secretary  of  War  in  Harrison's  Cabinet — Resignation — In  Stato 
Senate — In  United  States  Senate — Favors  Com  promise  Measures — Opposes  Nebraska- 
Kansas  Bill — On  Territorial  Expansion — Improvement  of  Mississippi  River — Increas- 
ing Prominence  of  Mr.  Bell — Refuses  to  be  instructed  by  the  Tennessee  Legislature 
— Position  in  the  great  "  Lecompton"  Debate — Minnesota  Bill — Against  the  Utah 
Policy  of  the  Buchanan  Administration — Elaborate  Argument  on  the  Fifteen-Milliou- 
Loan  Bill— In  favor  of  Ten  New  Steamships  and  a  Pacific  Railroad— On  Agricultu- 
ral Colleges — "National  Intelligencer"  on  Mr.  Bell's  Career. 

JOHN  M.  BOTTS,  OF  VIRGINIA...... , 57 

Birth — Loses  his  Parents — Education — Licensed  to  practise  Law  after  Six  Weeks' 
Study — Becomes  a  Farmer — Anti-Jackson  Man — Elected  to  the  State  Legislature — 
Elected  to  Congress  in  1839— Again  in  1841— Reapportionment  of  the  Districts- 
Arduous  Canvass — Defeated,  and  contests  the  Seat  in  Congress  with  John  W.  Jones 
— Election  of  Jones  to  the  Speakership— Action  of  tho  House  on  Mr.  Botts's  Claim — 
Carries  his  District  for  Henry  Clay — Apathy  of  the  Whigs  and  Triumph  of  the  Demo- 
cracy— Mr.  Botts  again,  nominated,  and  defeated  by  Mr.  Seldon — Re-elected  in  1847 
by  a  large  Majority— Adheres  to  Clay  in  1848,  until  the  Action  of  the  Philadelphia 
Convention — Supports  General  Taylor  for  the  Presidency — Effect  of  his  Speech — 
Defeated  for  Congress — Declines  Nomination  in  1851 — Advocates  the  Repeal  of  the 
"  Twenty -First  Rule"— Defence  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Disruption  with  Presi- 
dent Tyler— Invitation  to  New  Jersey — Banquet  Speech — Writes  against  the  Ne- 
braska-Kansas Bill,  and  emphatically  refuses  to  adopt  the  Views  of  Southern 
Members  of  Congress — Wise's  Proposal  to  hang  him — Speech  in  the  African  Church 
in  Richmond — History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise — Vote  on  that  Measure  in  the 
Senate  and  House — The  American  Party  recommend  Mr.  Botts  for  the  Presidency  in 
1856 — Address  in  the  Academy  of  Music,  New  York— Review  of  the  Measures  of  the 
Buchanan  Administration — The  American  Order — Protection  to  Naturalized  Citizens 
— Recommended  as  Opposition  Candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1SGO. 

JOHN  C.  BRECKINRIDGE,  OF  KENTUCKY 67 

Ages  at  which  Vice-Presidents  were  elected — Mr.  Breckinridge  the  Youngest  of  tho 
most  Prominent  Statesmen — Birth  of  Mr.  Breckinridge — Education — Goes  to  Iowa — 
Returns  to  Lexington  and  the  Law — Goes  to  Mexico — Returns — Elected  to  the  Legis- 
lature— To  Congress — "  Democratic  Review"  on  "Old-Fogy"  Democracy — Mr.  Breck- 
inridge reviews  the  Reviewers,  and  defends  General  Butler — Reply  of  Mr.  Marshall, 
of  California — Speech  on  the  Death  of  Henry  Clay — Epitaph  on — Cemetery  for  the 
American  Dead  in  Mexico — Retorts  on  Messrs.  Giddings  and  Cartter,  of  Ohio— Debata 
on  Nebraska  Bill— Difficulty  with  Mr.  F.  B.  Cutting,  of  New  York— Reference  of  tho 
Matter  to  General  Shields,  Colonel  Monroe,  Colonel  Hawkins,  and  Mr.  Preston — Non- 
intervention Views  touching  the  Nebraska-Kansus  Bill  and  the  Repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise — President  Pierce  offers  him  the  Mission  to  Spain — Declines 

Delegate  to  Cincinnati  Convention — Nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  Speech 
— At  Home — Wrhat  the  Democratic  Organization  pledged  itself  to  in  1856 — Elected 
Vice-President — Takes  his  Seat  in  the  Senate-Chamber — Address  at  Florence,  Ken- 
tucky— The  Extravagance  of  the  Republicans — The  Slavery  Question  und  the  old 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

Whig  Party— Sympathy  for  Douglas  in  the  great  Illinois  Contest  with  the  Repub- 
licans—Speech  on  the  Removal  of  the  Senate  into  the  New  Chamber— Elected  United 
States  Senator  to  succeed  John  J.  Crittenden  in  1862. 

ALBERT  G.  BROWN,  OF  MISSISSIPPI Page    78 

Birth  in  South  Carolina — His  Father  emigrates  into  the  Mississippi  Wilderness — His 
Youth  on  the  Farm — Education — Law  Studies — Admitted  to  the  Bar — Marriage — 
Mississippi  Politics,  and  the  Opposition  to  him — Great  Success,  notwithstanding  his 
Youth — Speaker  pro  tern. — Re-election — Famous  Report  against  the  Constitution- 
ality of  a  National  Bank — Manoeuvres  of  the  Bank  Party — Mr.  Brown  instructed  to 
favor  it  or  resign — Resigns,  addresses  the  People,  and  is  re-elected — Nominated 
for  Congress — Elected  after  an  Exciting  Canvass — In  the  House  of  Representatives — 
Severe  Review  of  the  Whigs  and  the  National  Bank — Retrenchment  vs.  National 
Honor — Military  Chieftains,  Jackson  and  Harrison — Tributes  to  Webster,  Clay,  and 
Calhoun — Retires  from  Congress — Elected  Circuit  Judge — Nominated  for  the  Gover- 
norship— Union  Bank  Bond  Controversy — Elected  over  Colonel  Williams  and  Mr. 
Clayton — Twice  Governor — His  Administration — Re-Election  to  Congress — The  Mexi- 
can War,  and  the  Cause  of  it — Texas  and  Taxes — Taxation  Logic  of  the  Opposition — 
Its  Effect  on  the  Poor  Man — Bounty-Land  Bill — Acquisition  of  Cuba  would  abolish 
the  Slave-Trade-in  the  United  States  Senate— Kansas— Lecompton— English  Bill— 
Against  "  Know-Nothingism" — On  the  Pacific  Railroad — Opposed  to  Territorial  Sove- 
reignty— Character — No  Aspirations — Re-Election  to  the  United  States  Senate. 

SIMON  CAMERON,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA M 90 

Every  Man  his  own  Father — Mr.  Cameron's  Birth  and  Parentage — His  Great-Grand- 
father— His  Father — Apprenticed  to  a  Printer — Exchange  Papers — Starts  for  South 
America,  but  getsEmploj'ment  in  Harrisburg — InDoylestown — Journeyman  Printer 
on  Gales  &  Seaton's  "  National  Intelligencer" — Returns  to  Harrisburg  and  joins  the 
"  Intelligencer''  there — Active  in  Democratic  Politics — In  the  Banking  Business — 
Probable  Conflict  between  Pennsylvania  and  the  Polk  Administration  on  the  Tariff 
— Election  of  United  States  Senator — George  W.  Woodward  nominated  by  the  Demo- 
cracy— Protectionists  interrogate  Cameron — His  Reply,  and  Election  to  the  Senate 
over  Woodward — In  the  Senate — Renominated  by  Whigs  and  Americans,  but  defeated 
by  Governor  Bigler — Re  elected  in  1&57  over  J.W.Forney — On  Finance  and  Printing 
Committees — His  Views — Extracts  from  Speeches — Reply  to  Senator  Sevier  on  Penn- 
sylvania Petitions— Pennsylvania  Laborers  and  Southern  Labor — Views  on  Slavery — 
Mexican  War — Wilmot  Proviso — Lecompton  Constitution — Scene  in  the  Senate  with 
Mr.  Green,  of  Missouri — General  Character,  and  Connection  with  Pennsylvania  Im- 
provements. 

SALMON  P.  CHASE,  OF  OHIO 102 

His  Birth — Death  of  his  Father — Taken  to  Ohio — Enters  Cincinnati  College — Returns 
to  his  Mother — Graduates  at  Dartmouth  College — Teaches  the  Classics  in  Washing, 
ton,  D.C.— Studies  Law  with  William  Wirt,  and  is  admitted  to  the  Bar— Returns  to 
Cincinnati— Collects  the  Statutes  of  Ohio— Business— United  States  Bank  Solicitoi — 
First  Appearance  against  Fugitive  Slave  Cases— Defence  of  Birnc.y— Further  Argu- 
ments—Unsettled  in  Politics — Supports  Harrison — The  Time  fcr  an  Anti-Slavery 
party — Anti-Slavery  Convention  and  "  Liberal  Party"  of  Ohio — National  Liberty 
Convention  at  Buffalo — Opposes  the  Nullification  of  the  Third  Clause  of  the  Consti- 
tution— Address  to  Repeal  Association  in  Ireland — Southern  and  Western  Liberty 
Convention  in  Cincinnati — Party  History  relative  to  Slavery — Overthrow  of  the 
Southern  Institution — Defence  of  Van  Zaudt — Argument  under  the  Ordinance  of 
1787 —Buffalo  Convention  of  1848,  and  Nomination  of  Martin  Van  Buren — Elected 
to  the  United  States  Senate — Against  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850 — Contro- 
versy between  Freedom  and  Slavery — Where  is  Jefferson's  Monument  ? — Denies 
Wrboter's  Views  on  the  Formation  of  New  States  from  Toxas — Slave-Trade  between 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

the  States — Amendments  to  Compromise  Measures — Opposed  to  the  Nebraska-Kansas 
Bill,  and  Failure  of  his  Amendments  to  it — Elected  Governor  of  Ohio — His  Inaugural 
—Re-elected— Named  for  the  Presidency— Address  at  Saudusky— On  the  Speech  of 
A.  H.  Stephens — Homestead  Bill — Reply  to  Governor  Wise  touching  the  Pursuit  of 
Invaders  of  Virginia. 

HOWELL  COBB,  OF  GEORGIA Page  114 

His  Birth,  Parentage,  and  Education— At  the  Bar— Solicitor-General  of  the  Western 
District  of  Georgia — Georgia  Bar  in  those  Days — Sides  with  Jackson  against  Nulli- 
fication— Elected  to  Congress — Re-elected — Supplies  Drurngoole's  place  as  Parlia- 
mentary Leader  of  the  Democracy — Vinton,  Stephens,  Schenck,  and  Hudson,  Whig 
Leaders — Speech  against  the  Reception  of  Petitions — Southern  Whigs  responsible 
for  the  Growth  of  Northern  Abolition— Free  Trade— Texas  Annexation— Speech  on 
the  Mexican  War — Vindicates  Jefferson's  Doctrines  against  the  Federalists — Meeting 
of  Southern  Members,  and  Issue  of  an  Address— Mr.  Cobb  does  not  sign  it— Issues 
a  Counter- Ad  dress,  with  Messrs.  Lumpkin,  of  Georgia,  and  Boyd  and  Clarke,  of 
Kentucky — Why  he  did  not  Sign  the  Calhoun  Address — Tribute  to  the  Northern 
Democracy — General  Taylor  elected — Cobb  in  the  Opposition — Thirty-First  Congress 
—State  of  Parties  in  the  House— Exciting  Election  of  Speaker— The  Candidates- 
Combinations— Discoveries  of  Correspondence  between  Mr.  Brown,  of  Indiana,  and 
Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania — Election  of  Mr.  Cobb,  by  Plurality  Rule,  over  Mr. 
Winthrop — Duties  as  Speaker — Longest  Congressional  Session — His  Labors  in  favor 
of  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850 — Elected  Governor  of  Georgia — Returns  to  his 
Profession — Supports  General  Pierce — Re-elected  to  Congress — Endorses  Mr.  Bucha- 
nan— Great  Speech  at  West  Chester,  Pennsylvania — "  Southern  Doctrine"  and 
"  Squatter  Sovereignty" — The  People  of  a  Territory  decide  the  Slavery  Question  for 
themselves— In  the  Buchanan  Cabinet— On  the  Slave-Trade— Lafitte  &  Co.,  of 
Charleston,  and  the  Ship  "  Richard  Cobden" — Heads  of  the  Treasury  Department — 
Secretary  Cobb's  Visit  to  New  York. 

JOHN  J.  CRITTENDEN,  OF  KENTUCKY 128 

Episode  in  the  Lecompton  Debate — Appearance  of  Senator  Crittenden — Interest  felt  in 
him — Reply  to  Senator  Green,  of  Missouri — The  School  in  which  he  studied — The 
Oldest  Senator  in  the  Chamber— His  Contemporaries— His  Birth  and  Youth— Prac- 
tises Law  in  Russellville — Volunteers  for  the  War  of  1812 — Actively  participates  in 
the  Movements  on  the  Wabash  and  Northwestern  Frontier — Aide-de-Camp  to  Gover- 
nor Shelby  at  the  Battle  of  the  Thames — Mentioned  by  General  Harrison — Returns 
to  his  Profession — In  the  State  Legislature — Speaker — Elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate — Moves  the  Reimbursement  of  Fines  under  the  Sedition  Law — Other  Measures 
— Moves  to  Frankfort,  and  practises  Law  from  1819  to  1835 — Nominated  by  President 
Quincy  Adams  to  the  United  States  Supreme  Court— Rejected  by  Senate— Re-elected 
to  United  States  Senate — Opposes  Calhoun  and  the  Remission  of  the  Jackson  Fine — 
Aliens  and  the  Public  Lands — Resigns  the  Senatorship  to  enter  the  Cabinet  of  Pre- 
sident Harrison— Resigns  on  the  Death  of  the  President— Re-elected  to  fill  Clay'fj 
Unexpired  Term — Continued  in  the  United  States  Senate — Views  on  the  Oregon, 
Texas,  and  Mexican- War  Questions — Relief  for  the  Irish  Famine — Congratulates  the 
French  Republic — Yucatan — In  Fillmore's  Cabinet — Again  in  the  United  States 
Senate — Opposes  the  Lecompton  Constitution  as  a  Southern-Rights  Man — Scene  in 
the  Senate — Reply  to  Senator  Toombs — "Crittenden-Moutgomery  Bill"  compared 
with  the  Senate  Bill— Action  on  the  Measures— Passage  of  the  "  English  Bill"— 
Desires  to  increase  the  Duties  of  the  Tariff  of  1857— On  the  Minnesota  Senatorship— 
British  Aggressions,  and  General  William  Walker's  Arrest  by  Commodore  Paulding 
— General  Review  of  Senator  Crittendeu's  Opinions — French  Spoliations — SlidelPs 
Cuba  Bill — Railroad  Improvements — Speech  on  the  Removal  of  the  Senate  to  the 
New  Chamber — Union  Speech  at  Chicago — Presides  at  the  Formation  of  the  new 
Union  Party— Reasons  for  it. 


CONTENTS.  IX 

CALEB  GUSHING,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS Page  143 

Mr.  Cushing  as  a  Scholar,  Statesman,  &c. — His  Industry  and  Versatility — Education 
at  Harvard— Tutor  of  Mathematics  at  Nineteen— Studies  Law  and  Marries— The 
Essex  Bar  and  Choate — In  the  Massachusetts  Legislature — Goes  to  Europe— He  and 
his  Wife  write  Books — Contributes  to  the  "  North  American  Beview" — Death  of 
Mrs.  Cushing— In  the  Legislature— In  Congress— Cushing's  Reply  to  Mr.  Hardin, 
of  Kentucky — Defends  Massachusetts — Debate  on  the  Arkansas  Bill  with  Henry  A. 
Wise— Cushing's  Speech— Oregon  Difficulty— Elaborate  Argument  on  the  United 
States  Eights  as  a  Discoverer— Adheres  to  John  Tyler,  and  Defends  him  in  the 
"National  Intelligencer'' — Confronts  Clay's  Policy — Nominated  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury— Rejected— Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  China— Vessel  burned  at  Gibraltar 
— Proceeds  to  China  by  way  of  Egypt  and  India — Makes  a  Treaty,  and  returns 
Home  through  Mexico— Explores  the  Northwestern  Territories— Again  elected  to 
Massachusetts  Legislature — Raises  a  Regiment  for  the  Mexican  War — Brigadier 
General — Nominated  for  Governor  by  the  Democracy — Defeated — Mayor  of  New- 
buryport,  &c. — Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts — Attorney-General  in 
the  Pierce  Cabinet— Action  in  the  Enlistment  Difficulty  with  Great  Britain— Again 
in  the  Legislature— Speeches  on  Naturalization— On  Harper's  Ferry  Affair— Brings 
the  Case  home  to  the  North — As  a  Writer  in  Periodicals. 

GEORGE  M.  DALLAS,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 156 

His  Father  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  War  of  the  Federal  Republic— His  Relation- 
ship to  Lord  Byron — Born  in  Philadelphia — Education — Studies  Law — Volunteers 
for  the  War  of  1812— Accompanies  Albert  Gallatin,  as  Secretary,  to  St.  Petersburg- 
Sent  to  London  with  Despatches  by  J.  Q.  Adams,  United  States  Minister  to  Russia- 
Ghent — Travels  in  Europe — Bears  Confidential  Despatches  to  President  Madison — 
Bhidensburg  and  Washington — Dismay  and  Pillage — The  President  and  the  De- 
spatches— Receives  an  Office  in  the  Treasury — Returns  to  Philadelphia  and  the  Law 
— Taste  for  Politics — First  Speech  and  its  Results — First  Solicitor  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States— Deputy  Attorney-General  of  Philadelphia— Chosen  by  Governor  Find- 
lay  to  defend  him — Proposes  Calhoun  for  the  Vice-Presidency — Exertions  in  Behalf 
of  Jackson— Mayor  of  Philadelphia— District  Attorney— Elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate — Webster  and  Clay — Introduces  the  Memorial  for  the  Renewal  of  the  Bank 
Charter,  but  will  not  advocate  it— Exertions  in  Behalf  of  his  Friend  Edward  Livings- 
ton—Tariff—Nullification—Relations with  General  Jackson— Retires  to  his  Profes- 
sion— Governor  Wolff  appoints  him  Attorney-General — President  Van  Buren  appoints 
him  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  St.  Petersburg — Returns,  and  declines  a  Cabinet 
Position — Elected  Vice-President — His  Influence  on  the  Texas,  Oregon-Boundary, 
and  Tariff  Questions— Imposing  Scene  on  the  Passage  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1846— His 
Firmness — The  Result — Directs  Attention  to  a  Tehuantepec  Transit — Polk  and 
Buchanan  on  that  Subject — Sympathy  with  Irish  Revolutionists  in  1848 — Succeeds 
Mr.  Buchanan  as  Minister  to  England — Complications — Dallas-Clarendon  Treaty — 
Resolutions  of  the  Philadelphia  Democracy  nominating  Mr.  Dallas  for  the  Presidency 
in  1855. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  OF  MISSISSIPPI 168 

Son  of  a  Revolutionary  Soldier — Birth  and  Education — Graduates  at  West  Point,  and 
serves  with  Distinction  in  the  Northwest — In  the  Black-Hawk  War — Affection  of 
Black  Hawk  for  him — In  the  Expeditions  against  the  Comanches,  Pawnees,  and 
Tribes  on  the  Western  Frontier— Becomes  a  Planter— Political  Studies— Elected  to 
Congress — Prominent  in  the  Debates  on  the  Tariff,  Oregon,  and  Military  Matters — 
Resigns  to  assume  Command  of  the  Mississippi  Rifles  in  Mexico — Gallant  Charge  on 
Fort  Teneria — Davis,  McClung,  Campbell,  and  the  Mississippians  and  Tennesseeans 
in  the  Storming  of  Monterey — Appointed  :i  Commissioner  to  arrange  Terms  of  Capi- 
tulation—At Buena  Vista— Wounded— His  Movement  there,  and  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell's at  Tnkermann — Sobriquet  of  "  Buen-v  Vista" — Return  Home — Elected  to  the 
I* 


X  CONTENTS. 

United  States  Senate — Prominent  Southern  States-Rights  Leader — On  Compromise 
Measures  and  Rights  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories — Territorial  Legislatures  should 
protect  all  Kinds  of  Property — Re-elected,  but  resigns  to  contest  the  Governorship 
with  Foote — His  Defeat  claimed  as  a  Victory — In  Retirement  until  1852— Advocates 
the  Claims  of  Pierce — Secretary  of  War  in  the  Pierce  Cabinet — Useful  Measures 
projected  by  him — Re-elected  to  the  United  States  i-  enate — Speeches  at  Yicksburg, 
Jackson,  Pass  Christian,  and  Mississippi  City — Compromise  Measures — "  Know- 
Nothingism"— Cuba,  General  Walker,  and  an  American  Policy— In  the  Thirty-Fifth 
Congress — Free  Trade,  Army  Increase,  and  Repeal  of  the  Fishing-Bounties — Ou  the 
Death  of  General  Pinckney  Henderson — Favors  Lecompton — Visit  to  the  North — His 
Reception  and  Speeches  in  Maine,  Massachusetts  and  New  York — Every  Community 
has  the  Right  to  choose  its  own  Institutions — On  the  Pacific  Railroad  and  French 
Spoliations — Letter  to  the  Webster  Festival  in  Boston — Speech  at  Jackson  City  on 
the  Contingency  for  a  Dissolution — On  the  Slave-Trade — Senator  Davis  in  the  Cham- 
ber—What Quincy  Adams  said  of  his  Debut. 

WILLIAM  L.  DAYTON,  OF  NEW  JERSEY Page  181 

His  Ancestors — Birth,  Education,  and  Study  for  the  Law — Peter  D.  Vroom,  a  Jacksou 
Democrat,  his  Pupil — Dayton  a  Whig — Democrats  decline  and  Whigs  rise — Dayton 
elected  to  the  Legislative  Council — Governor  Pennington — Reform  of  the  County 
Courts — Elected  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court — After  three  years,  returns  to  the 
Bar — Appointed  by  Governor  Pennington  to  fill  a  Vacancy  in  the  United  States 
Senate — Elected  by  the  Legislature — Nine  Years  in  the  Senate — Supports  the  Tariff 
of  1842  and  the  Ashburton  Treaty— On  Judiciary  Committee— Effect  of  Repudiation 
of  State  Debts  on  Federal  Credit — President  Tyler  fails  to  negotiate  a  Loan  in  Europe 
— Senator  Dayton's  Vindication  of  Federal  Credit — Condemns  the  President's  Propo- 
sition— Reduced  Postage  and  Free  Circulation  of  Documents  to  Editors — Opposed  in 
every  way  to  the  Instruction  of  Members  of  Congress  by  State  Legislatures — On  the 
Oregon-Boundary  Question — Protective  Tariff— Replies  to  Woodbury  and  Silas 
Wright — Opposed  to  Texas  Annexation  and  Secretary  Walker's  Non-Protective 
Tariff-of  1846— Against  the  Mexican  War,  but  votes  Supplies— Favors  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  but  disclaims  Invasion  of  Southern  Rights — Reply  to  Webster  on  the  Mexi- 
can Treaty — On  the  Clayton  Compromise — Fraternity  between  North  and  South — 
Petitions  for  Dissolution — Grinnell  Expedition — First  Session  under  Taylor's  Admi- 
nistration— Clay  brings  in  the  Compromise  Resolutions — Admission  of  California — 
Fugitive  Slave  Law — Webster's  Amendment  not  taken  up — The  Constitution  and 
Slavery-Extension — New  Mexico  and  Utah — Nominated  for  Vice-President — Attor- 
ney-General of  New  Jersey — Declines  the  United  States  Senatorship — Fremont  and 
Fillmore  Parties  unite  in  New  Jersey — Dayton  aids  the  Combination. 

DANIEL  S.  DICKINSON,  OP  NEW  YORK , 200 

His  Birth  and  Parentage— His  Father  a  Jefferson  Democrat— Removes  to  the  Valley 
of  Chenango— The  Common  School  and  the  Farm— At  a  Trade— Chooses  the  Law  as 
a  Profession — Teaches  School — Admitted  to  the  Bar — Success — Removes  to  Bing- 
hamton — Politics  and  Law — In  the  State  Senate — New  York  Politics  of  the  Time — 
Bank  Laws — Erie  Railroad  and  Canal  Extension — Defeated  for  Lieutenant-Governor 
—Hard-Cider  Campaign  and  Whig  Success— Elected  in  1842— His  Duties  as  President 
of  the  State  Senate,  of  the  Court  of  Errors,  and  of  the  Canal  Board— Elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate — His  Career  during  Seven  Sessions — Anticipates  Cass's  Nichol- 
son Letter  and  Douglas's  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — Popular  Sovereignty — On  Mexico, 
Oregon,  California,  and  New  Mexico — Clayton's  Select  Committee — Dickinson's  Defi- 
nition of  their  Report — The  Debate  at  Daybreak — Further  Views  on  Slavery  and 
the  Question  of  Territorial  Government — Congress  has  no  Power  to  legislate  for  a 
Territory — Opposed  to  either  a  Northern  or  Southern  Sectional  Government — Excit- 
ing Discussion  on  Senator  Jeremiah  Clemens's  Resolution — Reply  to  Clemens's 
Attack  on  the  Northern  Democracy— Tribute  by  Jefferson  Davis— Influence  in  the 
Senate — Measures  advocated  by  him — Banquet  in  his  Honor  in  New  York — Web- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

ster's  Letter  on  his  Career  during  the  Compromise  Era— Letter  on  Webster— Vir- 
ginia Delegation  nominate  him  for  President  at  the  Baltimore  Convention — With- 
draws hia  Name— The  Reason— Refuses  the  Collectorship  of  New  York— Retirement. 

STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS,  OF  ILLINOIS Page  215 

Public  Interest  felt  in  Senator  Douglas's  Views— His  Life  an  Illustration  of  American 
Influences — His  Birth — An  Orphan  at  Two  Months  old — Education  at  a  Common 
School — Apprenticed  to  a  Cabinet-Maker — Bad  Health — Study — At  the  Law — Starts 
for  the  West — Stops  in  Winchester,  Illinois — Clerk  to  3>n  Auction — School-Teaching 
and  Law — Rapid  Rise  at  the  Bar — Attorney-General  of  Illinois — In  the  Legislature 
— Register  of  the  Land-Office — Quibbled  out  of  Congress — Advocacy  of  Van  Buren  in 
1840 — Secretary  of  his  State — Judge  of  the  Supreme  Coiirt — Election  to  Congress — 
Elevation  to  the  United  States  Senate — Oregou  Controversy — Texas — Mexican  War — 
Reasons  for  opposing  the  Mexican  and  Clayton-Bui wer  Treaties — English  Friendship 
for  America — Cuba — Action  on  the  English  Outrages  of  1858 — How  to  meet  them — 
Legislation  respecting  Territories — Opposes  the  Wilmot  Proviso— Desires  to  extend 
the  Line  of  36°  3')'  to  the  Pacific— The  Secret  History  of  the  Compromise  Measures 
of  1850 — Mr.  Clay  adopts  the  Bills  reported  by  Douglas — Change  made  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen — Action  of  Senators  Foote,  Jefferson  Davis,  and  Chase — Tho 
Powers  of  Territorial  Legislatures  on  Slavery — To  have  the  same  Authority  over 
Slavery  as  all  other  Questions  of  Internal  Policy — Action  of  the  Ultras  North  and 
South — City  Council  arid  Mobs  of  Chicago — Speech  to  them — Introduction  of  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill — Its  Fundamental  Principle — Great  Speech  in  the  Senate — Replies  to 
Seward,  Sumner,  and  Wade— More  Mobs  in  Chicago— The  Kansas  Bill  in  the  Bucha- 
nan Canvass — The  famous  Lecompton  Debate — Senator  Douglas  opposes  "  Lecomp- 
tonism" — Description  of  the  Senate  on  the  Occasion  of  his  Speech  against  it— The 
Illinois  Contest— Slave-Code  in  the  Territories— Letter  to  Colonel  Peyton— African, 
Slave-Trade — Continuous  Narrative  of  his  Course  on  the  Naturalization  Question 
since  1839— His  Arguments— Levin's  Proposition— Contested-Election  Case  of  Botts 
and  Jones,  of  Virginia — The  First  Speech  against  "  Know-Nothiugism" — The  Koszta 
Case  discussed  with  European  Statesmen — Recent  Declarations — Paper  in  "  Harper's 
Magazine"  on  "  The  Dividing  Line  between  Federal  and  Local  Authority" — Contro- 
versy with  Attorney-General  Black — His  Withdrawal  at  the  Cincinnati  Convention 
in  favor  of  Mr.  Buchanan — Letter  to  J.  B.  Dorr  on  the  Contingencies  which  may  be 
presented  by  the  Charleston  Platform — Resolution  for  the  Protection  of  States  and 
Territories  against  Invasion. 

EDWARD  EVERETT,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 240 

His  Birth,  Parentage,  and  Education — Latin  Tutor  at  Cambridge — Succeeds  Mr.  Buck- 
minster — "  Defence  of  Christianity,"  in  reply  to  "  The  Grounds  of  Christianity  Ex- 
amined"— Accepts  the  Eliot  Professorship  and  starts  for  Europe — Travels  in  England, 
France,  Holland.  Prussia,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Greece,  Hungary,  Austria,  &c. — Returns 
and  edits  the  "  North  American  Review" — Defends  America  against  the  Vilification 
of  English  Writers — Compliment  to  him  by  Thomas  Campbell  in  the  "  New  Monthly 
Magazine" — Judge  Story  on  his  Sermoiila- the  Capitol — Literature  and  Ancient  Art 
—The  Cause  of  the  Greeks— Speech  and  Welcome  to  La  Fayette  at  Cambridge- 
Elected  to  Congress — Service  on  Important  Committees — Opposes  Jackson's  Indian 
Policy — Madison  addresses  his  Paper  on  Nullification  to  him — French  Controversy 
of  1834 — Elected  Governor — Prosperity  of  the  State  under  his  Care — Defeated  by 
Judge  Morton — Travels  in  Europe — Appointed  to  succeed  Minister  Stevenson  at  the 
Court  of  St.  James— His  Fitness  for  the  Post— Difficulties  of  the  Position  at  the 
Period — Changes  of  Administration  here  and  there — Business  transacted  by  him — 
Effects  the  Release  of  American  Prisoners  in  Van  Diemen's  Land — Honors  conferred 
by  the  Universities  of  Dublin,  Cambridge,  and  Oxford — President  of  Harvard — Secre- 
tary of  State  in  Fillmore's  Cabinet — Splendid  Reply  to  France  and  England  on 
the  Proposition  to  make  a  Treaty  relating  to  Cuba— Argues  for  an  American  Policy 
for  America — In  the  United  States  Senate — Central-American  Affairs — Presents 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

Massachusetts  Memorial  signed  by  Three  Thousand  Clergymen  against  the  Kansas 
Bill— Leaves  the  Senate  through  111  Health— Tour  in  the  South— Eulogy  of  Webster 
— Lecture  on  Washington  and  Writings  in  behalf  of  the  Mount  Vernon  Fund — 
Large  Amount  produced  by  his  Patriotic  Exertions. 

MILLARD  FILLMORE,  OF  NEW  YORK Page  260 

His  Ancestry — Birth — At  the  Common  Schools — At  the  Clothing  and  Wool-Carding 
Business — At  the  Village  Library — Attracts  the  Attention  of  Judge  Wood — Advised 
to  study  Law — Judge  Wood  takes  him  into  his  Office  and  defrays  the  Expenses — At 
Law,  Literature,  and  Surveying — Teaches  School  to  defray  some  of  his  Expenses — 
Eemoves  to  Buffalo — Elected  to  the  Assembly — His  Business  Capacity — Imprison- 
ment for  Debt  repealed — Elected  to  Congress — Retires  to  the  Law — In  the  Twenty- 
Sixth  Congress — The  Broad-Seal  New  Jersey  Election  Case — Chairman  of  Ways  and 
Means — Brings  Order  out  of  Confusion — Retires — Defeated  for  the  Governorship  of 
New  York— Comptroller  of  the  State— Popular  Sentiment  in  Favor  of  General  Taylor 
— Selected  as  Whig  Candidate  over  Clay  and  Webster — Fillmore  for  Vice-President — 
Elected — As  .President  of  the  Senate — Death  of  Taylor — Fillmore  President — His  Cabi- 
net— Message  on  the  Texas  and  New-Mexico  Boundary  Dispute — Tariff  Question — 
Pacific  Railroad — Fugitive-Slave  Case — Recommends  an  Agricultural  Bureau — The 
North- American  Fisheries — Cuba — Reception  of  Kossuth — The  Compromise  Measures 
— Expiration  of  Presidential  Term — Tour  in  the  South — Reception  in  Europe — Con- 
ventions of  the  American  Order — Platform  on  which  Fillmore  was  nominated  for  the 
Presidency  over  George  Law. 

JOHN  C.  FREMONT,  OF  CALIFORNIA 273 

His  Birth  and  Parentage — .Designed  for  the  Church — Teaching  and  Surveying — Teacher 
of  Mathematics  in  the  Navy — Engineer  on  Railroads — Surveying  in  the  Mountains 
of  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee — Accompanies  Nicollet  to  the  Upper  Mis- 
sissippi—Appointed a  Lieutenant  in  the  Topographical  Engineers — Explores  the  River 
Des  Moines— Marries  Jessie  Benton— T.  II.  Benton  and  Fremont— First  Expedition 
to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  in  1842— Incidents— Kit  Carson's  Will  causes  a  Panic— At 
La  Platte— Saves  Kit  Carson's  Life— Plants  the  Stars  and  Stripes  on  Fremont's  Peak 
—Second  Expedition,  in  1843— Hardships  and  Sufferings— Results  of  the  Expedition 
— Brevetted  Captain — Third  Expedition,  in  1845 — Crosses  the  Great  Basin  and  reaches 
California — Secretary  Marcy's  Report  of  Fremont's  Movements  consequent  upon  the 
Difficulties  with  Mexico — Conquest  of  California — Insurrection — Fremont  surprises 
San  Luis  Obispo — Pico,  the  Insurgent  Leader,  condemned  to  Death — Spared  by  Fre- 
mont— Capitulation  of  Cowenga— Commodore  Stockton  appoints  Fremont  Governor 
—Difficulties  with  General  Kearney — Kearney  Governor — Reception  of  Fremont  in 
St.  Louis — Charleston  presents  him  with  a  Sword — Tried  at  Washington  on  Charges 
preferred  by  Kearney — Found  Guilty— Penalty  remitted— Resigns  his  Commission — 
Benton  and  Fremont  on  the  Slavery  Issue — Disastrous  Expedition  to  explore  a 
Route  by  the  Cochatopee  Pass— Purchase  of  the  Mariposas  Tract— Chosen  First 
United  States  Senator  from  California — In  Congress — The  Mariposas  Grant  in  the 
Courts — Offered  a  Million  for  his  Title — Reception  in  Europe — Survey  Expedition  in 
the  Winter  of  1853-64— Nominated  for  President  by  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion—The Platform  of  1856— Defeated— Horace  Greeley's  Account  of  Fremont  at 
Home. 

JAMES  GUTHRIE,  OF  KENTUCKY 290 

Birth  and  Parentage — Flat-Boating  to  New  Orleans — Studies  Law  with  Judge  Rowan 
—His  Manner  of  Study— Admitted  to  the  Bar— Removes  to  Louisville  in  1820— Suc- 
cess— Prosecuting  Attorney — Illustration  of  his  Firmness — Causes  of  his  Success  at 
the  Bar— Difficulty  with  Mr.  Hayes— Guthrie  severely  Wounded— Kentucky  Politics 
at  that  Period— "  Old  Court"  and  "New  Court"— Guthrie  a  Jackson  Democrat— In 
the  Legislature  and  State  Senate— President  of  the  Constitutional  Convention — Log- 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

Boiling  Feat  in  his  Elect  ion-Contest  with  Frank  Johnson — Guthrie  and  the  Bullies — 
Acts  as  a  Posse  Comitatus— Guthrie's  Advocacy  of  the  "Internal  Improvements  of 
Kentucky — Railroads  and  Financiering — Circumstances  attending  his  Appointment 
to  the  Treasury— In  President  Pierce's  Cabinet— The  Era  of  the  Galphin  and  Gard- 
ner Claims — Dismissal  of  Secret  Inspectors— Management  of  the  National  Finances 
— $40,000,000  Debts  paid,  and  $20,000,000  Balance  in  the  Treasury  when  his  Term 
expired — Reforms  perfected  in  the  Department — The  Secretary  and  Greene  C.  Bronson, 
Collector  of  New  York — The  Treasury  Bureaus,  and  their  Management — The  Sub- 
Treasury  Act — Reply  to  Remonstrances  against  it — Senate  Committee  on  Retrench- 
ment— The  Secretary's  Reply  to  Senator  Adams — Cushing's  Anecdote  of  Guthrie  in 
Cabinet  Meeting— No  Politician. 

JAMES  H.  HAMMOND,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA Page  304 

Birth  and  Parentage— Careful  Education— Admitted  to  the  Bar— Editor  of  the 
"  Southern  Times,"  Columbia — Ably  supports  the  Nullification  of  the  Tariff'  Policy 
of  1828— Retires  to  a  Plantation  on  the  Savannah— Elected  to  Congress— On  the 
Reception  of  Abolition  Petitions  by  Congress — Hammond's  Effective  Opposition — 111 
Health— Travels  in  Europe — Return — General  of  Brigade — Elected  Governor — Mes- 
sages— Famous  Letters  on  Domestic  Slavery,  in  reply  to  Thomas  Clarkson,  the  Eng- 
lish Philanthropist — Letters  of  Dr.  England,  Bishop  of  Charleston,  to  Hon.  John 
Forsyth,  on  Catholic  Theology  and  Slavery — Hammond's  Positions  to  Clarkson — 
Armies  and  Free  Labor  in  Europe — Harriet  Martineau's  Scandalous  Stories — Slave- 
holders not  Irresponsible  or  Cruel — Their  Interest  to  treat  Slaves  well — How  "  Fel- 
low-Citizens" are  treated  in  England — Extracts  from  the  Parliamentary  Commis- 
sioners' Report — State  of  Men,  Women,  and  Infants  in  the  Mines  and  Factories  of 
England — Governor  Hammond  retires — Address — Oration  on  Calhoun — Elected  to 
the  United  States  Senate  in  1857— Speech  in  the  "  Lecompton"  Debate  of  1858— Sup- 
ports that  Instrument — Reply  to  Senators  Douglas  and  Seward — King  Cotton — 
Northern  Slaves  and  Southern  Slaves — On  the  Death  of  Senator  Evans — On  the  Bri- 
tish Aggression^^-No  Alarmist— Speech  at  Barnwell  Court-House — Full  Views  on 
Kansas  Questions — The  South  should  have  kicked  Lecompton  out  of  Congress — 
Change  of  Views  touching  Disunion  and  the  Slave-Trade — On  South  Carolina  and 
Massachusetts — Mitchel  on  Hammond. 

SAM  HOUSTON,  OF  TEXAS 318 

His  Ancestry — Early  Orphanage — Thirst  for  Knowledge — Life  among  the  Indians — 
Becomes  a  School  blaster — Enlists  in  the  United  States  Army — Battle  of  the  Horse- 
ghoe — Skiff- Voyage  down  the  Cumberland — Resigns  his  Lieutenancy — Studies  Law, 
and  is  admitted  to  the  Bar— Elected  Major -General— Sent  to  Congress— Chosen  Gover- 
nor of  Tennessee — Resigns  his  Office,  and  again  takes  up  his  Abode  with  the  Indians 
— Goes  to  Washington  to  investigate  the  Conduct  of  Indian  Agents — Triumphs  over 
his  Opponents — Is  elected  to  the  Convention  of  San  Felipe  de  Austin — Commence- 
ment of  the  Texan  Revolution — Houston  elected  Cotnmancler-in-Chief  of  the  Texan 
Army— Difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend— He  is  elected  President  of  the 
New  Republic — Extract  from  his  Inaugural  Address— Chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States— His  Congressional  Policy— Recommended,  in  1854,  as  a  Candidate  for 
the  Presidency— His  Proposition  for  the  Establishment  of  a  United  States  Protector- 
ate over  Mexico  and  the  Central- American  States — Response  to  Senator  Iverson,  of 
Georgia — Returns  to  Texas,  and  becomes  a  Candidate  for  the  Governorship — Is  tri- 
umphantly elected — Benton's  Opinion  of  Houston. 

R.  M.  T.  HUNTER,  OF  VIRGINIA 329 

Mr.  Hunter's  Early  Political  Course— Elected  to  the  Virginia  Legislature— Votes  for 
Judge  White  for  the  Presidency — Elected  to  the  National  House  of  Representatives 
by  the  States-Rights  Whigs — Extract  from  a  Speech  on  the  Causes  of  Financial  Dis- 
tress— Attributes  it  to  the  Banking-System — Introduces  a  Bill  to  relieve  the  Country 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

—His  Political  Position  under  the  Administration  of  Van  Buren— Elected  Speaker 
of  the  Twenty-Sixth  Congress — The  Whips  in  Congress  repeal  the  Independent  Trea- 
sury Act — Mr.  Hunter's  Speech  against  the  Loan  Bill — Denounces  the  National  Bank 
Project  and  the  Distribution  Bill— Defends  the  Veto  of  the  Temporary  Tariff  Bill, 
and  opposes  the  Tariff  Bill  of  1842— Is  defeated  at  the  Election  for  Member  of  the 
Twenty-Eighth  Congress — Re-elected  to  Congress  in  1845 — The  Oregon  Boundary 
Question — Mr.  Hunter  advocates  a  Compromise — Renewal  of  the  Slavery  Agitation 
— The  Wilmot  Proviso — Mr.  Hunter  is  chosen  a  Senator  of  the  United  States — Is 
placed  on  the  Committee  of  Finance — Opposes  the  Resolutions  offered  by  Senator 
Cass,  December  24,  1849,  to  suspend  Diplomatic  Relations  with  Austria— His  Ideas 
on  the  Territorial  Question — Chairman  of  Finance  Committee — Invitation  to  a  Pub- 
lic Dinner  in  New  York  City— Re-elected  to  the  Senate— Opposes  the  Bill  for  the 
Protection  of  the  Emigrant-Route  and  Establishment  of  Telegraph-Line  and  Mail- 
Route  between  California  and  Oregon — His  Views  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — 
Speech  against  "Know-Nothingism" — Advocates  the  Admission  of  Kansas  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution — His  Argument  on  the  Subject  of  Tariff-Revision — Elected 
to  the  Senate  for  the  Third  Time — His  Literary  Powers — His  Personal  Appearance. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON,  OF  TENNESSEE Page  347 

Brrth  and  Parentage — Is  left  an  Orphan  at  the  Age  of  Five  Years — Apprenticed  to  a 
Tailor  in  Raleigh — His  Adventures  at  Lawrence  Court-House — Goes  to  Greenville, 
Tennessee — His  Marriage — Receives  the  Rudiments  of  Education  from  his  Wife — 
Becomes  the  Mouthpiece  of  the  Working-Classes  of  Greenville — Is  elected  to  the 
Office  of  Alderman — Chosen  a  Member  of  the  State  Legislature — Canvasses  East 
Tennessee  for  the  Democrats  in  the  Presidential  Campaign  of  1S40 — Elected  to  the 
State  Senate — Nominated  and  elected  Representative  to  Congress — Opposes  the 
Tariff  of  1842 — Advocates  the  Annexation  of  Texas — Defence  of  General  Jackson's 
Character — Reply  to  Mr.  Clingniau's  Assertion  that  the  Foreign  Catholics,  as  a 
Body,  supported  the  Democratic  Candidates  in  the  Presidential  Contest  of  1844— 
Texas  and  the  Cotton-Culture — His  Course  in  the  Twenty-Ninth  Congress — On  the 
Oregon  Question,  he  sustains  President  Folk's  Adjustment— Denounces  the  Tax  on 
Tea  and  Coffee — Introduces  a  Bill  taxing  Capital — Re-elected  to  Congress  in  1847 — 
Argument  in  favor  of  the  Veto  Power — Defends  the  Mexican-War  Policy — Elected 
Governor  of  Tennessee  in  1853,  and  again  in  1855— Chosen  United  States  Senator- 
Speech  at  Murfreesborough  against  "Know-Nothingism" — Denunciation  of  Proscrip- 
tion for  Religious  Opinions— His  Course  in  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress— Introduces  a 
Resolution  of  Scrutiny  into  the  Expenses  of  the  Government— Opposes  the  Pacific 
Railroad  Measure — His  Position  on  the  Slavery  Question — Speech  on  the  Harper's 
Ferry  Resolution  of  Senator  Mason — Mr.  Johnson's  Character,  as  succinctly  sketched 
by  an  Intimate  Friend. 

JOSEPH  LANE,  OF  OREGON 357 

Lessons  of  Childhood — Goes  to  Warwick  County,  Indiana,  at  the  Age  of  Fifteen — Mar- 
ries in  1820,  and  settles  in  Vanderburg  County— Elected,  in  1822,  to  the  Indiana 
Legislature— His  Popularity  and  Hospitality  at  Home— Public  Service— Character 
as  a  Legislator — Opposes  Repudiation — An  Instance  of  his  Sense  of  Justice — Opinion 
of  Mr.  Yulee — Supports  Jackson,  Van  Buren,  and  Polk — Resigns  his  Seat  in  the 
Legislature  at  the  Commencement  of  the  Mexican  War.  and  enters  Caytain  Walker's 
Company — Chosen  Colonel  by  the  Men — Receives  a  Commission  as  Brigadier-General 
— Is  impatient  of  the  Delay  at  the  Brazos,  and  demands  a  Share  in  Active  Military 
Service,  but  is  compelled  to  remain  on  the  RioGrande  for  Several  Months — Is  ordered 
at  length  to  Saltillo— His  Vigilance  as  a  Commander— Ordered  to  join  General  Taylor 
— Battle  of  Buena  Vista — His  Phalanx  repels  the  Mexican  Charge — Further  Service 
on  the  Field — Major-General  Wool's  Testimony  to  his  Gallantry  arid  Ability — Return 
to  the  United  States— Is  transferred  to  Scott's  Line— Sets  out  for  the  City  of  Mexico 
— Capture  of  Huamantla — Arrival  at  Puebla — Raising  of  the  Siege — Pursuit  of  Rea — 


CONTENTS.  XV 

Fight  at  Atlixco— Battle  of  Tlascala— Surp rise  of  Matamoras— Reports  himself  to  the 
Commanding  General  at  Mexico— Expedition  against  Zenobia— Marches  into  Orizaba 
—Takes  Cordova— Defeats  Colonel  Falcon— Pursuit  of  Jarauta— Battle  of  Tehualta- 
plan — Returns  to  Indiana  at  the  Close  of  the  War — Appointed  Governor  of  Oregon — 
Parts  with  his  Guide,  and  pilots  his  Party  to  Santa  Cruz— Arrival  in  Oregon  City- 
Chastises  the  Indians,  and  secures  a  Lasting  Peace  with  them — Is  elected  Delegate 
from  Oregon  Territory  to  Congress — His  Course  as  Delegate — Enunciation  of  his 
Principles— Oregon  admitted  as  a  State— He  is  named  for  the  Presidency  by  the  In- 
dianapolis Convention  lor  re  vising  the  State  Constitution — Governor  Wright's  Review 
of  Lane's  Career— Extract  from  a  Communication  by  John  Dowling,  Esq. 

JOHN  McLEAN,  OF  OHIO Page  373 

Parentage— Removal  of  the  Family  from  New  Jersey  to  the  West— Limited  Resources 
of  the  Family — Early  Education — His  Independent  Spirit — Obtains  Employment  in 
the  Clerk's  Office  of  Hamilton  County— Studies  Law  under  Arthur  St.  Clair— Mar- 
riage— Is  admitted  to  the  Bar  and  commences  Practice  at  Lebanon,  Warren  County 
— Is  elected,  in  1812,  to  Congress  from  Cincinnati — Identification  with  the  Demo- 
cratic Party— Jlis  Impartiality  and  Integrity  as  a  Legislator— Measures  originated 
and  supported  by  him  during  the  Session  at  which  he  entered  Congress— Re-elected, 
in  1814,  by  a  Unanimous  Vote— Is  placed  on  the  Committees  of  Foreign  Relations 
and  Public  Lands — In  1816.  is  elected  to  the  Supreme  Bench  of  Ohio,  and  resigns  his 
Seat  in  Congress— Appointed  Commissioner  of  the  Land-Office  by  President  Monroe 
— In  1823,  is  made  Postmaster-General — His  Success  in  performing  the  Duties  of 
the  Office— His  Salary  raised  from  Four  to  Six  Thousand  Dollars— Remarks  of  Ran- 
dolph and  C.J.Ingersoll— Appointed  by  President  Jackson  to  a  Seat  on  the  Supreme 
Bench  of  the  United  States — Account  of  the  Circumstances  leading  to  his  Appoint- 
ment—Senator Benjamin's  Estimate  of  the  Character  of  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court — Decision  of  Judge  McLean  in  regard  to  aiding  Combinations  of  our  Citizens 
against  Friendly  Powers— Death  of  his  Wife  in  1840— Marries  again  in  1843— Opinion 
on  the  Question  as  to  the  Abolition  of  Slavery— His  Doctrine  regarding  the  Jurisdic- 
tion of  Congress  over  the  Territories — The  Dred  Scott  Case — Judge  McLean's  Dissent 
from  the  Decision  of  the  Court  as  given  by  Chief-Justice  Taney— Extract  from  his 
Argument  in  the  Case — Degrees  conferred  on  him  by  various  Universities  and  Colle- 
giate Institutions. 

JAMES  L.  OUR,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA 383 

Birth  and  Ancestry— Education— Studies  Law— His  Diligence  and  Proficiency— Is 
admitted  to  the  Bar— Establishes  the  "Anderson  Gazette"— Elected  to  the  State 
Legislature— Advocacy  of  Popular  Rights— In  1848,  elected  to  the  National  House 
of  Representatives — Denounces  the  Agitation  of  the  Slavery  Question — Opposes  the 
Compromise  Measures  of  1850 — Secession  Party  in  South  Carolina — Mr.  Orr  arrays 
himself  against  it— Attends,  as  Delegate  from  Anderson,  the  Convention  of  tho 
Southern-Rights  Association — His  Speech  published  by  Committee  of  the  Co-Opera- 
tion  Party— Is  elected  to  Congress  over  the  Secession  Candidate— Services  on  the 
House  Committee  on  Public  Lands — Supports  the  Action  of  the  Baltimore  Demo- 
cratic Convention— Chairman  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  upon  the  Civil  and  Diplo- 
matic Appropriation  Bill— Bill  to  domesticate  the  Semi-Civilized  Indians— Addresses 
the  Democracy  in  Philadelphia  in  1854— The  "  Know-Nothings''— Mr.  Orr's  Views  on 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill— Squatter  Sovereignty— Opposes  the  French  Spoliation 
Claims— Is  a  Candidate  for  the  Speakership— Letter  to  Hon.  C.  W.  Dudloy— Appeal 
to  South  Carolina  to  send  Delegates  to  the  Democratic  National  Convention — Nomi- 
nated for  Speaker  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  and  elected— Responsibility  of  tho 
Speaker's  Position— Closing  Scenes  of  the  First  Session  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congro.«a 
— Retires  from  Public  Life — Speech  at  Craytonville — Opposes  the  Reopening  of  the 
Slave-Trade— His  Character  as  a  Lawyer— Orations  and  Addresses. 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

JOHN  M.  BEAD,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA Page  397 

Revolutionary  Ancestry— His  Grandfather,  George  Read— Lieutenant  Bedford— Ilia 
Father,  John  Read— Family  Connections  of  his  Mother— Public  Offices  filled  1-y  his 
Father — Education  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania— Admitted  to  the  Bar — Ap- 
pointed Solicitor  for  the  Philadelphia  Bank— Increasing  Business  and  Responsibi- 
lities— Diligence  and  Ability— Elected  to  the  Pennsylvania  House  of  Representatives 
— His  Colleagues  during  the  Succeeding  Term — Declines  further  Service  in  the  Legis- 
lature— Is  appointed  City  Solicitor — Elected  a  Member  of  the  City  Select  Council — 
His  Labors  in  that  Body— Appointed  United  States  District  Attorney  for  the  Eastern 
District  of  Pennsylvania — Judge-Advocate  in  the  Court-Martial  for  the  Trial  of 
Commodore  Elliott — Nominated  to  the  Senate  as  a  Judge  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court — His  Nominal  ion  not  confirmed  by  the  Senate — Appointed  Attorney- 
General  of  Pennsylvania — Resigns  after  holding  the  Office  Six  Mouths — Diligent 
Study  of  the  Law  during  his  Retirement  from  Public  Life — Speech  in  the  Case  of 
the  United  States  vs.  Ilanway— Attends,  in  1849,  the  Democratic  Convention  at 
Pittsburg — Advocates  the  Adoption  of  a  Resolution  against  extending  Slavery  into 
the  Territories — Speech  in  Favor  of  the  Admission  of  California  as  a  Free  State — Acts 
•with  the  Republicans  in  1856 — Elected  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania 
— Character  as  a  Judge — Summary  of  his  Political  Position. 
* 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWAKD,  OF  NEW  YORK 404 

Birth— Early  Education— Graduated  from  Union  College— Studies  Law,  and  is  admitted 
to  the  Bar  in  1822 — Removes  to  Auburn,  and  forms  a  Partnership  with  Judge  Miller 
—Early  Devotion  to  Politics— His  Labors  in  Behalf  of  the  Greeks  in  1827— Presides 
at  the  Utica  Convention  in  1828— Sympathies  with  the  Anti-Masonic  Party— Elected 
a  State  Senator — Measures  supported  by  him  while  in  the  Senate — Makes  a  Tour  in 
Europe — Nominated  for  Governor,  but  defeated — The  "Crime"  of  being  young — 
Elected  Governor  over  Marcyin  1838 — Re-elected  in  1840 — Character  of  his  Adminis- 
tration— Opposition  to  the  Increase  of  the  Slave-Power — Laws  on  the  Subject  passed 
during  his  Administration— Controversy  between  Governor  Seward  and  the  Governors 
of  Virginia  and  Georgia — He  is  sustained  by  the  Whig  Legislature,  but  denounced 
upon  the  Accession  of  the  Democrats  to  Power— Alexander  McLeod  arrested  by 
Authority  of  the  State  of  New  York — The  British  Minister  demands  his  Release — 
Governor  Seward  refuses  to  accede  to  the  Demand — Reforms  instituted  by  him — 
His  Independence  of  Judgment  in  the  Exercise  of  the  Appointing  and  the  Veto 
Powers — Resumes  the  Practice  of  the  Law  at  Auburn— Case  of  William  Freeman — 
Appears  as  Counsel  in  the  Van  ZandtCase — Counsel  for  the  Defence  in  a  Conspiracy 
Case  at  Detroit— His  Power  as  a  Political  Speaker— Speech  at  Utica  in  1844,  in  which 
he  condemns  the  Outrages  lately  committed  on  Foreigners  in  Philadelphia — Opposes 
the  Annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  "War — Sustains  President  Polk's  Admi- 
nistration on  the  Oregon  Question— Favors  the  Revision  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
State  of  New  York— In  1847,  delivers  an  Oration  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  O'Con- 
nell — Delivers,  in  1848,  a  Eulogy  on  John  Quincy  Adams  before  the  New  York  Legis- 
lature— Supports  General  Taylor  for  the  Presidency — Principles  enunciated  in  a 
Speech  at  Cleveland — Elected  United  States  Senator — Opposes  the  Walker  Amend- 
ment— Concurs  with  President  Taylor's  Policy — Opposes  the  Compromise  Measures — 
"The  Higher  Law" — His  Position  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery — Speech  on  the  Land- 
Distribution  Question — Advocates  the  Principle  of  the  Homestead  Bill — Offers  a 
Resolution  welcoming  Koseuth — Speeches  during  the  Thirty-Second  Congress— 
Views  on  the  Question  of  the  Acquisition  of  Cuba — Defeat  of  the  Whig  Paity  in  the 
Presidential  Election  of  1852— Measures  advocated  by  Mr.  Seward  in  the  Thirty- 
Third  Congress — Speeches  against  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — Defends  the  Right  of 
Petition— Eulogiums  upon  Clay  and  Webster— Oration  before  the  Literary  Societies 
of  Yale  College— Receives  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws— Argument  in  the  McCor- 
mick  Reaper  Case — His  Labors  during  the  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-Third  Con- 
gress—Opposes Senator  Toucey's  Bill  to  secure  the  more  effectual  Operation  of  the 


CONTENTS.  XV11 

Fugitive-Slave  Act— Re-elected  to  the  Senate— Manifestations  of  Joy  by  his  Friends- 
Speeches  in  1858  at  Albany,  Auburn,  and  Buffalo — Oration  at  Plymouth — Speeches 
on  the  Kansas  Difficulty  in  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress — Assault  by  Preston  S.  Brooks 
on  Senator  Sumner,  in  the  Senate-Chamber — Mr.  Seward  moves  the  Appointing  of  a 
Committee  of  Inquiry  into  the  Matter — Unfairness  in  selecting  the  Committee — The 
Presidential  Canvass  of  1856 — Speeches  at  Auburn  and  Detroit — Eulogium  on  John 
M.  Clayton— Claims  of  Revolutionary  Officers— Atlantic  Telegraph— Overland  Mail- 
Route  to  San  Francisco — Pacific  Railroad — Tariff  Revision — Importance  of  the  Iron 
Interest  of  the  United  States— He  reviews  the  Dred  Scott  Decision— His  Speeches 
in  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress — Debate  on  the  Lecompton  Constitution — Sketch  of 
Senator  Seward's  Speech  on  the  Subject— Appointed  on  the  Senate  Committee  of 
Conference— Dissents  from  the  English  Bill— Scene  in  the  Senate-Chamber  on  the 
Occasion  of  Seward's  Speech  on  the  Bill — Favors  the  Strengthening  of  the  Army  in 
Utah — Condemns  the  Aggressions  of  British  Cruisers  on  American  Vessels  in  .the 
Gulf — Eulogiums  on  Senators  Rusk,  Bell,  and  Henderson — Canvass  of  1858 — Ro- 
chester Speech— Speeches  in  the  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress— Seconds 
the  Recommendation  of  President  Buchanan  with  Regard  to  the  Tariff— Mr.  Seward's 
published  Speeches  and  Writings — His  Views  respecting  the  Presidency. 

HORATIO  SEYMOUR,  OF  NEW  YORK Page  428 

Birth  and  Ancestry — Commences  the  Practice  of  the  Law  in  Utica,  but  soon  aban 
dons  it — Chosen  Mayor  of  Utica — Elected  to  the  State  Legislature — His  Character 
as  a  Legislator  and  Debater — Rapidly  acquires  Influence  among  the  Democrats — 
Dissensions  in  the  Party — Michael  Hoffman,  the  Leader  of  the  Opposition  in  the 
Democratic  Party — Courtesy  and  Manliness  of  Mr.  Seymour — His  Ability  and  Tact 
— The  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Canals  on  that  Part  of  the  Governor's  Message 
referred  to  them — Extract  from  Judge  Hammond's  "  Political  History  of  New  York" 
on  the  Subject — Silas  Wright  elected  Governor — Mr.  Seymour  Speaker  of  the  Assem- 
bly—Election of  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  to  the  United  States  Senate— Mr.  Seymour's 
Appeal  to  the  Minority  in  the  Nominating  Caucus — Debate  with  John  Young,  the 
Whig  Leader — Extract  from  Mr.  Seymour's  Speech  on  this  Occasion — Judge  Ham- 
mond's Estimate  of  him  as  a  Legislator — The  Divisions  in  the  Democratic  Party  in 
New  York — Action  of  the  National  Convention  of  1848 — Mr.  Seymour  the  Consistent 
Advocate  of  Peace — Nominated  for  Governor — Union  of  the  Party — Seymour 
elected— Character  of  his  Administration — Reasons  for  the  Veto  of  the  Prohibitory 
Liquor  Law — His  Views  as  to  the  Proper  Mode  for  the  Suppression  of  Intemperance 
— Rejoicings  among  the  Democracy  on  account  of  the  Governor's  Decision — Is  re- 
nominated,  and  declines — Is  kept  in  Nomination  nevertheless — The  Republican 
Candidate  Successful — Extreme  Closeness  of  the  Contest — Expression  by  the  Demo- 
cracy of  Continued  Confidence  in  Mr.  Seymour  as  their  Leader — Evidences  of  his 
Popularity  in  the  Party  Conventions— His  Labors  for  the  Party  outside  of  New 
York  State — Mr.  Seymour  secures  the  Re-Nomination  of  Judge  Denio  in  the  State 
Convention  of  September,  1857 — Testimony  of  an  Admirer. 


JOHN  SLIDELL,  OF  LOUISIANA 439 

Birth— Embraces  the  Law  as  a  Profession— Goes  to  New  Orleans— Appointed  United 
States  District  Attorney  at  that  City— Elected  Representative  to  the  Twenty-Eighth 
Congress — Appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Mexico — Failure  of  the  Attempt 
to  avert  the  Impending  War — Is  tendered,  but  declines,  the  Mission  to  Central 
America — Appointed  Senator  from  Louisiana — Prominence  in  the  Senate — Falling- 
Off  in  the  Sugnr-Crop  of  Louisiana — Necessity  of  Introducing  New  Plants — Bill  to 
improve  the  Channel  of  the  Mississippi — The  President's  Reasons  for  vetoing  it — 
Debate  on  its  Reconsideration — Opinions  of  Various  Senators — Substance  of  Mr. 
Slidell's  Remarks — Passage  of  the  Bill — Views  on  the  Question  of  Reopening  the 
African  Slave-Trade — Introduces  a  Resolution  to  dispense  with  the  Squadron  off  the 
B  2* 


XV111  CONTENTS. 

Coast  of  Africa — Participation  in  the  Debate  on  the  Lecompton  Constitution — Review 
of  the  Neutrality  Laws— Slidell's  Construction  of  the  Act  of  1818— Citation  of  In- 
stances in  which  European  Powers  have  permitted  Armed  Intervention  by  thoir 
Citizens  in  the  Wars  of  Other  Nations— The  Policy  of  England  in  this  Regard—  lid 
condemns  Paulding,  but  is  also  severe  upon  Walker — His  Views  on  the  Cuban 
Question— The  Thirty-Million  Bill— Withdrawal  of  the  Measure— Slidell's  Efficiency 
as  a  Working  Member  of  Congress. 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS,  OF  GEORGIA Page  451 

Physical  and  Intellectual  Contrast — Birth  and  Ancestry — Loses  his  Mother  in  Infancy — 
An  Orphan  at  the  Age  of  Fourteen — Prepares  himself  for  College — Enters  the  Uni- 
versity of  Georgia — Becomes  a  School-Teacher — Relinquishes  this  Employment — 
Commences  the  Study  of  the  Law — Examined  by  Chief-Justice  Lumpkin,  and  ad- 
mUted  to  the  Bar — The  Pocket-Book — Success  in  Practice — Growing  Reputation — 
In  1836,  elected  to  the  State  Legislature — Advocacy  of  Internal  Improvements — 
Delegated  to  the  Commercial  Convention,  at  Charleston,  in  1S39 — Impression  pro- 
duced by  his  Speech — In  1842,  elected  to  the  State  Senate — In  1843,  nominated  and 
elected  Representative  to  Congress — His  Right  to  a  Seat  denied — The  House  decides 
in  his  Favor — Votes  for  the  Annexation  of  Texas — History  of  the  Resolution  guaran- 
teeing that  four  Future  Slave  States  shall  be  formed  from  Texas — Views  regarding  the 
Mexican  War — Course  on  the  Compromise  Measures.of  1850 — Advocates  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill — Speech  on  the  Question — Reiteration  of  his  Views  in  Subsequent 
Speeches — Combats  the  Know-Nothing  Organization — Letter  to  Hon.  T.  W.  Thomas 
against  the  Order — True  Americanism — Effect  of  this  Letter — Prominence  in  the 
Thirty-Fifth  Congress — Tribute  to  Senator  Butler — Position  on  the  Neutrality  Laws 
— The  Lecompton  Discussion — Mr.  Stephen's  Part  in  it — Speech  on  the  Admission 
of  Oregon  into  the  Union — Retires  from  Congressional  Service — Complimentary  Din- 
ner tendered  him — Address  by  Mr.  Stephens  reviewing  his  Political  Career — The 
Sound  Condition  of  the  Republic— Cuba— The  "  Higher  Law"— Mr.  Stephen's  Kind- 
ness of  Heart  and  Deeds  of  Practical  Benevolence — Sketch  by  John  Mitchel. 


HENRY  A.  WISE,  OF  VIRGINIA 473 

Birth  and  Ancestry — An  Orphan  at  the  Age  of  Seven — Placed  under  the  Care  of  his 
Aunts — Progress  at  School — Sent  to  Washington  College,  Pa. — Dr.  Andrew  Wylie — 
*  High  Game"— Graduates  in  1825— W.  H.  McGuffey— Studies  Law  at  Winchester- 
Marriage — Settles  in  Nashville,  Tennessee — Returns  to  Accomac — CasJ;s  his  First  Presi-" 
dential  Vote  in  Favor  of  General  Jackson — Opposes  the  Nullification  Principle — Elected 
to  Congress — Duel  with  Hon.  Richard  Coke,  his  Opponent  in  the  Canvass — Secession 
from  Jackson — Death  of  Judge  Bouldin,  the  Successor  of  John  Randolph  in  the  House 
—Wise  is  re-elected  in  1835  and  in  1837— The  Graves  and  Cilley  Duel— Origin  of  the 
Affair— Mr.  Wise's  Connection  with  it— His  Questions  on  the  Subject  addressed  to 
Henry  Clay — Nomination  of  Tyler  for  the  Vice-Presidency — Wise  opposes  the 
Schemes  of  the  Whig  Leaders— Death  of  President  Harrison— Re-elected  to  Congress 
in  1843— Appointed  Minister  to  Brazil— Returns  to  the  United  States  in  1847— Rise 
of  the  "  Know-Nothing''  Order  in  Virginia — Their  Committee  of  Correspondence  ad- 
dress Wise  as  a  Public  Man— Outline  of  his  Reply — Nominated  to  the  Governorship 
by  the  Democrats — Letter  from  Bishop  McGill,  of  Richmond — Opening  of  the  Cam- 
paign— He  is  charged  with  Inconsistency — His  Reply — Speech  at  Alexandria — Ex- 
tent of  his  Labors — Elected  Governor — Rejects,  emphatically,  an  Invitation  to  deliver 
a  Lecture  on  Slavery,  in  Boston— His  Position  on  the  Slavery  and  Territorial  Questions 
— Views  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill — On  the  Missouri  Compromise — Letter  to  Col. 
J.  W.  Forney  on  the  Lecomptou  Question — Publishes  a  Treatise  on  Territorial 
Government— Object  of  this  Production— Denial  of  the  Rumor  that  he  desired  the 
Post  of  United  States  Senator — The  Harper's  Ferry  Conspiracy — Promptitude  and 
Energy  of  Governor  Wise  on  the  Occasion — Remarks  of  a  Political  Admirer. 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

JOHN  E.  WOOL,  OF  NEW  YORK Page  493 

Birth — Patriotic  Services  of  his  Ancestors — A  Self-Mado  Man — Takes  Charge  of  n, 
Stationery-Store,  but  is  deprived  of  Employment  by  a  Fire — Enters  a  Law-Office — 
Obtains  an  Appointment  in  the  Army  as  a  Captain — His  Regiment  ordered  to  the 
Niagara  Frontier — Operations  of  General  Van  Rensselaer — Queenstown — Attack  by 
the  British — They  are  repulsed — Wool  volunteers  to  storm  the  Heights — His  Offer 
being  accepted,  he  succeeds  in  carrying  them — Complete  Rout  of  the  British  under 
General  Brock — Universal  Admiration  of  Wool's  Gallantry — Promoted  to  the  Rank 
of  Major — Further  Services  in  the  War  of  1812 — Appointed  Inspector-General  of 
the  Army — John  C  Calhoun's  Opinion  of  the  Value  of  his  Services — Reports  on 
Military  Matters— Sent  to  Europe  by  Government  to  inspect  the  Military  Systems 
on  the  Continent — Visits  France  and  Belgium — Cordial  Reception  on  the  Part  of 
those  Governments — Reports  on  the  Defences  of  the  Coast  and  the  Western  Frontier 
— Appointed  to  superintend  the  Removal  of  the  Indians  from  the  Cherokee  Country 
to  Arkansas — Reconnoissance  in  Maine  for  Defensive  Purposes — His  Services  in  the 
Mexican  War — General  Taylor's  Appreciation  of  them — Letter  from  General  Cushing 
— Opinion  of  Colonel  Curtis  and  of  General  Lane — Promoted  to  the  Rank  of  Brevet 
Major-General — Close  of  the  War — Returns  to  New  York — Public  Honors — Presen- 
tation of  a  Sword  by  the  Citizens  of  Troy — Marks  of  National  Gratitude — Appointed 
to  the  Command  of  the  Department  of  the  Pacific — Special  Duties  assigned  to  him 
in  this  Capacity — Operations  in  his  New  Sphere — Restoration  to  the  Command  of 
the  East — Returns  to  New  York. 


OUR 

LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE  MEN. 


NATHANIEL  P.  BANKS, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE  life  of  Mr.  Banks,  like  those  of  Patrick  Henry,  Andrew 
Jackson/1  Henry  Clay,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Henry  Wilson,  and 
others  who  have  risen  to  honorable  place  and  power,  in  the 
United  States,  from  the  forest,  the  plough,  and  the  workshop, 
affords  an  ennobling  illustration  of  the  character  of  the  institu- 
tions under  whose  sheltering  and  encouraging  bounty  the  people 
can  be  represented  from  their  own  ranks.  It  holds  out  bright 
inducements  to  every  youth  of  energy,  industry,  and  a  healthy 
ambition,  to  remember — how  humble  soever  his  origin  or  his 
means — that 

"  A  man's  a  man  for  a*  that," 

and  that  to  him,  as  a  man,  the  brightest  prospects  are  open,  and 
the  highest  offices  of  a  great  Republic  within  the  legitimate  scope 
of  his  intellect  and  ambition.  There  are  no  trammels  either  to 
the  one  or  to  the  other. 

From  the  number  of  books  published  of  a  personal,  sketchy, 
and  biographical  character,  it  would  seem  that  this  age  takes  a 
greater  interest  in  its  public  men  than  any  of  its  predecessors. 
It  would  seem  that  the  world  grows  fonder  of  its  offspring,  of 
every  class,  and  delights  to  parade  before  its  eyes  the  faces  and 
faculties,  the  lives  and  labors,  of  those  who  have  sprung  from  its 
necessities. 

B  2*  17 


18  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Yet,  although  Mr.  Banks  occupies  a  very  prominent  position 
in  the  politics  of  the  country,  the  curiosity  of  the  reading  world 
has  not  been  very  extensively  gratified  by  any  detailed,  or  even 
comparatively  full,  account  of  his  early  days.  We  have  little 
save  the  leading  fact  that  he  made  his  first  appearance  in  the 
humblest  path  of  life,  and  continued  in  its  trying  but  instructive 
course  for  years.  A  brief  sketch,  written  by  Mr.  Ben  Perley 
Poore,  gives  us  a  suggestive  view  of  his  youth,  and  supplies  in 
part  our  facts. 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks  was  born  in  Waltham,  a  town  of  Massa- 
chusetts, on  the  30th  of  January,  1816.  Waltham  was  the 
parent  of  Lowell  and  Manchester.  In  point  of  time,  it  was  the 
second  manufacturing  town  in  the  Union,  and  supplied  the  machi- 
nery and  laborers  for  the  now  more  famous  towns  just  mentioned. 
As  the  birthplace  of  Mr.  Banks,  however,  it  will  retain,  in  the 
eyes  of  Massachusetts,  and  perhaps  of  those  of  the  whole  Union, 
an  importance  which  to  the  vision  of  some  is  more  ennobling 
than  the  successes  of  the  loom  and  the  anvil,  the  spindle  and  tho 
steam-power.  Even  now,  on  the  margin  of  the  Charles  River, 
sentinelled  by  old-fashioned  machine-shops, — gossipers  of  the 
bygone  enterprise  from  which  sprung  Lowell, — a  dilapidated 
tenement  is  respectfully  pointed  out  as  the  house  in  which  tho 
subject  of  this  sketch  was  born.  That  fact  in  itself  is  fame.  The 
son  of  poor  operatives,  little  Banks  began  to  work  out  an  appa- 
rently dismal  destiny  of  poverty  and  hard  work  amidst  the  whirr 
of  the  loom  and  the  spindle,  the  clank  and  roar  of  engines,  and 
the  bustle  of  unresting  industry.  Gerald  Massey,  the  people's 
poet  of  England,  who  went  through  a  somewhat  similar  novitiate 
in  the  labor  of  life,  gives  a  disheartening  glimpse  of  child-expe- 
rience in  the  factories, — rising  at  early  dawn  and  toiling  till 
evening;  "seeing  the  sun  only  through  the  factory-windows; 
breathing  an  atmosphere  laden  with  rank,  oily  vapor,  his  ears 
deafened  by  the  roar  of  incessant  wheels ; — 

"  Still  all  day  the  iron  wheels  go  onward,  'i 

Grinding  life  down  from  its  mark, 

And  the  children's  souls,  which  God  is  calling  sunward, 
Spin  on  blindly  in  the  dark." 

The  children  of  the  poor,  when  they  are  of  an  age  "  to  do 
something  for  a  living,"  are  too  useful  to  be  allowed  to  attend 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  19 

school.  They  have  to  contribute  to  the  family  means.  Of  course 
the  boy  Nathaniel  had  scant  opportunities  for  education;  but 
what  he  snatched  was  deposited  in  a  fruitful  soil.  The  three 
months  which  poor  boys  in  his  condition  annually  devote  to  the 
common  schools  must  have  been  most  faithfully  enjoyed  and 
carefully  cherished.  There  are  those,  it  is  stated,  who  still 
remember  the  diligence  with  which  he  conned  his  tasks  at  spell- 
ing or  figuring,  and  the  heroic  and  characteristic  air  of  stoicism 
with  which  the  ragged,  bare-footed  little  fellow  maintained  his 
place  among  comrades  who  enjoyed  an  accidental  superiority  of 
fortune.  Notwithstanding,  however,  a  certain  natural  reserve, 
which  straitened  circumstances  and  peculiar  family  afflictions 
had  contributed  to  strengthen,  it  was  not  long  before  his  force  of 
character,  and  those  other  qualities  of  a  leader  to  which  he  is  in- 
debted for  the  success  of  his  manhood,  were  fully  recognised.  As 
he  grew  older,  the  increasing  strength  of  the  stripling  was  needed 
to  wholly  support  himself;  and  thus  ended  his  brief  career  as  a 
school-boy.  He  had  tasted  of  knowledge,  however,  and  he  hun- 
gered for  more.  The  appetite  had  to  be  appeased ;  and,  when  his 
body  was  tired  in  filling  out  the  factory-hours,  he  set  to  work  to 
satisfy  his  mind.  All  his  hours  "  not  occupied  in  the  factory  were 
devoted  to  the  grave  and  important  studies  of  history,  political 
economy,  and  the  science  of  government."  A  village  debating- 
society  was  the  field  on  which  he  mano3uvred  the  little  army  of 
facts  that  he  had  collected  in  his  brain,  capturing  others,  and 
using  them  in  turn.  Here  he  gained  a  knowledge  of  the  rules  of 
debate.  It  was,  so  to  speak,  the  parliamentary  class  in  which  he 
took  his  first  honors,  and  which  gave  him  that  first  insight  into 
the  modes  of  a  discussive  assembly  which  culminated  in  the 
Speaker's  seat  of  the  national  House  of  ^Representatives.  So 
desirous  was  he  of  participating  in  these  youthful  debates,  and 
so  sensible  was  he  of  the  benefit — in  discipline  as  well  as  incen- 
tive to  public  speech — to  be  derived  from  them,  that,  when  re- 
siding in  a  town  nine  miles  distant  from  the  place  of  meeting,  he 
used  to  walk  there  and  back,  rather  than  miss  an  evening  at  the 
society. 

Mr.  Banks's  first  public  position  was  as  editor  of  a  newspaper 
in  Waltham.  It  was  the  debating-society  on  a  more  extended 
scale.  The  excitement  pleased  and  the  influence  flattered  th« 


20  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

boy  who  had  made  himself.  He  continued  in  the  occupation, 
as  editor  of  a  journal  in  Lowell,  expanded  into  politics,  advo- 
cated the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party, — then  in  an  Oppo- 
sition minority  in  Massachusetts, — and  gained  the  good  opinion 
of  citizens  in  general  by  his  enthusiastic  labors  in  favor  of  popu- 
lar education,  temperance,  and  all  other  topics  upon  which  those 
who  differed  with  his  politics  could  heartily  agree  with  him.  He 
studied  law,  likewise,  but  did  not  practise  much. 

It  would  seem  that  his  success  was  not  commensurate  with  his 
zeal  and  industry.  For  six  years  he  was  a  candidate  for  a  seat 
in  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  and  was  defeated  every  succes- 
sive year.  Chagrined,  and  probably  disheartened,  he  looked 
abroad  for  a  more  suitable  field  for  his  future,  and  had  almost 
determined  to  seek  the  then  recently-acquired  El  Dorado  on  the 
Pacific.  He  wanted  an  arena  for  political  exertion ;  he  felt  that 
to  be  his  fo rtey  and  was  on  the  point  of  emigrating,  when,  by  one 
of  those  chances  which  often  make  or  unmake  a  whole  career,  he 
thought  that  something  was  due  to  those  friends  who  had  so  con- 
stantly supported  him,  and  who  still  desired  him  to  await  another 
trial.  He  received  renewed  courage  from  the  thought,  remained, 
and  was  elected  in  1848  to  represent  Waltham  in  the  Legislature. 
In  this  body  he  soon  signalized  himself  as  a  Democrat,  and,  on 
the  23d  of  February,  1849,  he  made  a  notable  speech  on  the  pre- 
sentation of  certain  resolutions  on  the  Slavery  question,  and  in 
reply  to  the  attacks  of  a  Free-Soil  member  upon  the  Democratic 
party.  This  was  the  first  speech  of  Mr.  Banks,  and  it  at  once  gave 
him  position.  Its  purport  was  to  show  that  the  Democratic  party, 
in  the  extension  of  territory,  was  not  influenced  by  any  desire  for 
the  extension  of  slavery.  The  time  and  the  topic  of  the  speech 
were  equally  auspicious  for  the  speaker,  and  especially  in  Massa- 
chusetts, so  far  as  publicity  was  concerned.  He  was  listened  to 
with  great  attention,  and  impressed  the  Democrats  so  strongly 
that  he  was  regarded  as  a  leader.  He  served  in  both  branches 
of  the  Legislature,  acted  some  time  as  Speaker,  and  took  an  active 
and  influential  part  in  the  public  business  generally,  serving 
on  the  very  important  committees  on  Railroads  and  Canals,  and 
on  Education.  Among  the  speeches  delivered  by  him  at  this 
period,  those  on  the  proposition  to  enact  a  plurality  law  with  re- 
ference to  the  election  of  members  of  Congress,  and  on  questions 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  21 

connected  with  the  railroad-interests  of  the  State,  are  especially 
referred  to  as  noteworthy. 

If  the  career  of  Mr.  Banks  had  been  to  some  extent  dis- 
heartening in  the  years  previous  to  his  entry  into  the  Legisla- 
ture, it  now  progressed  in  a  manner  eminently  gratifying  to  his 
most  attached  friends.  Honors  followed  quickly  on  the  recogni- 
tion of  his  talents  and  energy,  and  even  various  places  contended 
for  the  honor  of  being  represented  by  him  who  a  few  years  pre- 
vious had  suffered  such  persistent  discomfiture.  In  1850,  the 
Board  of  Education  appointed  him  Assistant  Agent,  thinking 
that  an  effective  means  of  procuring  certain  changes  in  the  laws 
covering  the  educational  system  of  the  State.  Mr.  Banks  de- 
livered many  addresses  on  the  subject,  and  resigned  in  Septem- 
ber of  the  same  year,  having  accepted  from  the  Legislature  a 
seat  on  the  State  Valuation  or  Census  Committee,  which  then 
commenced  its  sittings.  A  couple  of  months  afterward,  he 
was  simultaneously  elected  to  the  State  Senate  by  the  Demo- 
cracy of  Middlesex  county,  by  a  majority  of  two  thousand,  and 
to  the  House  by  his  old  friends  of  Waltham.  At  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Legislature,  he  decided  to  remain  in  the  latter,  and 
was  chosen  Speaker  by  a  large  majority  on  the  first  ballot. 
He  held  this  position  for  two  successive  sessions,  and  did  not 
derogate  from  the  dignity  of  a  seat  which  had  been  occupied 
from  time  to  time  by  some  of  the  most  distinguished  sons  of 
Massachusetts.  On  the  assembling  of  the  Convention,  in  1853, 
to  revise  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Banks  was 
chosen  President,  and  sustained  his  reputation  as  a  presiding 
officer. 

Having  thus  indelibly  stamped  his  name  on  the  records  of  his 
native  State,  Mr.  Banks  was  destined  to  extend  his  reputation 
and  political  importance.  He  had  previously  declined  a  nomina- 
tion to  Congress,  in  the  laudable  desire,  doubtless,  of  perfecting 
his  home  reputation  before  he  went  abroad,  but  acceded  to  the 
proposition  in  1852,  and  was  elected  to  the  national  House  of 
Representatives.  In  a  reply  to  a  member  from  Mississippi, 
during  the  excitement  at  the  commencement  of  the  Thirty- 
Fourth  Congress,  Mr.  Banks  avowed  that  he  was  returned  by  an 
affiliation  of  the  Democrats  and  "  Know-Nothings."  "  When  I 
was  elected  to  this  House,"  said  he,  "  as  a  member  from  the 


22  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

State  of  Massachusetts,  I  was  elected  on  the  nomination  of  the 
regular  Democratic  party,  and  of  the  American  party  of  the  dis- 
trict. The  American  party  was  very  largely  in  the  majority. 
I  avowed  my  sentiments  freely  and  fully."  He  soon,  however, 
transferred  to  the  newly-organized  Republican  party  whatever 
sympathies  he  had  had  with  the  Democratic,  and  has  been 
twice  re-elected  to  Congress,  serving  through  the  Thirty-Third, 
Thirty-Fourth,  and  a  portion  of  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
Fifth  Congresses. 

The  Congressional  career  of  Mr.  Banks  brought  him  into 
striking  prominence  before  the  whole  country.  It  is  not  remark- 
able for  the  number  of  his  speeches  so  much  as  for  their 
pith  and  point,  and  for  the  effect  they  produced  on  his  com- 
peers. 

He  forcibly  opposed  the  Nebraska-Kansas  Bill  and  its  non- 
intervention principles,  arguing  (May  18, 1854)  that  wherever  the 
Government  obtained  the  right  to  acquire  territory,  there  they 
got  the  right  to  control  it.  He  contended  that  the  then  Congress 
could  not  say  upon  what  terms  additional  territory  should  be 
acquired.  The  people  hereafter  would  determine  the  question 
for  themselves.  He  would  let  the  past  stand,  and  let  the  future, 
when  it  came,  be  decided  by  the  people  who  should  then  have 
the  power  and  control.  They  were  called  upon  to  repeal  the 
Missouri  Compromise  because  it  was  said  to  be  unjust  to  the 
South.  All  he  had  to  say  in  reply  was,  that  the  South  made  it; 
and  he  denied  that  it  was  unjust  or  unequal  as  regarded  the 
South.  Every  Southern  man  had  the  same  right  to  carry  his 
property  to  these  Territories  as  the  North  had.  But  then  Southern 
gentlemen  said  that  they  had  a  class  of  property  which  was  only 
made  so  by  local  or  municipal  laws,  and  that  they  were  prohibited 
from  taking  this  kind  of  property  to  these  Territories.  On  this 
he  would  only  say,  that  the  prohibition  was  their  own,  and  for 
this  prohibition  they  had  already  received  their  advantages. 
They  of  the  North  did  not  believe  it  was  the  right  of  the 
Southern  States,  under  the  Constitution,  to  carry  this  species  of 
property  to  these  Territories  unless  there  was  a  statute  there, 
either  of  Congress  or  of  the  people,  establishing  it.  He  was 
anxious  that  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  not  an  isolated 
Territory,  should  solve  this  problem ;  alluding  to  which;  and  his 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS. 


23 


own  political  course  and  that  of  his  State  thereon,  Mr.  Banks 
said, — 


"I  desire  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  reference  to  my  own  political 
course,  that  I  haVe  not  heretofore  advocated  this  policy  on  the  part  of 
Congress.  In  the  local  politics  of  my  own  State,  I  have  sustained  the 
policy  I  thought  best  adapted  to  promote  its  welfare.  In  national 
politics,  I  have  supported  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party.  I  advo- 
cated the  annexation  of  Texas  in  1844.  I  supported  the  doctrines  of 
the  'Nicholson'  letter  in  1848,  that  Congressional  legislation  was  un- 
necessary to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and 
California.  I  '  acquiesced'  in  the  adjustment  measures  of  1850.  But  I 
go  no  farther  in  that  direction.  I  will  stop  where  I  am.  I  will  begin 
no  new  crusade  until  I  know  where  it  is  to  end.  It  will  not  be  expected 
of  me  that  I  should  defend  every  legislative  act  of  my  native  State.  She 
needs  no  defence.  Massachusetts  is  a  progressive  and  just  Common- 
wealth. Whatever  has  been  wrong  in  her  policy  she  has  labored  to  re- 
form. And  whatever  remains  of  that  character  she  will  have  wisdom 
and  strength  to  remodel  and  change.  She  has  been  wise  and  patriotic 
in  her  day,  and  will,  I  trust,  still  retain  her  high  position  in  the  column 
of  free  States  as  time  advances." 

He  held  that  the  just  cause  of  complaint  was  with  her,  and 
not  with  the  States  that  condemn  her  course  on  the  Slavery 
question.  He  complained  that  Government  was  changed  from 
its  original  purposes,  not  merely  to  a  recognition,  but  to  a  propa- 
gandism,  of  slavery.  Every  question  of  finance,  trade,  foreign 
relations,  elections  of  officers,  or  the  enlargement  of  our  bounda- 
ries, had  been  seized  upon  to  strengthen  and  expand  an  institu- 
tion unacceptable,  if  not  oifensive,  to  a  vast  majority  of  the 
American  people. 

He  argued  to  prove  the  constitutionality  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820,  and  said  that  although  the  bill  before  the  House 
admitted  the  right  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves,  it  prac- 
tically denied  them  the  power  to  do  so. 

In  July  (17th)  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Banks  supported  an 
amendment  offered  by  Hon.  Mr.  Staunton,  of  Kentucky,  for  the 
repeal  of  all  laws  authorizing  the  appointment  of  military  officers 
to  superintend  operations  at  the  national  armories,  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  well-qualified  civilians  to  such  offices. 

The  armories  at  Springfield  and  Harper's  Ferry  were  established, 
upon  the  recommendation  of  General  Washington,  in  1794. 


24 


LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


The  only  officers  provided  for  by  the  Act  of  April  2  of  that 
year  were  a  superintendent  and  one  master  armorer  for  each 
establishment. 

Until  1841  the  superintendents  were  elected  from  among  citi- 
zens ;  and  the  change  was  then  made  by  Mr.  Bell,  at  that  time 
Secretary  of  War,  because  there  were  officers  of  the  army  who 
had  no  employment. 

Mr.  Banks  was  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  military  supervi- 
sion, because  the  armories  were  not  military,  but  mechanical, 
establishments.  He  did  not  see  any  more  connection  between 
the  manufacture  of  arms  and  the  military  departments  of  Govern- 
ment, than  between  the  manufacture  of  the  cloth  for  uniforms, 
or  of  the  paper  on  which  the  bulletins  were  printed,  and  the  same 
departments.  He  showed  that  the  Government  wanted  officers, 
and  they  were  not  wanted  at  the  armories.  In  reply  to  inquiries 
by  Hon.  L.  M.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  took  the  ground  that  the  substitution  of  military 
men  for  civilians  educated  to  the  business  was  not  economical, 
and  instanced  in  favor  of  his  position  the  course  pursued  by  Eng- 
land, showing  that  its  great  military  depots  and  magnificent  steam 
navy  were  not  the  creations  of  military  or  naval  officers,  but  of 
practical  artisans  and  ship-builders. 

Hon.  Win.  S.  Barry,  of  Mississippi,  seized  an  opportunity  on 
the  18th  of  December,  1854,  to  avow  his  opinions  relative  to  what, 
"in  common  parlance,  was  called  Know-Nothingism,"  then  re- 
cently sprung  into  existence.  He  had  some  difficulty  in  finding 
out  the  purposes  and  character  of  the  new  society.  It  was  not 
like  other  political  organizations  here,  avowing  principles,  and 
meeting  and  daring  the  responsibility  of  the  avowal;  and  if,  in 
attempting  to  find  out  the  purposes  of  the  Order,  Mr.  Barry  did 
it  injustice,  he  desired  to  be  corrected  by  any  members  holding 
the  new  faith.  He  was  willing  and  anxious  to  be  supplied  with 
the  information.  What  he  knew  of  it  led  him  to  condemn  it  as 
intolerant,  offensive,  and  tending  to  narrow  the  liberty  of  man. 

On  the  same  day,  Mr.  Banks  replied  to  the  gentleman  from 
Mississippi ;  and  his  speech  is  regarded  by  his  friends  as  one  of 
his  best  and  most  prominent  Congressional  efforts. 

Although  Mr.  Banks  was  not  altogether  prepared  to  partici- 
pate in  such  a  debate,  so  suddenly  called  up,  yet  he  did  not 


NATHANIEL  P.  BANKS.  25 

regret  its  introduction,  as  the  subject  embodied  the  great  ques- 
tions of  government,  touched  the  fundamental  rights  of  the 
people  of  this  Union,  and  went  to  the  heart  of  every  nationality 
on  the  face  of  the  earth.  He  started  by  taking  issue  with  Mr. 
Barry  on  the  proposition  that  a  man  in  the  United  States  was 
bound  to  promulgate  his  political  views.  The  Government 
springs  from  the  people,  is  republican  in  its  nature ;  and  Mr. 
Banks  held  that  no  man  who  discharges  his  duty  as  a  member 
of  the  social  compact,  and,  according  to  the  forms  of  law,  im- 
presses his  convictions  upon  the  political  institutions  under  which 
he  lives,  is  accountable  for  his  actions  or  opinions  to  any  other 
man.  He  is  not  even  accountable  to  the  Government.  He  is 
accountable  to  God  alone.  A  citizen  voting  for  President,  or  any 
officer  of  delegated  trust,  has  the  right  to  give  his  vote  in  pro- 
found secrecy. 

The  association  spoken  of,  he  said,  was  composed  of  people  of 
the  United  States.  It  was  popular  in  its  nature,  and  every  citi- 
zen had  a  right  to  join  what  society  he  pleased.  After  discussing 
the  right  of  secrecy,  though  he  would  not  say  he  approved  of  it, 
Mr.  Banks  said  he  had  no  objection  to  any  man  of  the  Catholic 
Church  or  faith  : — 

"It  cannot  concern  me,"  said  he,  "and  it  can  concern  no  man,  that, 
as  a  matter  of  faith,  any  person  cherishes  the  doctrine  of  transubstan 
tiation,  accords  the  full  measure  of  Catholic  veneration  to  sacred  relics 
or  images,  and  accepts  every  article  of  the  Nicene  Creed.  Each  man  is 
accountable  for  his  own  faith,  as  I  for  mine." 

It  was  a  current  belief,  however,  that  the  Pope,  as  vicar  of 
God,  had  temporal  control  over  the  allegiance  of  his  spiritual  fol- 
lowers. He  was  aware  it  was  disputed  ground.  It  was  asserted 
in  England  under  Henry  VIII.  and  Elizabeth,  and  was  never 
disavowed  there,  nor  in  Spain,  nor  in  any  other  land,  Catholic  or 
Protestant,  by  the  authority  of  the  Roman  Church.  If  the  Pope 
had  such  power,  it  was  not  strange  that  men  should  hesitate  to 
support  his  followers.  "  I,"  said  Mr.  Banks,  "  would  not  vote  for 
any  man  holding  to  that  doctrine."  He  had  no  enmity  to 
foreigners ;  but  if  they  understand  that  their  interests  are  separate 
from  those  of  American  citizens,  if  they  take  direction  from  their 
spiritual  guides  in  political  matters,  they  have  no  claim  for  sup- 
port. He  would  not  stop  the  tide  of  immigration ;  but  the  pros- 


26  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE  MEN. 

pect  was  that  such  people  as  tile  Chinese  would  pour  in,  like 
swarms  of  locusts.  There  may  be  uses  for  them  in  the  economy 
of  God's  Providence,  but  they  had  not  a  Christian  character 
adapted  to  the  nation .  "  Would  you,"  he  asked, l(  endow  them  with 
citizenship  at  the  end  of  five  years  T'  Mr.  Banks  held  that  the 
Constitution  was  prescriptive,  even  When  immigration  did  not 
attain  more  than  fifty  thousand  in  ten  years.  Its  framers  unani- 
mously declared  that,  after  a  brief  period,  no  man  but  a  native 
could  be  President;  that  nine  years'  citizenship  should  be  required 
for  eligibility  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  seven  to  the 
House  of  Representatives.  They  took  from  the  States  the  power 
to  confer  citizenship,  which  the  States  then  exercised.  u  There 
is  nothing,"  he  continued,  "to  show  that  they  entertained  the 
idea  advanced  here,  that  foreigners  had  a  right  to  participate  in 
the  highest  prerogatives  of  the  Government."  He  was  not  for 
the  repeal,  but  for  the  revision,  of  the  statutes  of  naturalization, 
and  was  not  sure, but  that  an  extension  of  the  term  of  residence 
to  twenty-one,  twelve,  or  ten  years,  would  be  justified. 

Hon.  Lawrence  M.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina,  made  a  very  able 
speech  (January  3)  in  reply  to  Mr.  Banks,  and  in  review  of  his 
positions  on  "American"  politics,  religious  toleration,  and  "  Know- 
Nothingism ;"  from  which,  however,  but  a  brief  extract,  on  a 
point  of  considerable  historical  interest,  can  be  made:  — 

"Are  Catholics  under  civil  subjection  to  the  Pope,  as  the  member  from 
Massachusetts  intimated  ?  What  is  there  in  the  Catholic  creed  to  war- 
rant this  imputation  ?  In  1789,  Mr.  Pitt,  then  Prime  Minister  of  England, 
before  he  would  relax  the  disabilities  of  the  Irish  Catholics,  propounded 
to  the  great  Catholic  universities  the  following  inquiries: — 

"  '1.  Has  the  Pope,  or  Cardinals,  or  any  body  of  men,  or  any  indivi- 
dual of  the  Church  of  Rome,  any  civil  authority,  power,  jurisdiction,  or 
pre-eminence  whatsoever,  within  the  realm  of  England? 

"  '2.  Can  the  Pope,  or  Cardinals,  or  any  body  of  men,  or  any  indivi- 
duals of  the  Church  of  Rome,  absolve  or  dispense  his  majesty's  subjects 
from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  Upon  any  pretext  whatsoever  ? 

"'3.  Is  there  any  principle  in  the  tenets  of  the  Catholic  faith,  by 
which  Catholics  are  justified  in  not  keeping  faith  with  heretics,  or  other 
persons  differing  from  th^m  in  religious  opinions,  in  any  transaction, 
either  of  a  public  or  a  private  nature  ? ' 

"The  Universities  of  Paris,  Louvain,  Alcala,  Douay,  Salamanca,  and 
Valladolid  declare  that  neither  the  Pope,  Cardinals,  nor  any  individuals 
in  the  Catholic  Church  have  any  civil  authority ;  nor  can  they  dispense 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  27 

•with  an  oath ;  nor  are  Catholics  justified  in  not  keeping  faith  in  any 
transaction,  either  of  a  public  or  private  nature. 

"  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  all  the  Universities  promptly  and  unequi- 
vocally declared  that  Catholics  were  under  no  civil  or  temporal  subjection 
to  the  Pope.  The  Catholic  Bishops  in  Great  Britain,  in  the  year  1826, 
declared  that  '  No  power  in  any  Pope  or  Council,  or  in  any  individual  or 
body  of  men  invested  with  authority  in  the  Catholic  Church,  can  dispense 
with  any  oath  by  which  a  Catholic  has  confirmed  his  duty  of  allegiance 
to  his  sovereign,  or  any  obligation  of  duty  or  justice  to  a  third  person,'  "* 

XjHon.  J,  R.  Chandler,  of  Pennsylvania,  also  reviewed  and  re- 
plied to  Mr.  Banks,  on  the  "  current  belief "  touching  the  dis- 
ability of  Catholics  to  be  good  citizens,  owing  to  spiritual  inter- 
ference in  temporal  matters.  An  effective  point  was  his  quoting 
from  the  late  Dr.  England,  the  justly-esteemed  Roman  Catholic 
Bishop  of  Charleston,  who  said,  "'We  deny  to  Pope  and  Council 
united  any  power  to  interfere  with  one  tittle  of  our  political 
rights,  as  firmly  as  we  deny  the  power  of  interfering  with  one 
tittle  of  our  spiritual  rights  to  the  President  and  Congress."  He 
also  alluded  to  the  fact  that  "kings  and  emperors  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  have  frequently  been  at  war  with  the  Pope. 
Yet  they  did  not  cease  to  be  members  of  the  Church,  and  sub- 
ject to  his  spiritual  jurisdiction,  although  they  resisted  his  war- 
like attacks." 

The  first  session  of  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress  commenced  on 
the  3d  of  December,  1855.  The  opening  of  this  Congress  was 
unprecedented  in  parliamentary  history  in  the  excitement  pre- 
ceding the  election  of  a  Speaker.  For  nine  weeks  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  protracted  by  the 
dogged  obstinacy  of  party  men,  the  complications  of  party  views, 
and  the  manoeuvring  of  party  loaders.  The  year  had  been 
fruitful  in  political  disasters  to  all  parties,  as  distinctly  recognised 
by  the  people.  Party  principles  had  been  invaded,  disguised,  or 
suppressed;  party  names  had  bowed  to  emergencies  suddenly 
sprung  upon  politicians ;  and  politicians  had  hurriedly  bent  the 
knee  to  clamors  which  they  thought  indications  of  popular  will. 
Old-fashioned  party  men  could  scarcely  recognise  their  isolation ; 
and  new-fashioned  party  men  soon  lost  their  definitiveness,  ,or 
were  unable  to  master  or  serve  it,  in  the  jumble  that  took  place. 

*  Appendix  to  Cong.  Globe,  2cl  Sess.  33d  Cong.  p.  68. 


28  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Thus,  when  the  elements  of  the  House  of  Representatives  assem- 
bled in  Washington,  there  was  much  machinery  at  work,  of  a 
bold  though  unobtrusive  and  elaborate  though  apparently  im- 
promptu nature. 

The  House  was  called  to  order  by  the  Clerk  of  the  previous 
House,  John  W.  Forney,  Esq.,  on  the  3d  of  December,  at  noon ; 
and  until  that  able,  eloquent,  and  fearless  gentleman  vacated  the 
position  of  presiding  officer,  on  the  2d  of  February  following,  a 
succession  of  scenes  of  the  most  exciting  importance  took  place 
on  the  one  hand,  while  on  the  other,  all  the  business  of  the  ses- 
sion requiring  the  co-operation  and  concurrence  of  the  House 
was  suspended.  The  complexion  of  the  candidates  put  in  nomi- 
nation for  the  Speakership  is  thus  truly  reflected :  William 
Richardson,  of  Illinois,  Democrat;  Lewis  D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio, 
Free-Soiler;  Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  Republican 
and  Know-Nothing;  Humphrey  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  Demo- 
crat and  Know-Nothing ;  and  Henry  M.  Fuller,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Whig  and  National  Know-Nothing.  To  these  may  be  added,  as 
prominently  brought  out  during  the  struggle,  Alexander  C.  M. 
Pennington,  of  New  Jersey,  Republican  ;  James  L.  Orr,  of  South 
Carolina,  moderate  Southern  Democrat;  and  William  Aiken,  of 
South  Carolina, 'ditto. 

Campbell  rose  to  81  votes,  and  withdrew  on  the  7th  of  Decem- 
ber. On  the  19th,  Fuller,  making  an  explanation,  said  he 
would  have  voted  against  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  had  he  been 
in  Congress,  and  that  he  would  admit  Kansas  without  reference 
to  the  admission  or  prohibition  of  slavery.  A  member  from  Penn- 
sylvania declared  that  if  he  had  known  those  to  be  Mr.  Fuller's 
views,  he  would  sooner  have  cut  off  his  arm  than  have  voted  for 
him,  and  "all  his  Free-Soil  adherents  at  once  deserted  him." 
On  the  24th  of  January,  Richardson  withdrew,  having  reached 
122  votes,  and  the  Democrats  brought  out  Orr.  Banks  soon  led 
the  anti-Democrats.  On  the  first  ballot,  he  received  but  21  votes ; 
but  in  a  few  days  he  rose  to  86,  to  100,  on  the  llth  of  Decem- 
ber to  107,  and  remained  close  upon  that  vote  until  the  finale. 

On  the  llth  of  January,  the  House  resolved  to  put  test-ques- 
tions to  the  candidates,  in  reply  to  which  Mr.  Banks  defined  his 
position  with  great  force  and  clearness. 

He  did  not  regard  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  as  promotive  of 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  29 

the  formation  of  free  States,  inasmuch  as  it  repeals  the  prohibi- 
tion of  the  institution  of  slavery  over  the  sections  of  the  country 
to  which  that  statute  applies. 

He  believed  in  the  constitutionality  of  the  "Wilmot  Proviso, — 
that  it  is  within  the  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  a 
Territory  of  the  United  States. 

He  did  not  believe  that  the  Constitution  carried  slavery  into 
the  Territories.  He  based  his  view  on  Webster's  declaration, 
that  even  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  itself  does  not  go 
to  the  Territories  until  it  is  carried  there  by  an  act  of  Congress ; 
that  Congress  was  wrong  in  repealing  the  Missouri  restrictions 
of  1820 ;  and  that  he  was  in  favor  of  restoring  the  Missouri 
restrictions. 

In  reply  to  a  query  of  Mr.  Barksdale,  of  Mississippi,  touching 
the  races,  Mr.  Banks,  so  far  as  he  had  studied  the  subject,  believed 
the  general  law  to  be,  that  the  weaker  is  absorbed.  "  Whether," 
said  he,  "  the  black  race  of  this  continent,  or  any  other  part  of 
the  world,  is  equal  to  the  white  race,  can  only  be  determined  by 
the  absorption  or  disappearance  of  one  or  the  other ;  and  I  pro- 
pose to  wait  until  the  respective  races  can  be  properly  subjected 
to  this  philosophical  test  before  I  give  a  decisive  answer."  This, 
of  course,  elicited  roars  of  laughter. 

A  motion  to  elect  a  Speaker  by  a  plurality  of  votes  had  beefi. 
negatived ;  but,  weary  with  the  struggle,  it  was  agreed  on  the  2(1 
of  February  that  if,  after  three  ballotings,  they  should  fail  (< 
elect,  the  one  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  should  be 
declared  Speaker.  Mr.  Orr  then  withdrew,  and  was  replaced  by 
his  colleague,  Mr.  Aiken.  Mr.  Fuller  withdrew  also;  and  now 
the  certainty  of  terminating  the  terrible  struggle  led  to  an  anx- 
iety, an  excitement,  and  a  personal  and  political  fervor  more 
intense  than  ever.  The  result  on  the  last  (the  133d)  ballot 
— according  to  the  rule  adopted — was,  N.  P.  Banks,  103;  W. 
Aiken,  100;  and  11  scattering  votes.  And  thus  these  marvel- 
lous scenes  terminated  with  the  election  of  the  member  from 
Massachusetts  as  Speaker,  and  his  being  escorted  to  the  chair  by 
a  committee  of  the  leading  rival  candidates.  After  thanking  the 
House  for  the  honor  conferred,  Mr.  Banks  said, — 

"  I  have  no  personal  objects  to  accomplish.  I  am  animated  by  the 
single  desire  that  I  may  in  some  degree  aid  in  maintaining  the  well-esta- 

3* 


30 


LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


blished  principles  of  our  Government  in  their  original  and  American  sig- 
nification ;  in  developing  the  material  interests  of  that  portion  of  the 
continent  we  occupy,  so  far  as  we  may  do  so  within  the  limited  and 
legitimate  powers  conferred  upon  us." 

During  the  two  months  which  were  occupied  in  the  attempt  to 
select  a  Speaker,  the  Clerk  of  the  previous  House,  John  W.  For- 
ney, Esq.,  was  the  presiding  officer;  and  the  historical  importance 
of  the  period  renders  it  becoming  and  necessary  to  make  more 
than  a  mere  allusion  to  the  manner  in  which  he  performed  the 
duties  of  his  office.  Those  who  will  peruse  the  official  record  of 
the  struggle  above  indicated  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the 
prompt  energy,  the  elevated  but  respectful  dignity,  and  the  clear 
analysis  of  complications  growing  out  of  the  exigencies  of  the  hour, 
exhibited  by  Mr.  Forney.  His  decisions  always  met  with  the  con- 
currence of  the  House;  and  when  it  is  considered  that  in  addi- 
tion to  his  arduous  duties  as  presiding  officer — demanding  all  the 
alertness  of  his  intellect  and  all  the  endurance  of  his  body — he 
had  also  to  keep  the  Clerk's  department  in  working  order  with 
official  precision,  and  at  the  same  time  conduct  and  write  edito- 
rials for  the  Government  organ,  the  Union,  of  which  he  was  the 
chief,  some  idea  of  Mr.  Forney's  force  and  energy  may  be  arrived 
at.  Conflicting  as  his  position  in  the  House  and  that  in  the  Union 
was,  and  liable  as  his  articles  in  the  one  were  to  be  made  the  sub- 
ject of  attack  or  denial  by  the  Opposition  in  the  other,  it  is  grati- 
fying to  remark  that  he  conducted  himself  with  such  a  delicate 
and  manly  sense  of  his  own  strength  that  he  received  from  all 
sides  tokens  of  approbation.  His  impartiality  drew  from  Mar- 
shall, of  Kentucky,  Harrison,  of  Maryland,  Paine,  of  North  Ca- 
rolina, Trafton,  of  Massachusetts,  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  and  other 
prominent  members  of  the  Opposition,  tributes  of  esteem ;  and 
after  Banks  was  sworn  in,  a  resolution  of  thanks  was  unanimously 
passed  to  Mr.  Forney  "for  the  distinguished  ability,  fidelity,  and 
impartiality  with  which  he  has  presided  over  the  deliberations  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  during  the  arduous  and  protracted 
contest  for  Speaker  which  has  just  closed." 

Gentlemen  of  all  sides  of  politics  accord  to  Speaker  Banks  the 
fullest  meed  of  approbation  for  his  conduct  during  his  term  of 
service  in  the  eminent  position  to  which  fortune — aided  or  made 
by  his  own  judgment,  tact,  and  will — had  elevated  him.  It  is 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  31 

conceded  that  he  possesses  in  a  very  remarkable  degree  the  qua- 
lities necessary  for  a  presiding  officer:  and  the  celerity  and  pre- 
cision with  which  he  despatched  the  business  of  legislation  have 
been  the  subject  of  earnest  commendation  by  gentlemen  who, 
though  differing  from  him  in  politics,  benefited  by  his  know- 
ledge of  parliamentary  rules  and  the  promptitude  with  which  he 
made  them  paramount.  His  self-possession  is  a  striking  feature 
of  his  character.  A  close  observer  narrates  the  following  : — 

"  While  on  the  subject  of  his  non-committalism,  I  cannot  help  telling 
an  instance  related  to  me  by  a  member  of  Congress  who  suffered  from  its 
effects.  This  gentleman  wanted  to  obtain  from  Mr.  Banks  the  chairman- 
ship of  an  important  committee  as  an  equivalent  for  his  vote  for  him  as 
Speaker.  Pending  the  Speakership  contest,  therefore,  he  waited  upon 
Mr.  Banks,  beginning  as  follows  : — '  Mr.  Banks,  you  know  I  have  no  ob- 
jection to  your  being  Speaker,  but  your  election  hangs  on  my  vote.  Now, 
I  suppose  you  will  understand  me  when  I  tell  you  I  shall  not  vote  for 

Mr. ,  [the  Opposition  candidate,]  for  I  don't  believe  he  will  place 

me  on  any  committee  worth  serving  in.  What  do  you  think  of  that?' 
Mr.  Banks,  having  heard  the  statement  and  the  interrogatory,  remained 
quiet  a  moment,  as  if  collecting  his  thoughts  for  an  important  proposi- 
tion ;  but  after  a  preliminary  clearing  of  his  throat,  and  with  an  air  of 

grave  astonishment,  he  only  responded,  '  Mr. ,  is  it  possible  ?'     It  is 

needless  to  say  that  the  applicant  transferred  his  suggestion  and  his 
support  to  another  quarter." 

In  proof  of  the  fairness  w.hich  characterized  his  decisions,  a 
writer  in  Harper  instances  the  fact  that  a  Democratic  member 
from  Georgia,  in  advocating  the  vote  of  thanks  with  which 
Speaker  Banks  was  honored  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  eulo- 
gized his  impartiality  in  reference  to  the  sectional  struggles  of 
the  House,  with  the  remark  that  Mr.  Banks  "  stood  so  straight 
that  he  almost  leaned  over  to  the  other  side." 

In  the  fall  of  185G,  Speaker  Banks  made  a  great  speech  in 
Wall  Street,  New  York,  by  invitation,  and  advocated  Fremont 
for  the  Presidency. 

In  the  recess  after  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress,  and  during  the 
financial  crisis,  Speaker  Banks  delivered  a  speech  in  Fanueil 
Hall  on  the  absorbing  topic  of  the  day,  and,  in  view  of  the  suf- 
ferings of  working-people  in  consequence  of  being  paid  in  paper 
money,  advocated  the  reimbursement  of  labor  with  specie,  and 
believed  the  time  not  far  distant  when  the  small  notes  given  in 


32  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

compensation  for  labor — and  of  which  there  were  fifty  millions 
of  fives  and  under  in  circulation — would  no  longer  exist;  but 
gold  and  silver,  in  the  hands  of  the  working-classes,  woul$  give 
"  stability  of  a  solid  character  to  our  currency."  The  general 
view  presented  was  of  a  hopeful  nature,  and  tended  to  prove 
that  the  universal  disability  of  the  times  would  be  but  tempo- 
rary. He  based  his  conclusions  on  the  facts  that  the  agricul- 
tural crop  was  estimated  at  a  value  of  two  thousand  millions  of 
dollars,  and  the  product  of  manufacturing  industry  at  about  fif- 
teen hundred  millions. 

He  took  his  seat  in  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  and  opposed  the 
Treasury  Note  Bill,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  the  opinion  of  all 
statesmen  that  a  resort  to  a  loan  in  the  form  of  Treasury  notes 
was  a  matter  of  doubtful  expediency  and  of  dangerous  character; 
that  Government  should  not  have  recourse  to  such  means  unless 
it  had  ascertained  that  necessary  relief  could  be  obtained  in  no 
other  way,  as  it  did  in  1837,  '41,  '42,  and  '46;  and  that,  fur- 
ther, it  was  his  belief  that  the  country  was  richer  than  ever,  and 
had  more  gold  and  silver  coin  in  it  than  at  any  time  when  the 
Treasury  Note  question  had  been  presented.  In  the  debates  on 
its  merits,  he  persistently  combated  the  bill,  of  which  Messrs. 
Glancy  Jones,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  G.  B.  Adrain,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Letcher  and  Smith,  of 
Virginia,  were  the  prominent  supporters. 

Mr.  Banks  also  strenuously  opposed  the  passage  of  the  pre- 
amble and  resolutions  directing  the  Committee  on  Territories  to 
inquire  into  the  propriety  of  excluding  the  delegate  from  Utah. 
The  preamble  gave  the  reason,  by  stating  that,  judging  from  Brig- 
ham  Young's  proclamations  as  well  as  from  the  President's  Mes- 
sage, Utah  was  in  open  rebellion.  Mr.  Banks  reminded  the  House 
that  the  President's  Message  said,  "  Unless  he  (Young)  should  re- 
trace his  steps,  the  Territory  of  Utah  will  be  in  open  rebellion." 
He  was  willing  to  aid  the  proposer  of  the  resolution,  Mr.  War- 
ren, of  Arkansas,  in  any  legitimate  course  touching  Utah ;  but 
he  protested  against  assaulting  the  rights  of  a  delegate  or  a  mem- 
ber from  a  State  except  upon  a  statement  of  facts  touching  his 
direct  acts  as  a  member. 

Having  been  elected  Governor  of  Massachusetts  in  November 
by  a  plurality  of  twenty-four  thousand,  Mr.  Banks  resigned  his 


NATHANIEL   P.  BANKS.  33 

seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  (24th  of  December,)  and 
ascended  the  Gubernatorial  chair  of  his  native  State.  To  this 
position  he  did  such  honor  in  the  eyes  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
that  they  re-elected  him  the  following  year;  and  he  will  pro- 
bably be  retained  in  the  dignity  of  this  office,  as  at  the  Repub- 
lican State  Convention,  which  met  at  Fitehburg  on  the  20th 
of  September  of  the  present  year,  he  received,  on  the  first 
ballot  for  nomination  for  Governor,  627  out  of  the  712  votes, 
and  was  afterward  nominated  unanimously.  The  resolutions 
passed  by  the  Convention — which  may  be  taken  as  the  latest  de- 
finition of  the  principles  upon  which  Governor  Banks  is  not  only 
before  Massachusetts,  but  the  Union — declare  that  the  Repub- 
lican party  was  originated  in  opposition  to  the  slave  power,  and 
is  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  State  rights ;  and  denounce 
the  Buchanan  Administration  for  extravagance,  for  truckling  to 
the  slave  power,  for  allowing  the  reopening  of  the  slave-trade, 
and  for  refusing  protection  to  naturalized  citizens.* 

Governor  Banks  occasionally,  as  is  usual  with  gentlemen  whose 
recognised  talents  and  position  give  dignity  to  public  celebrations, 
has  addressed  meetings  and  societies  on  occasions  of  historical  in- 
terest. Among  his  latest  efforts  in  this  line  may  be  mentioned  an 
eloquent  address  on  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the  national 
monument  in  commemoration  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  that  of  the 
canopy  designed  to  cover  the  u  Forefathers'  Rock"  at  Plymouth  • 
and  his  still  more  recent  speech  at  the  inauguration  of  Powers' s 
statue  of  Daniel  Webster,  on  the  two  hundred  and  twenty-ninth 
anniversary  of  the  settlement  of  Boston. 

The  acquirement  of  suitable  and  various  knowledge  has  kept 
pace  with  the  progressively  successful  career  of  Governor  Banks. 
He  has  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  chief  languages  and 
literatures  of  Europe,  and  is  an  earnest  and  assiduous  student ; 
all  his  spare  time  being  devoted  to  his  farm  and  his  books,  in 
the  heart  and  home  of  his  family,  in  his  native  town  of  Waltham. 

*  Since  the  above  was  written,  Governor  Banks  has  been  re-elected. 


34  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 


EDWARD   BATES, 

OF  MISSOURI. 

ALTHOUGH  Mr.  Bates  has  served  but  one  term  in  the  United 
States  Congress,  and  that  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century 
ago,  his  name  and  counsel  are  dearly  prized  by  those  who  have 
abiding  faith  and  hope  in  the  principles  of  the  Whig  party.  He 
is  one  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  the  State  of  Missouri, 
and,  as  De  Bow's  Review*  observes,  a  man  who  has  been  active 
in  the  cause  of  Western  progress  and  improvement  j  who  pre- 
sided over  the  deliberations  of  an  important  convention  held  in 
the  Northwest  for  their  promotion;  and  who,  for  his  high  and 
liberal  views,  enjoys  a  reputation  in  this  particular  second  to  none 
on  that  side  of  the  mountains. 

Edward  Bates  is  a  Virginian  by  birth,  having  been  born  in 
Goochland  County,  the  4th  of  September,  1793.  His  family  is 
of  the  plain  Quaker  stock,  which  for  several  centuries  dwelt  in 
the  low  countries  between  James  and  York  Rivers.  His  ances- 
tors came  from  the  west  of  England  to  the  Jamestown  settlement 
in  1625,  about  eighteen  years  after  Bartholomew  Gosnell  had 
made  his  second  and  successful  expedition  for  its  colonization, 
and  brought  with  him  Captain  John  Smith,  of  ever-famous 
memory.  The  descendants  of  the  Bates  settlers  remained  in 
this  region  until  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  when  the  younger 
branches,  taking  up  arms  against  the  king,  forfeited,  as  did  Na- 
thaniel Greene  in  Rhode  Island,  and  others,  their  membership  in 
the  peace-loving  Society  of  Friends.  If,  however,  they  were  dis- 
owned by  the  "Friends,"  they  found  a  host  of  other  friends  in 
the  country.  Among  those  who  took  up  arms  were  Thomas 
Fleming  Bates,  the  father  of  Edward,  and  several  of  his  uncles. 

Thomas  Fleming  Bates  was  a  man  of  fair  talents,  had  a  store 

*  To  which  I  am  largely; indebted  in  the  preparation  of  this  sketch. .  Vol. 
xii.,  New  Orleans,  1852. 


EDWARD   BATES.  35 

of  practical  information,  and  was  educated  to  habits  of  business 
in  one  of  the  best  mercantile  houses  in  the  colony.  In  proof  of 
his  capacity,  it  may  be  stated  that  he  was  several  times  sent 
to  England,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Madeira,  as  supercargo  and 
purchasing  agent. 

About  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  believing  himself  in  com- 
fortable circumstances,  he  settled  up  his  accounts  in  Henrico  (or 
Charles  City)  County,  and  moved  to  a  new  plantation  on  James 
Eiver,  in  Goochland.  He  soon  discovered  that  his  claims  and 
book-accounts  were  of  no  value,  the  times  were  so  out  of  joint, 
and  the  Continental  money  so  depreciated.  To  add  to  his  di- 
lemma, the  British  army,  in  one  of  its  marches,  destroyed  his  plan- 
tation. His  heart,  however,  was  not  a  broken  bank.  Like  all 
of  the  strong  and  sturdy  men  whose  disinterestedness  and  devo- 
tion made  what  the  Annual  Register  called  the  "  Rebellion  in 
America"  a  war  of  independence,  Mr.  Bates  was  above  personal 
despondency;  and,  despite  his  Quaker  coat,  he  was  a  soldier  and 
a  Whig. 

It  is  related  of  him  that  when  the  British  army  was  encamped 
on  his  plantation,  and  the  lower  story  of  his  house  occupied  for 
twenty-four  hours  as  head-quarters,  he  was  called  into  the  pre- 
sence of  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  there  a  written  protection  was 
handed  to  him  by  an  aid-de-camp.  He  read  it  deliberately,  and 
reflected  sorrowfully  on  his  wife  and  six  young  children,  who 
had  been  ordered  to  the  upper  apartments.  He  rapidly  con- 
sidered their  claims  on  his  safety,  but  more  seriously  thought  of 
the  disgrace  he  would  bring  on  them  by  accepting  a  protection 
that  would  compromise  his  patriotism,  and,  folding  the  paper  into 
a  narrow  slip,  thrust  it  among  the  burning  coals  in  a  chafing- 
dish  standing  on  the  hearth  to  furnish  his  lordship's  tea.  In  his 
mind's  eye  he  beheld  certain  arrest,  and  the  prison-ship,  awaiting 
him  as  the  result  of  his  course ;  yet  he  pursued  it.  Cornwallis, 
in  a  spirit  inspired  by  that  of  his  Quaker  prisoner,  with  a  calm 
countenance,  only  said,  "  Mr.  Bates,  would  to  God  that  you,  and 
all  such  men  as  you,  were  loyal  subjects !" 

A  few  months  subsequent,  our  Quaker  was  a  volunteer  soldier 
in  the  ranks  under  Lafayette,  and  at  Yorktown,  October,  1781, 
witnessed  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  army.  His 
eon  Edward  has  the  gun  with  which  his  father  helped  to  bring 


36  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

about  that  result,  " still  as  good  a  deer-gun  as  can  be  found." 
At  the  close  of  the  war  the  British  debts  of  Bates  remained,  and 
they  sufficed  to  break  up  his  worldly  prospects.  He  died  in 
May,  1805,  leaving  no  estate,  but  a  widow,  five  daughters,  and 
seven  sons,  Edward  being  the  youngest  of  the  twelve  children. 

Thus  left  an  orphan,  Fleming  Bates,  of  Northumberland,  Va., 
one  of  his  brothers, — all  of  whom  were  industrious,  prospering, 
and  generous  men, — took  Edward  in  charge.  He  sent  him  to 
Charlotte  Hall  Academy,  Md.,  "a  very  good  school  for  boys  who 
were  anxious  to  learn,  but  a  very  poor  one  for  those  who  required 
compulsion,"  where  he  attained,  among  other  things,  the  elements 
of  mathematics,  with  some  knowledge  of  the  Latin  and  French 
languages.  An  accident  unfortunately  broke  off  his  regular  course 
of  study ;  and,  having  fractured  a  leg-bone,  he  was  obliged  to 
return  to  his  brother's,  to  suffer  a  painful  confinement  of  nearly 
two  years. 

In  this  state  he  found  solace  in  a  good  library  and  writing- 
materials  at  discretion.  Without  advice  or  assistance  to  guide 
either  his  taste  or  judgment,  he  plunged  into  the  books,  devour- 
ing every  thing  that  bore  the  name  of  poetry,  from  Homer  and 
Shakspeare  down  to  Peter  Pindar,  and  all  manner  of  histories, 
from  "Weems's  Revolutionary  Worthies"  up  to  Livy  and  He- 
rodotus ;  allowing  his  hand  also  to  run  a  race  with  the  acquire- 
ments of  his  head,  scribbling  with  a  ready  and  unresting  quill. 
In  this  way  he  accumulated  a  heterogeneous  mass  of  ideas,  and 
fused  them  into  shapes  of  his  own  unguided  moulding. 

Looking  forward  from  boyhood  to  the  sea  as  his  business  in 
life,  his  kinsman,  James  Pleasants,  then  the  representative  in 
Congress  of  his  native  district,  procured  for  him,  in  the  winter 
of  1811-12,  the  promise  of  a  midshipman's  warrant;  but  the 
tears  of  his  mother  overcame  his  boyish  ambition  to  win  fame  in 
the  threatened  war  with  England,  and  he  renounced  the  sea.  On 
the  other  hand,  he  now  prepared  to  turn  his  steps  far  inland,  and 
go  to  St.  Louis,  at  the  invitation  of  his  brother  Frederick,  and 
study  law.  But  he  was  not  quite  rid  of  his  warlike  propensities. 
Just  as  he  was  getting  ready  to  start  for  the  West,  in  the  winter 
of  1812-13,  a  British  fleet  made  its  appearance  in  the  Chesa- 
peake, and  troops  were  called  for  the  defence  of  Norfolk.  En- 
rolling himself  in  a  company  of  volunteers;  he  marched  to  Nor- 


EDWARD   BATES.  37 

folk,  was  a  sergeant  in  Captain  Hopkins's  infantry,  and  for  six 
months  ate  the  public  rations  there,  rendering  no  particular 
service,  save  aiding  in  the  digging  of  several  broad  ditches. 

In  the  spring  of  1814,  he  went  to  St.  Louis.  A  few  years 
earlier,  the  surrounding  region  is  described  as  a  howling  wilder- 
ness, inhabited  only  by  wild  beasts  and  merciless  savages,  and  St. 
Louis,  as  a  small  town,  its  inhabitants  consisting  almost  wholly 
of  French  and  Spanish  settlers,  who  were  engaged  in  trafficking 
with  the  Indians  the  commodities  of  civilization,  such  as  fire- 
water, beads,  blankets,  arms,  ammunition,  &c.,  for  peltry.* 

When  Bates  arrived  at  St.  Louis,  it  had  about  two  thousand 
inhabitants,  chiefly  French,  who  discountenanced  the  settlement 
of  Americans  among  them,  as  they  considered  it  an  invasion  of 
their  monopoly  of  the  traffic  with  the  Indians.  The  Indians,  too, 
thinking  themselves  better  dealt  with  by  the  French  and 
Spanish,  united  with  the  latter  in  their  hostility  to  the  influx  of 
the  Americans. f  From  this  period  Mr.  Bates  has  been  identi- 
fied with  the  growth  of  the  great  West. 

He  commenced  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Rufus  Easton, 
the  best-read  lawyer  at  the  bar,  and  a  Delegate  from  Missouri 
Territory  to  Congress  from  1814  to  1816.  He  applied  himself 
with  diligence,  working  fourteen  hours  a  day  for  six  days  in  the 
week,  and  in  the  winter  of  1816-17  took  out  a  license,  and  com- 
menced the  practice  of  the  profession. 

Several  years  of  Mr.  Bates' s  life  were  thus  occupied,  he  also 
having  attained,  in  the  interim,  various  offices  of  trust  under  the 
Territorial  Government.  He  was  a  member — the  youngest  but  one 
— of  the  convention  which  formed  the  State  Constitution,  July  19, 
3820,  and  successively  Circuit  (prosecuting)  Attorney  under  the 
State  Government,  Attorney-General  under  the  United  States 
Government,  and  District  Attorney  for  Missouri.  Mr.  Bates  has 
likewise  at  different  times  served  in  both  branches  of  the  State 
Legislature,  and  for  one  term — from  1827  to  1829 — represented 
the  State  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representatives  in  the 

*  Life  and  Adventures  of  James  P.  Beckwourth,  Mountaineer,  Scout,  and 
Pioneer,  «fec.  &c.  Written  from  his  own  dictation,  by  T.  D.  Bonner.  New 
York,  1856. 

~  Beckwourth. 


38  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Twentieth  Congress.  He  was  the  friend  of  Henry  Clay  in  tho 
Presidential  contest  of  1824,  and  united  with  him  in  supporting 
the  Administration  and  re-election  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  and 
was  elected  to  Congress  as  the  friend  of  that  Administration.  He 
concurred  also  with  Mr.  Clay's  general  views  on  the  subject  of 
emancipation,  and  exemplified  his  principles  by  manumitting  all 
his  slaves  and  sending  them  to  Liberia. 

In  May,  1829,  he  married  Julia  D.,  fifth  daughter  of  David 
Coulter,  formerly  of  Columbia,  S.C.,  by  whom  he  has  had  fifteen 
children,  eight  of  whom  survive. 

In  Congress  he  was  opposed  to  the  occupation  of  Oregon,  con- 
sidering, says  De  Bow's  Review,  that  country  essentially  foreign, 
and  the  occupation  of  it  by  the  United  States  the  entering  wedge 
to  a  system  of  foreign  colonization,  conquest,  and  domination. 
Then  we  had  no  railroads  and  telegraphs,  which  at  this  day  have 
for  many  purposes  annihilated  both  time  and  space.  He  was, 
from  beginning  to  end,  against  the  Mexican  War,  and  the  acqui- 
sition of  Mexican  territory  by  either  arms  or  money,  and  expressed 
his  ideas  on  the  subject  in  the  St.  Louis  papers.  The  writer  in 
"De  Bow,"  January,  1852,  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  a  recent 
letter  from  Mr.  Bates,  in  which  he  says, — 

"Were  it  not  proved  by  constant  experience  that  the  currents  of  so- 
cial life  often  drift  men  into  courses  quite  opposite  to  those  they  attempt 
to  steer,  I  should  be  astonished  to  find  myself,  in  some  sort,  a  public 
man,  in  spite  of  my  efforts  to  the  contrary.  In  youth  I  was  ambitious, 
and  sought  distinction  with  some  avidity.  But  the  popular  storm  which 
blew  General  Jackson  into  the  Presidency  blew  me  out  of  the  track  of 
public  life.  In  the  canvass  for  a  second  term  in  Congress,  I  was  so 
thoroughly  beaten  that  I  was  content,  as  the  Kentuckians  say,  to  '  stay 
whipped,'  and  never  again  to  worry  myself  with  the  attempt  to  climb 
the  slippery  heights  of  politics.  Thenceforth  T  looked  only  to  profes- 
sional labor  for  the  means  of  supporting  and  educating  a  numerous 
family,  and  to  the  domestic  circle  for  all  my  enjoyments.  A  practice  of 
more  than  twenty  years  in  this  scheme  of  life  has  destroyed  whatever 
of  appetite  I  may  once  have  had  for  public  distinction ;  and  now  all  I 
desire  is,  (I  hope  it  is  in  my  reach,)  for  my  children  the  means  of  edu- 
cation, and  a  fair  start  in  life,  and  for  myself  the  quiet  esteem  of  good 
men." 

Mr.  Bates  had  devoted  himself  so  exclusively  to  his  profession 
for  the  last  thirty  years  that  he  was  little  known  out  of  Missouri 


EDWARD   BATES.  89 

when  the  Internal  Improvement  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  in 
1847.  That  convention  is  now  chiefly  memorable  from  the  open- 
ing speech  made  by  Mr.  Bates,  as  its  presiding  officer,  in  which, 
in  striking  contrast  with  the  brief,  non-committal  letters  of  Mr. 
Cass  and  other  political  aspirants,  he  explained  and  enforced  at 
length  his  views  of  the  duties  imposed  by  the  Constitution  upon 
the  Federal  Government  to  execute  great  national  works  for  the 
development  of  the  country.  The  convention  was  large,  and 
embraced  persons  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion ;  but  all  were 
impressed  with  the  wisdom,  integrity,  and  patriotism  of  their 
president,  and  returned  to  their  homes  commending  him  for 
those  high  qualities,  as  well  as  for  his  eloquence  and  dignified 
manners.  Efforts  were  then  renewed  to  bring  him  again  into 
political  life ;  but  he  could  not  be  induced  to  allow  his  name  to 
be  presented  for  political  station  in  Missouri,  and  he  declined 
a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  at  Washington,  tendered  him  by  Mr. 
Fillmore. 

Mr.  Bates  has  been  an  occasional  writer  for  the  public  press, 
chiefly  on  political  topics,  and  those,  for  the  most  part,  such  as 
concerned  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution. 

In  February  of  the  present  year,  (1859,)  the  New  York  "  Gene- 
ral Whig  Committee,"  in  conformity  with  a  resolution  of  that  body, 
addressed  Mr.  Bates  on  the  inexpediency  of  agitating  the  Negro 
question,  and  the  desirability  of  turning  public  attention  to  topics 
of  general  importance,  such  as  foreign  relations,  territorial  exten- 
sion, building  of  railroads  for  national  uses,  harbor-improve- 
ments, river -navigation,  the  currency,  the  tariff,  "and  other 
means  of  developing  our  own  internal  resources"  and  fraternally 
binding  together  the  sections  of  the  Republic.  The  committee 
requested  Mr.  Bates's  opinion  on  the  subject,  and  his  views  on 
the  signs  of  the  times.  He  complied  with  the  request ;  and  his 
reply  was  deemed  of  great  value,  as  the  "  interesting  and  dispas- 
sionate" view  of  one  of  the  most  conservative  and  prudent  politi- 
cal counsellors  in  the  country. 

The  able  gentleman  prefaces  this  "  definition  of  his  position" 
by  stating  that  his  opinions,  right  or  wrong,  are  his  own,  and  do 
not  belong  to  this  or  that  party,  ready  to  be  abandoned  or  modi- 
fied to  suit  a  platform;  they  were  deliberately  formed  in  the 


40  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

retirement  of  private  life,  free  from  the  exigencies  of  official  re- 
sponsibility and  from  the  perturbations  of  party  policy. 

He  believes,  as  he  has  often  declared,  the  Negro  question  to 
be  a  pestilent  question,  "  the  agitation  of  which  has  never  done 
good  to  any  party,  section,  or  class,  and  never  can  do  good." 
He  considered  it  a  dangerous  vortex,  into  which  good  men  are 
drawn  unawares ;  but  when  he  beheld  a  Northern  or  Southern 
of  mature  age  and  some  experience  persisting  in  urging  the 
question,  after  the  sad  experience  of  the  last  few  years,  he  could 
attribute  his  conduct  to  no  higher  motive  than  personal  ambi- 
tion or  sectional  prejudice. 

He  did  not,  and  would  not,  doubt  the  power  and  duty  of  Go- 
vernment to  raise  taxes  when  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the 
country  and  the  prosperity  of  the  people.  A  Government  that 
has  not  such  a  power  is  a  weak,  poor,  impotent  Government,  and 
not  at  all  such  a  Government  as  our  fathers  thought  they  had 
made  when  they  produced  the  Constitution.  "  The  people  do 
not  derive  their  right  from  the  Government;  but  the  Govern- 
ment derives  its  powers  from  the  people  j  and  those  powers  are 
granted  for  the  main,  if  not  the  only,  purpose  of  protecting  the 
rights  of  the  people.  Protection,  then,  if  not  the  sole,  is  the 
chief,  end  of  Government." 

As  to  foreign  policy,  Mr.  Bates  avows  himself  "  not  much  of  a 
progressive,  being  content  to  leave  it  where  Washington  placed 
it, — upon  that  wise,  virtuous,  safe  maxim,  (  Peace  with  all  na- 
tions, entangling  alliances  with  none.'  "  He  has  little  sympathy 
with  the  greedy  and  indiscriminate  appetite  for  foreign  acquisi- 
tion which  makes  us  covet  our  neighbor's  lands  and  devise  cun- 
ning schemes  to  get  them.  To  him  it  appeared  as  a  sort  of  poli- 
tical gluttony,  as  dangerous  to  the  body  politic  as  gluttony  is  to 
the  natural  man,  producing  disease  certainly,  hastening  death 
probably.  The  case  of  Louisiana  was  different.  "Louisiana 
was  indispensable  to  our  full  and  safe  enjoyment  of  an  immense 
region  which  was  already  owned ;  and  its  acquisition  gave  us  the 
unquestioned  control  of  that  noble  system  of  Mississippi  waters 
which  Nature  seems  to  have  made  one  and  indivisible."  He 
does  not  believe  that  the  United  States  is  not  an  independent 
and  safe  nation  because  Cuba  is  not  a  part  of  it.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  thought  we  could  defend  ourselves  if  it  belonged  to 


EDWARD   BATES.  41 

England,  France,  or  Russia,  much  less  to  a  feeble  power  like 
Spain.  "  In  fact/'  says  Mr.  Bates,  "  I  cannot  help  doubting  the 
honesty  of  the  cowardly  argument  by  which  we  are  urged  to  rob 
poor  old  Spain  of  this  last  remnant  of  her  Western  empire,  for 
fear  that  she  might  use  it  to  rob  us." 

Neither  does  Mr.  Bates  agree  with  Senator  Slidell's  projects 
attached  to  the  Thirty-Million  Bill,  nor  with  Senator  Houston's 
plan  of  a  protectorate  over  Mexico.  He  says, — 

"  A  leading  Senator  has  lately  declared  (in  debate  on  the  Thirty-Mil- 
lion Bill)  that  we  must  not  only  have  Cuba,  but  all  the  islands  from 
Cape  Florida  to  the  Spanish  Main,  so  as  to  surround  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  Caribbean  Sea,  and  make  them  our  '  mare  clausum,'  like  the  Medi- 
terranean in  old  times,  when  the  Roman  Emperor  ruled  both  its  shores, 
from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  to  the  Hellespont.  This  claim  of  mare  nos- 
trum implies,  of  course,  that  we  must  own  the  continent  that  bounds  our 
sea  on  the  west,  as  well  as  the  string  of  islands  that  enclose  it  on  the 
east, — that  is,  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  all  South  America,  so  far 
south,  at  least,  as  the  Orinoco.  In  that  wide  compass  of  sea  and  land 
there  are  a  good  many  native  governments  and  provinces  belonging  to 
the  strongest  maritime  Powers,  and  a  narrow  continental  isthmus  which 
we  ourselves,  as  well  as  England  and  France,  are  wont  to  call  the  high- 
way of  nations.  To  fulfil  the  grand  conception  and  perfect  our  tropical 
empire,  we  must  buy  or  conquer  all  these  torrid  countries  and  their 
mongrel  populations.  As  to  buying  them,  it  strikes  me  we  had  better 
wait  a  while,  at  least,  until  the  Government  has  ceased  to  borrow  money 
to  pay  its  current  expenses.  And  as  to  conquering  them,  perhaps  it 
would  be  prudent  to  pause  and  make  some  estimate  of  the  costs  and 
contingencies  before  we  rush  into  war  with  all  maritime  Europe  and 
half  America. 

Supposing  that  we  possessed  the  whole  country,  continental  and 
insular,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Orinoco  and  from  Trinidad 
to  Cuba,  he  doubts  whether  we  could  govern  it  wisely.  The 
attempt  to  govern  Kansas  and  Utah  has  neither  maintained  the 
dignity  of  the  nation  nor  secured  the  prosperity  of  the  subject 
people.  How,  he  asks,  can  we  do  better  with  the  mixed  races 
of  those  countries,  some  of  which  for  fifty  years  have  in  vain 
sought  to  establish  republican  governments  on  our  model  ?  He 
would  grieve  to  see  his  country,  like  Rome,  become  a  conquering 
and  dominant  nation ;  nor  was  he  willing  to  inoculate  our  body 
politic  with  the  hereditary  diseases,  social  and  political,  of  the 
mixed  races  alluded  to. 

4*  f     ' 


42  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Mr.  Bates  severely  reviews  the  present  Administration,  with 
no  malice  against  Mr.  Buchanan,  but  because  "  of  the  danger- 
ous change  which  is  now  obviously  sought  to  be  made  in  the 
practical  working  of  the  Government, — the  concentration  of 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  and  the  dangerous  policy, 
now  almost  established,  of  looking  abroad  for  temporary  glory 
and  aggrandizement,  instead  of  looking  at  home  for  all  the  pur- 
poses of  good  government." 

The  rapid  increase  of  public  expenditure  presented  to  him  an 
alarming  sign  of  corruption  and  decay,  as  he  did  not  see  that  it 
bore  any  fair  proportion  to  the  growth  of  the  country,  but  looked 
rather  like  wanton  waste  or  criminal  negligence  : — 

"The  ordinary  objects  of  great  expense  are  not,  materially  augmented; 
the  army  and  navy  remain  on  a  low  peace-establishment ;  the  military 
defences  are  little,  if  at  all,  enlarged ;  the  improvement  of  harbors, 
lakes,  and  rivers  is  abandoned ;  and  the  Pacific  Railroad  is  not  only  not 
begun,  but  its  very  location  is  scrambled  for  by  angry  sections,  which 
succeed  in  nothing  but  mutual  defeat.  In  short,  the  money,  to  an  enor- 
mous amount,  (I  am  told  at  the  rate  of  $80,000,000  to  $100,000,000  a 
year,)  is  gone,  and  we  have  little  or  nothing  to  show  for  it.  In  pro- 
found peace  with  foreign  nations,  and  surrounded  with  the  proofs  of 
national  growth  and  individual  prosperity,  the  Treasury,  by  less  than 
two  years  of  mismanagement,  is  made  bankrupt,  and  the  Government 
itself  is  living  from  hand  to  mouth  on  bills  of  credit  and  borrowed 
money !" 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Bates  felt  there  was  reason  to  fear  that 
some  of  his  ideas  were  "so  antiquated  and  out  of  fashion  as  to 
make  it  very  improbable  that  they  will  ever  again  be  put  to  the 
test  of  actual  practice."  This  personal  platform,  and  the  policy 
indicated,  were  received  with  much  enthusiasm  by  those  who  hope 
to  reconstruct  on  them  the  old  Whig  party. 

The  passages  in  this  letter  which  express  the  writer's  regret 
at  the  existing  agitation  of  the  Slavery  question  have  been  con- 
strued by  the  pro-slavery  party  to  reflect  on  their  opponents,  and 
some  of  the  Republican  journals  have  admitted  this  construc- 
tion; but  such  obviously  was  not  intended.  He  could  not  reflect 
upon  the  Republican  party  without  stultifying  himself;  for  he 
openly  advocates  every  principle  of  the  Philadelphia  platform, 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Government  to  the  policy  of  its  founders 
with  respect  to  slavery. 


EDWARD   BATES.  43 

The  agitators  denounced  by  Mr.  Bates  are  those  who  repealed 
the  Missouri  Compromise  and  "  inaugurated  the  new  policy  of 
slavery-extension."  This  appears  also  by  his  letter,  dated  St. 
Louis,  August  20,  1859,  to  the  Memphis  Convention,  wherein 
he  urges  the  Opposition  in  the  South  to  co-operate  with  the  Re- 
publicans, which  is  as  follows  : — 

"It  pleased  me  very  much,  gentlemen,  to  find  that  you  designate  the 
band  of  patriots  who  have  lately  done  the  good  work  in  Tennessee  as 
the  '  Opposition  Party S  The  name  implies  that  the  party  is  made  up 
of  the  good  men  of  other  parties, — Democrats,  Whigs,  Americans,  Re- 
publicans,— all  who  can  no  longer  brook  the  wild  extravagance  and 
wanton  disregard  of  principle  in  an  Administration  and  a  party  which, 
emboldened  by  former  unmerited  success,  vainly  imagine  that  they  '  can 
afford  to  disregard  the  censures  of  the  world,'  and  to  despise  the  judg- 
ment of  history.  The  party  in  office  (I  will  not  say  in  power)  is  of  itself 
a  weak  and  helpless  minority.  It  has  no  chance  of  renewed  success  but 
the  hope  (I  trust  a  vain  and  fallacious  hope)  that  we  will  be  so  unwise 
a.nd  unpatriotic  as  to  waste  our  strength  in  party  bickerings  about  old 
party  names  and  subordinate  questions  of  policy  and  convenience,  and 
to  split  up  our  forces  into  sections,  as  if  for  the  very  purpose  of  enabling 
our  inferior  enemy  to  beat  us  all  in  detail.  If  we  be  so  unwise  as  that, — 
if  we  allow  the  adversary  to  form  the  plan  of  our  campaign,  to  marshal 
our  troops,  to  tell  us  when  to  march,  where  to  camp,  and  how  to  fight, — 
of  course  we  shall  get  what  we  earn  and  deserve, — defeat;  and  we  shall 
add  to  the  humiliation  of  defeat  the  sting  ofshame,  in  the  consciousness 
that  we  had  in  our  hands  the  means  of  victory  and  the  assurance  of  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  the  nation,  but  wantonly  threw  them  away. 
Your  recent  victory,  (in  Tennessee,)  and  similar  successes  in  other 
Southern  and  Western  States,  embolden  me  to  hope  for  the  like  good 
result  all  over  the  Union.  The  spirit  of  conservative  patriotism  is  aroused 
throughout  the  nation  by  the  dangerous  misgovernment  and  bold  inno- 
vations of  the  last  few  years ;  and,  in  view  of  the  great  national  interests 
now  in  peril,  a  better  feeling — a  feeling  of  harmony  and  mutual  confi- 
dence, of  kind  forbearance  on  minor  points,  of  generous  concession  in 
favor  of  peace  and  unity — is  visibly  increasing  in  all  the  elements  of  the 
Opposition.  Those  who  foster  and  advance  that  good  feeling,  and  ripen 
it  into  cordial  union,  will  be  great  public  benefactors.  Such  union  alone 
will  constitute  the  victory  without  the  necessity  for  another  blow ;  for 
the  Democracy,  as  now  enervated  and  demoralized,  will  be  no  match  for 
the  united  Opposition.  And  such  a  victory  ! — in  which  all,  even  the  van- 
quished, will  have  cause  to  rejoice,  because  it  will  restore  peace  and 
harmony  to  the  excited  sections,  law  and  order  to  the  disturbed  Terri- 
tories, moderation  and  justice  to  the  Government,  and  prosperity  and 


44  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

honor  to  the  nation.     Such,  at  least,  is  the  earnest  hope  of  your  obliged 
friend  and  fellow-citizen,  EDWARD  BATES." 

One  of  Mr.  Bates's  latest  appearances  in  public  was  in  the 
shape  of  a  short  letter,  which  has  met  with  much  commendation 
from  those  who  are  in  favor  of  enforcing  the  Sunday-laws. 
Many  of  our  chief  cities  have  been  agitated  by  the  question, — 
among  others,  St.  Louis.  To  a  meeting  recently  held  there  on 
the  subject,  he  addressed  the  following  letter : — 

"  I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  there  is  any  occasion  for  a  popular 
demonstration  to  uphold  an  institution  so  ancient,  so  sacred,  so  lawful, 
and  so  necessary  to  the  peace,  the  comfort,  and  the  respectability  of 
society.  Its  religious  character,  as  a  holy  day,  ought  alone  to  be  suffi- 
cient for  its  protection  in  a  Clmstian  community ;  but,  that  failing, 
surely  the  laws  of  the  land,  made  for  its  security,  ought  to  be  as  strictly 
enforced  as  the  laws  made  for  the  protection  of  persons  and  property. 
Vice  and  crime  are  always  progressive  and  cumulative.  If  the  Sunday- 
laws  be  neglected  or  despised,  the  laws  of  persons  and  property  will  soon 
share  their  fate  and  be  equally  disregarded." 

Mr.  Bates  has  acquired  a  wide  reputation  in  his  State  and  the 
West  as  a  ready,  forcible,  and  eloquent  speaker;  yet,  although 
he  has  been  a  public  speaker  for  nearly  forty  years,  there  are 
ndlie  of  his  speeches  in^print.  A  few  notes  and  sketches  have 
been  published;  but  he  never  wrote  out  a  speech  for  the  press. 
He  has  attempted  it  once  or  twice,  upon  Solicitation,  but  never 
could  satisfactorily  recall  the  spirit  that  animated  the  oral  de- 
livery. 

-  An  authoritative  exposition  of  Mr.  Bates's  views  on  the  Sla- 
very question  has  just  been  issued  in  his  home  organ, — the  St. 
Louis  Ncivs.  His  position,  as  thus  expressed,  embraces  the 
views  originally  set  forth  by  the  Republican  party  at  the  Pittsburg 
and  Philadelphia  Conventions.  It  completely  discountenances 
the  more  extreme  characteristics  of  that  party  as  at  present 
known.  It  approves  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  and  announces 
Mr.  Bates  as  desirous  of  framing  a  new  one  if  the  present  is  un- 
equal to  the  intention  of  its  framers, — one  which  will  have  the 
desired  effect.  He  would  also  enforce — if  Congress  passed — a 
law  protecting  slavery  in  the  Territories :  though  he  does  not 
believe  that  the  Constitution  carries  it  into  Federal  territory. 


•N       EDWARD   BATES.  45 

He  does  not  believe  slavery  a  blessing;  is  glad  that  Missouri  is 
becoming  free;  and  thinks  the.National  Government  ought  to  en- 
courage the  colonization  of  free  negroes,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding 
such  States  as  may  desire  to  get  rid  of  them.  This  document, 
it  is  thought,  will  strengthen  Mr.  Bates's  position  with  the  con- 
servative men  of  the  country,  as  being  more  broad  and  general 
in  its  character  than  the  views  propounded  by  the  recognised 
leaders  of  either  the  Republican  or  the  American  party. 


46  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 


JOHN  BELL, 

OF   TENNESSEE. 

IT  has  been  observed  by  a  writer  in  Tennessee,  that,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  distractions  which  it  is  feared  or  hoped  will  nullify 
the  efforts  of  both  the  leading  parties,  the  political  indications 
from  all  parts  tend  to  the  formation  of  a  united  Opposition  •  that 
tc  the  conservative,  Union-loving,  law-abiding,  and  Constitution- 
observing  people  of  the  country  are  being  fully  aroused  to  the 
importance  of  a  united  and  thorough  effort  to  crush  out  sectional- 
ism everywhere."  At  the  head  of  this  party  it  is  proposed  to 
place  Mr.  Bell,  Senator  from  Tennessee,  and  long  known  as  a 
public  man,  a  ready  and  at  times  powerful  debater,  his  mind 
stored  with  the  resources  acquired  in  official  position,  as  well  as 
much  practical  knowledge  of  political  economy  gleaned  in  the 
course  of  a  prominent  and  active  public  career. 

John  Bell  was  born  near  Nashville,  Tennessee,  February  18, 
1797,  of  parents  who,  though  in  moderate  circumstances,  be- 
stowed upon  him  the  benefits  of  a  sound  education  at  Cumber- 
land College, — the  present  Nashville  University.  He  chose  the 
law  as  a  profession,  went  through  the  usual  studies,  and  at  the 
early  age  of  nineteen — in  1816 — was  admitted  to  the  bar.  He 
was  no  sooner  before  the  people  in  the  practice  of  his  business 
than  public  life  opened  to  him;  and  his  political  influence  was 
acquired  and  recognised  at  a  period  of  life  when  the  majority 
of  youths  are  but  entering  college.  Settling  at  Franklin,  Wil- 
liamson County,  he  v;as  elected  a  State  Senator  in  1817,  when 
only  twenty  years  old.  A  brief  experience,  however,  enabled 
him  to  estimate  properly  this  flattering  testimonial  to  his  youthful 
talents;  and,  after  the  first  term  of  service,  he  judiciously  de- 
clined a  re-election,  and  retired  to  his  profession,  in  the  active 
practice  of  which  he  remained  for  the  next  nine  years. 

Entering  the  field  against  Felix  Gruwdy  for  Congress,  in  1826, 


JOHN   BELL.  47 

he  achieved  a  signal  and  memorable  success.  It  was  Andrew 
Jackson's  State;  and  Mr.  Grundy  was  not  only  exceedingly 
popular  on  his  own  account,  but  was  shielded  by  the  influence 
and  cheered  by  the  support  of  the  hero  of  New  Orleans,  then  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  against  the  younger  Adams.  As 
may  be  imagined,  the  canvass  was  most  exciting,  and  retains  a 
place  in  the  general  political  history  of  that  day.  It  was  carried 
on  for  twelve  months;  and  Mr.  Bell,  in  the  face  of  the  powerful 
odds  against  him,  was  elected,  in  1827,  by  a  majority  of  one 
thousand.  The  hold  thus  won  on  the  people  of  his  district  suc- 
cessively elected  Mr.  Bell  to  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
fourteen  years,  during  which  period  his  name  was  prominently 
before  the  country  in  connection  with  the  most  important  debates 
and  measures. 

He  entered  into  national  politics  in  a  spirit  friendly  to  General 
Jackson  and  John  C.  Calhoun;  but  he  differed  from  both  on  their 
most  favorite  projects, — to  wit,  the  removal  of  the  bank-deposits 
in  the  case  of  the  former,  and  the  South  Carolina  doctrine  of 
nullification  of  the  latter.  Mr.  Bell  was  in  favor  of  a  United 
States  Bank,  but  voted  against  its  re-charter  in  1832;  in  the  first 
place,  believing  that  the  agitation  of  the  subject  at  that  time  was 
conjured  up  to  promote  the  defeat  of  General  Jackson's  chances 
in  the  ensuing-  Presidential  election;  in  the  second  place,  because 
it  was  four  years  before  the  old  charter  would  expire;  and  again, 
because  he  was  convinced  the  President  would — as  he  did — veto 
the  bill.  His  firm  protest  against  the  removal  of  the  deposits 
was  followed  by  as  firm  a  refusal  to  vote  for  the  resolution  ap- 
proving that  measure;  and  thus  the  alienation  of  Mr.  Bell  from 
Jackson  and  the  Democratic  party  was  initiated. 

At  first  Mr.  Bell  was  energetically  opposed  to  the  protective 
system,  and  made  a  speech  against  it  in  1832;  but  more  extended 
reflection  and  study  of  the  matter  wrought  a  change  in  his 
opinions,  and  he  has  ever  since,  when  the  question  has  arisen, 
devoted  his  ability  and  influence  to  the  support  of  the  policy  of 
protecting  American  industry.  Mr.  Bell  has  also  advocated  the 
improvement  of  the  great  rivers  and  lake-harbors,  and  opposed 
indiscriminate  appropriations  for  "internal  improvements"  on 
roads  and  canals,  except  in  an  instance  such  as  that  of  the  Pacific 
llailroad.  Opposing  the  nullification  doctrine,  he  was  appointed 


48  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  the  House,  with  special 
reference  to  the  questions  connected  with  that  subject  which 
might  have  to  be  considered  and  reported  on.  He  was  also 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  for  ten  years. 

Mr.  Bell's  secession  from  the  Democratic  and  co-operation 
with  the  Whig  party,  which  commenced  with  his  refusal  to  vote 
for  the  removal  of  the  deposits,  was  much  accelerated  by  his 
election  to  the  Speakership  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in 

1834.  Mr.  Speaker  Stevenson,  having  been  appointed  Minister 
to  Great  Britain,  resigned  the  presiding  chair  of  the  House,  and 
Mr.  Bell  was  elected  to  succeed  him,  in  opposition  to  James  K. 
Polk.     It  was  a  great  personal  triumph  for  the  successful  candi- 
date, and  widened  the  breach  already  made;  as  Polk,  besides 
being  a  Tennesseean,  was  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic  party 
and  had   the   recommendation    of  the  Administration.     Those 
Democrats  who  were  opposed  to  Van  Buren  as  the  successor  of 
President  Jackson  joined  with  the  Whigs  in  opposition  to  the 
Administration   candidate,  and   thus   secured   the    elevation  of 
Bell  to  the  Speakership  of  the  popular  branch  of  the  National 
Legislature, — the  third  office  of  the  Government.    The  principal 
ground  of  Mr.  Bell's   opposition  to    Mr.  Van    Buren  was   his 
strong  disapproval  of  the  system  of  removals  from  subordinate 
offices  for  merely  political  reasons, — a  system  which  Mr.  Van 
Buren  had  zealously  promoted  in  the  party  conflicts  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  and  which  it  was  supposed  he  intended  to  carry 
out  to  its  full  extent  in  the  administration  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment.    Mr.  Bell  had  vivfdly  portrayed  the  tendencies  of  such  an 
exercise  of  Executive  patronage,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  on  the 
freedom  of  elections ;  and  he  had  made  frequent  though  ineffec- 
tual efforts,  in  successive  Congresses,  to  procure  the  enactment  of 
laws  calculated  to  check  the  policy.* 

The  rupture  between  Mr.  Bell  and  Jackson  culminated  in 

1835,  when  the  former  completely  threw  off  all  allegiance  to  the 
latter  by  opposing  Van  Buren  and  declaring  for  Judge  White  as 
the  Presidential  successor.     Tennessee  had  thus  far  gone  with 
Jackson's  administration;  and  it  could  scarcely  be  anticipated 
that  the  agitation  of  White  and  his  associates  could  lift  itself 

*  New  American  Cyclopaedia,  «fec.,  edited  by  George  Ripley  and  Charles  A. 
Dana,N.Y.     Vol.  III. 


JOHN    BELL.  49 

into  a  stalwart  opposition,  or  that,  if  it  did,  the  personal  and 
political  influence  of  "  the  Great  Chief"  could  fail  to  quell  it. 
But  the  ways  of  the  politician  are  inscrutable.  White  carried 
Tennessee  by  a  large  majority;  Bell  was  re-elected  to  Congress 
— even  from  the  Hermitage  district — by  as  great  a  vote  as 
before ;  and  thus  was  commenced  and  fostered  that  opposition 
to  the  Democracy  in  that  State,  which  so  potently  arrayed  itself 
in  the  several  succeeding  Presidential  elections,  and  which  has  so 
strongly  manifested  itself  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Bell  in  the 
recent  elections  there. 

Mr.  Bell  favored  the  reception  of  petitions  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  1836  and  1838  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  speeches  upon  that  question. 

In  1841,  he  went  into  the  Cabinet  of  General  Harrison  as 
Secretary  of  War,  but  resigned  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  when 
Mr.  Tyler — who  had  succeeded  to  the  Presidency  on  the  death 
of  Harrison — separated  from  the  Whig  party.  The  next  Tennes- 
see Legislature,  in  consideration  of  Mr.  Bell's  consistency  as  a 
Whig,  offered  him  the  United  States  Senatorship;  but  he  declined 
the  honor  in  favor  of  Ephraim  H.  Foster,  whose  services  to  the 
Whig  party  Mr.  Bell  thought  deserving  of  such  eminent  recog- 
nition. Foster  was,  therefore,  elected;  and  Bell  retired  into 
privacy  for  nearly  six  years,  when,  at  the  desire  of  his  county, 
he  entered  the  State  Senate,  (1847.)  The  same  year,  a  vacancy 
occurring  in  the  United  States  Senate,  he  was  elected  to  that  office, 
and  subsequently,  in  1853,  re-elected  for  the  term  which  expired 
March  4,  1859. 

In  this  national  arena  Senator  Bell  acquired  large  repute,  and 
his  position  on  the  leading  questions  cannot  be  omitted  from 
the  history  of  the  times.  He  favored  the  Compromise  Measures 
of  1850,  and  desired  to  see  the  issues  fully  settled  by  a  division 
of  Texas  into  States.  He  opposed  the  Nebraska  Bill,  and  on 
the  3d  of  March,  1854,  gave  his  objections  at  length,  and  with 
such  force  as  to  draw  replies  from  Senators  Dawson,  Douglas, 
and  other  leading  advocates  of  the  measure.  Senator  Bell  had 
opposed  the  Nebraska  Bill  of  the  previous  session  when  it  con- 
tained no  provision  relative  to  the  Missouri  Compromise.  He 
had  not  heard  of  any  proposition  to  repeal  the  latter  until  it  was 
offered  in  direct  terms  by  Senator  Dixon,  of  Kentucky.  Mr. 

D  5 


50  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

.Bell's  first  objection  was,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for  the 
measure.     It  was  an  anomaly  to  establish  Governments  to  extend 
over  immense  Territories  in  which  there  was  no  white  popula- 
tion whose  wants  required  such  Governments.     He  thought  the 
demand  for  Territorial  Governments  should  be  proven  in  antici- 
pation of  an  increase  of  population   by  emigration  and  other 
means ;  that  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the  tribes  beyond 
Wind  Hills  and  in  the  Rocky  Mountains;  that  information  of  the 
number  of  necessary  military  posts  should  be  laid  before  Con- 
gress; and  full  details  of  this  policy  of  extending  the  Govern- 
ment so  far  beyond  the  present  limits  of  civilization.    There  were 
300,000,000  acres  in  these  Territories.     They  would  support  an 
empire.     It  was  a  magnificent  idea  to  build  up  an  immense  empire ; 
and  he  knew  not  which  most  to  admire, — the  genius  or  boldness 
displayed  by  Senator  Douglas  in  the  conception  of,  and  the  press- 
ing of  the  measure  to  carry  out,  his  grand  idea.     He  thought  the 
Senator  from  Illinois  had  for  some  time  had  a  mania  for  establish- 
ing new  Governments.     He  was  the  author  of  the  New  Mexico 
and   Utah  Bills,  and  also  of  Washington  Territory.     He  had 
already  laid  the  foundation  of  three  powerful  Governments,  and 
now  proposed  to  erect  two  more.     Not  content  with  the  glory  of 
being  Conditor  Imperii,  the  Senator  was  emulous  of  the  fame  of 
Clarissimus — Conditor  Imperiorum.     Mr.  Bell's  next  objection 
arose  out  of  the  provisions  touching  the  Indian  tribes.     Those 
Indians  who  had  been  carried  to  this  Territory  from  east  of  the 
Mississippi  had  been  guaranteed  a  home  never  to  be  surrounded 
by  any  Territorial  Government.     He  had  examined  the  bill,  and 
held  that,  as  it  stood,  it  was  a  clear,  explicit  violation  of  the  Indian 
treaties.     In  this  connection,  he  condemned  the  course  of  those 
who  made  such  ado  about  breaking  faith  with  the  African  race, 
and  did  not  say  a  word  in  behalf  of  the  Indians.     "  The  Wilber- 
forces  of  the  Senate/'  said  he,  "had  no  word  of  sympathy  with 
any  persons  if  they  were  not  Africans." 

In  1856,  (May  27,)  Senator  Bell  took  a  decided  stand  on  the 
Mississippi  River  Bill,  introduced  by  Senator  Slidell,  for  the 
opening  of  the  mouth  of  the  Father  of  Waters.  The  bill, 
which  had  been  vetoed  by  President  Pierce,  led  to  a  warm  dis- 
cussion on  its  reconsideration.  Mr.  Toombs  having  taken  a 
leading  part  against  the  bill  and  in  favor  of  the  veto,  Mr.  Bell 


JOHN   BELL.  51 

thought  the  Senator  from  Georgia  commenced  at  the  wrong  point 
in  attempting  to  prevent  any  appropriations  for  the  removal  of 
obstructions  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  concerns  a  large 
valley  and  the  whole  interior  of  the  country  between  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  the  Alleghanies,  to  say  nothing  "of  the  navigation 
upon  the  lakes,  between  the  ports  of  the  Northeast  and  the 
Northwest.  The  expenditure  of  one,  or  even  two  millions  an- 
nually in  keeping  open  the  great  river,  would  be  no  more  than 
an  equivalent  for  the  expenditures  on  the  Atlantic  coasc. 

"Sir,"  said  Mr.  Bell,  "we  have  the  Mississippi  washing  Tennessee  on 
one  extremity ;  we  have  the  Cumberland  running  through  our  State  to 
float  off  our  heavy  produce, — our  cotton  and  tobacco.  The  Senator  from 
Georgia  will  allow  no  improvement  for  the  Mississippi  River,  because  he 
thinks  it  unequal ;  and  he  alludes  to  the  fact  of  Tennessee  having  spent 
$10,000,000  in  order  to  enable  the  people  from  the  interior  of  that  State 
to  send  their  products  to  foreign  markets,  by  making  a  connection  with 
the  Georgia  roads.  Georgia  reaps  a  great  benefit  from  that  trade. 
Charleston  shares  a  portion  of  it;  but  the  greater  benefit  of  it  goes  to 
Augusta  and  Savannah.  We  are  forced  to  take  our  cotton  to  Savannah  and 
Charleston,  at  an  expense  of  two  or  three  dollars  a  bale ;  when,  if  we 
could  take  it  down  the  Mississippi,  the  cost  would  not  be  more  than  one 
dollar,  or  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents."* 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  Senator  Bell's  course  on  the 
leading  topics  brought  his  name  still  more  prominently  before 
the  country.  In  view  of  the  recent  success  of  the  Opposition  in 
Tennessee,  it  is  interesting  to  know  that  the  Legislature,  early  in 
1858,  passed  resolutions  instructing  its  representatives  in  Con- 
gress to  vote  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  On  the  presentation  of  these  resolutions  to  the 
Senate,  Mr.  Bell  reviewed  them  at  length  with  his  accustomed 
piquancy,  and  justified  his  opposition  to  them.  His  colleague, 
Senator  Johnson,  replied,  defending  the  instructions  of  the  State 
Legislature;  and,  Mr.  Bell  taking  exception  to  some  of  Mr.  John- 
son's remarks,  a  debate  sprung  up  which  occupied  the  whole  of 
the  23d  of  February,  1858.  Unpleasant  results  were  anticipated ; 
but,  on  the  25th,  both  gentlemen  made  personal  explanations, — 
each  evincing  a  spirit  becoming  the  Senatorial  character. 

In  the  great  Lecompton  debate  of  March,  1858,  Senator  Bell 

*  Cong.  Globe,  1st  Sess.  34th  Cong.  p.  1310,  Ac. 


52  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

still  further,  and  in  a  very  elaborate  speech, — extending  through 
the  day  and  evening  sessions  of  the  18th, — gave  expression  to 
his  views  in  opposition  to  the  measure.  He  addressed  himself 
largely  to  the  issues,  doctrines,  and  arguments  promulgated  by 
Senator  Toombs,  which  no  man  could  pass  unnoticed  who  took 
the  views  he  did.  The  Senator  from  Georgia  said  in  substance 
that  it  was  a  question  of  union  or  disunion ;  it  was  no  sectional 
question,  but  one  which  concern  eel  the  whole  country, — the  North 
as  well  as  the  South.  He  proclaimed  to  the  Senate  that  he  had 
estimated  the  value  of  the  Union.  "  With  him," — to  use  the 
language  of  Bell,— "  it  is  a  myth,  a  false  idol ;  and  he  fears  that 
the  State  of  Kentucky,  which  my  honorable  and  eloquent  friend 
(Senator  Crittenden)  so  well  represents,  has  worshipped  and 
loved,  not  wisely,  but  too  well.  He  has  brought  the  question  to 
a  point, — an  issue  which  it  becomes  us  all  to  ponder."  Mr.  Bell 
had  feared  that  there  were  such  calculations  as  Toombs  suggested, 
founded  on  the  possible  result  of  the  question  in  debate;  but  he 
had  no  evidence  of  it  before.  A  vague  dread  had  been  resting 
on  his  mind ;  but  now  he  had  to  meet  it  as  an  admitted  fact.  It 
was  placed  before  the  country  openly,  boldly,  directly ;  and  he 
felt  called  on  to  notice  it  in  every  aspect  to  which  his  attention 
had  been  called  by  the  Senator  from  Georgia.  In  a  similar  spirit 
of  openness  he  investigated  the  question,  and  showed  that  the 
rejection  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  would  not  be  a  fit  pre- 
text for  Southern  men  to  agitate  disunion ;  and  that  its  accept- 
ance would  be  an  actual  overturning  of  the  fixed  principles  of 
our  Government.  On  examining  the  question  on  every  principle 
connected  with  the  inalienable  rights  of  the  people,  announced 
by  the  President  and  his  principal  supporters  in  the  Senate,  Mr. 
Bell  could  not  discover  that  there  was  really  any  application  for 
the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  with  the  assent  of  the 
people  of  that  Territory.  He  also  opposed  the  "  English  Bill," 
because  he  could  not  find  in  it  the  basis  of  a  speedy  and  perma- 
nent adjustment.  In  fact,  it  seemed  to  him  a  new  evidence  that 
neither  of  the  two  political  confederations  who  were  parties 
to  this  sectional  contest  had  any  sincere  desire  to  close  up  the 
question. 

In  the  discussion  of  the  Minnesota  Bill  (April  8,  1858)  the 
Senator  from  Tennessee  participated,  and  especially  with  refer- 


JOHN   BELL.  53 

ence  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  new  State 
touching  alien  suffrage.  He  thought  them  violative  of  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  the  framers  of  which, 
in  investing  Congress  with  the  power  of  passing  uniform  natu- 
ralization-laws, had  manifestly  never  contemplated  this  bestowal 
of  suffrage — one  of  the  highest  and  most  distinctive  rights  of 
citizenship — upon  unnaturalized  aliens.  In  former  years  he  had 
raised  his  voice  against  this  doctrine,  and  had  pointed  out  the 
abuses  to  which  it  might  lead ;  but  a  contrary  opinion  having 
seemed  to  prevail  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  and  among  the 
people,  both  of  the  North  and  of  the  South,  it  only  remained  for 
him  to  repeat  his  convictions  of  public  policy  and  propriety  in 
tho  matter,  without  pressing  them  so  far  as  to  vote  against  the 
admission  of  Minnesota  under  a  Constitution  open  to  these  ob- 
jections, especially  since,  under  the  construction  now  admitted 
by  a  majority  of  the  Senate,  he  could  have  no  guarantee  that  if 
the  Constitution  were  amended  in  this  regard,  while  before 
Congress,  it  would  not  be  forthwith  altered  by  the  people  after 
their  admission  and  made  to  conform  to  their  wishes  in  respect 
to  alien  suffrage.  He  regretted  to  find  in  this,  as  in  other  political 
developments  of  the  time,  the  indications  of  an  increasing  ten- 
dency toward  a  wild  and  unregulated  liberty. 

In  the  debates  on  financial  matters,  Senator  Bell  opposed  the 
propositions  of  the  Administration.  He  supported  Senator  Fes- 
senden's  amendment,  curtailing,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  enor- 
mous expenditures  to  which  the  Administration  had  committed 
the  Government,  by  the  inopportune  advance  of  the  troops  into 
Utah, — inopportune,  because  undertaken  at  a  time  when  it  must 
have  been  foreseen  that  they  would  have  to  winter  in  the  gorges 
of  the  Kocky  Mountains.  Again,  it  was  questionable  whether 
the  President  had  the  legal  authority  to  order  our  troops  into 
Utah,  to  act  as  an  escort  for  Federal  officers,  under  the  name  of 
a  posse  comitatus.  But,  even  if  he  had  the  power,  its  exercise 
in  the  premises  was  a  great  abuse. 

The  Fifteen-Million  Loan  Bill,  reported  from  the  Finance 
Committee,  drew  from  Senator  Bell  an  elaborate  argument.  Re- 
viewing the  circumstances  which  ostensibly  and  actually  created 
the  necessity  for  money,  he  said,  Twelve  months  ago  we  had  a 

5* 


54  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

surplus  of  twenty  millions  in  the  treasury.  Now  the  treasury 
is  bankrupt,  and  we  are  running  rapidly  in  debt,  without  pro- 
viding any  certain  means  of  liquidation.  Should  not  such  a 
prospect  rouse  the  people  to  inquiry  into  the  financial  policy  of 
the  Administration  ?  In  what  other  free  country  would  such  a 
condition  of  affairs  be  regarded  with  acquiescence  ?  No  British 
Ministry  would  so  far  presume  on  the  toleration  of  a  British 
public  as  to  come  before  Parliament  with  a  loan  bill  like  that 
now  pending  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States ;  for,  since  the 
Revolution  of  1688,  no  British  public  would  have  allowed  such 
management  of  the  national  revenues  to  pass  unchallenged.  An 
unparalleled  financial  revulsion  had  recently  swept  over  the 
civilized  world.  It  was  the  duty  of  our  rulers  to  have  been 
among  the  first  to  descry  the  coming  storm,  whereas  they 
seem  to  have  been  among  the  last,  if  we  may  judge  from  the 
dispositions  taken  by  the  present  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in 
buying  up  on  its  eve  the  bonds  of  the  Government  at  exorbi- 
tant premiums.  Powerless  to  avert,  they  confessed  themselves 
equally  incompetent  to  remedy,  the  disasters  which  have  befallen 
the  trade  and  industry  of  the  country. 

While  the  Naval  Appropriation  Bill  was  before  the  Chamber, 
a  spirited  debate  sprang  up  on  the  motion  of  Senator  Mallory, 
who  reported  from  the  Naval  Committee  an  amendment  author- 
izing the  construction  of  ten  steamships.  Senator  Bell  endorsed 
the  amendment,  believing,  ever  since  the  acquisition  of  posses- 
sions on  the  Pacific,  that  the  Navy  should  be  increased. 

He  is  strongly  in  favor  of  a  Pacific  Railroad.  He  argued 
that  it  now  costs  the  Government  more  than  two  millions  of 
dollars  per  annum  to  convey  the  mails  to  California  by  the  pre- 
sent routes,  while  the  expenses  of  the  army  on  our  remote 
Western  frontiers  amounted  during  the  last  year  to  ten  millions 
of  dollars ;  and  there  was  every  prospect  that  our  army  would 
be  needed  in  that  quarter.  He  therefore  thought  ten  millions, 
as  proposed  by  Senator  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  too  small  a  quota 
for  the  Government  to  contribute  to  the  enterprise.  Seven 
years  ago,  he  had  said  that  a  hundred  and  fifty  millions  were  not 
too  much;  and  he  was  of  the  same  opinion  still.  He  intro- 
duced an  amendment  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 


JOHN    BELL.  55 

to  advertise  for  proposals  to  construct  three  routes, — a  Northern, 
a  Southern,  and  a  Central, — leaving  Congress  at  a  subsequent 
day  to  choose  between  them.  He  particularly  remarked  on  the 
singular  fact  that  those  who  doubt  the  propriety  of  building  a 
Pacific  Railroad,  because  of  their  constitutional  scruples,  uncon- 
sciously adopt,  in  advocating  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  the  same 
line  of  argument  which  is  held  to  be  so  unsound  when  urged  by 
the  friends  of  the  railroad.  If  it  was  lawful  and  proper  to  ac- 
quire Cuba  because  that  island  was  necessary  to  the  military 
defences  and  commercial  aggrandizement  of  the  country,  why 
was  it  inadmissible  to  employ  the  same  reasons  in  advocacy  of 
the  Pacific  Railroad  ?  On  putting  it  to  a  vote,  the  amendment 
was  rejected ;  but,  having  been  subsequently  renewed  by  Senator 
Simmons,  it  was  passed. 

The  right  of  Congress  to  donate  lands  for  the  purpose  of 
founding  agricultural  colleges  being  questioned  by  several  lead- 
ing Senators,  Mr.  Bell  could  see  no  difference  between  the  con- 
stitutional power  of  Congress  to  pass  such  a  bill  and  that  exer- 
cised in  the  case  of  the  numerous  grants  made  to  the  several 
States  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  construction  of  internal 
improvements. 

Such  is  an  outline  of  Mr.  Bell's  career  and  opinions.  Of  the 
character  of  his  usefulness  and  ability,  the  "National  Intelli- 
gencer" of  March  7,  1859,  in  announcing  the  expiration  of  his 
Senatorial  term,  said, — 

"We  are  sure  that  we  do  but  give  utterance  to  the  voice  of  a  large 
portion  not  only  of  the  people  of  Tennessee,  but  of  the  country  at  large, 
when  we  say  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  Hon.  John  Bell  from  the  body 
which  he  has  so  long  instructed  by  the  wisdom  of  his  counsels  and 
adorned  by  the  dignity  of  his  demeanor  deserves  to  be  regarded  as  a 
serious  loss  to  t,he  public  service.  Uniting  to  habits  of  patient  study 
those  cardinal  qualities  of  mind  which  constitute  the  conservative 
statesman,  he  had,  moreover,  acquired,  by  his  long  services  in  different 
branches  of  the  Government,  an  experience  which  fitted  him  in  a  sin- 
gular degree  for  the  high  functions  he  has  lately  discharged  with  so 
much  credit  to  himself  and  usefulness  to  the  counti'y.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  his  withdrawal  from  public  life  will  prove  only  temporary,  and  that 
our  National  Councils  may  still  share  in  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from 
the  signal  ability  he  brings  to  the  discussion  of  all  great  public  mea- 


56  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

sures.  That  ability  has  been  sufficiently  illustrated  in  the  able  speeches 
he  has  delivered  on  the  topics  of  political  concern  which  have  occupied 
the  attention  of  Congress  during  the  last  few  years;  and  we  venture  to 
express  the  hope  that  a  selection  from  his  Senatorial  efforts  on  great 
questions  of  State  policy  may  be  gathered  into  a  permanent  form,  as 
we  are  sure  they  would  compare  favorably  with  similar  productions  of 
the  leading  statesmen  who  have  shed  lustre  on  our  Parliamentary 
annals." 


JOHN    M.  BOTTS.  57 


JOHN  M.  BOTTS, 

OF  VIRGINIA. 

JOHN  MINOR  BOTTS  was  born  in  Dumfries,  Prince  William 
County,  Virginia,  on  the  16th  of  September,  1802.  His  father, 
Benjamin  Botts,  was  the  youngest  man  engaged  in  the  defence 
of  Aaron  Burr,  and  was  then  already  eminent  at  the  bar.  His 
specialty  was  courage,  nerve, — the  "  bravest  of  all  possible  men," 
I  have  heard  him  described  by  a  contemporary.  Losing  his  parents 
at  the  early  age  of  nine,  by  the  memorable  conflagration  of  the 
Richmond  Theatre,  in  December,  1811,  young  Botts,  then  but  a 
child,  was  left  to  his  own  care.  He  attended  various  schools  until 
the  age  of  eighteen  years,  and  acquired  a  knowledge  of  Greek, 
Latin,  French,  and  mathematics.  He  then  studied  law,  entirely 
under  his  own  direction,  and  was  licensed  to  practise  the  profes- 
sion after  a  six-weeks'  acquaintance  with  it, — a  feat  which  it  is 
claimed  but  one  other  achieved,  and  that  one  the  immortal 
orator  of  the  Revolution,  Patrick  Henry.*  * 

After  devoting  himself  for  six  years  to  the  practice  of  the 
law  in  Richmond,  he  became  dissatisfied  with  the  confinement  it 
imposed.  Purchasing  a  farm  in  Henrico  County,  in  1828,  he 
tu  ;ned  his  attention  to  agriculture,  and  in  a  few  years  became 
famous  for  producing  the  largest  crops,  acre  for  acre,  of  any 
farmer  in  the  county. 

While  turning  the  soil,  he  did  not  allow  his  political  sympa- 
thies to  stagnate.  It  is  recorded  that  he  was  the  twelfth  anti- 
Jackson  man  in  Henrico  in  1828,  and  that  he  was  then  seized 
with  the  desire  and  intention  of  revolutionizing  the  political  sen- 
timent of  the  county,  formidable  as  it  was.  Five  years  after, 
the  fruit  of  his  labor  and  enthusiasm  in  the  Whig  cause  was 


*  A  large  portion  of  this  sketch  is  adopted  almost  verbatim  from  material  fur- 
nished by  a  capable  gentkmuu,  who  is  intimately  acquainted  with  the  subject. 


58  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

manifested  in  his  return  to  the  State  Legislature,  (1833,)  it. 
which  he  sat,  by  successive  re-elections,  until  1839 ;  and  in  the 
latter  year  he  received  the  nomination  of  the  Whigs  for  Con- 
gress in  a  district  which  had  never  elected  any  other  than  a 
Democrat  since  John  Marshall*  had  represented  it. 

Mr.  Botts  being  regarded  as  the  only  adversary  whom  the 
Democrats  had  reason  to  fear,  they  selected  for  his  opponent  the 
most  popular  man  of  their  party  in  the  district,  who  resigned  an 
official  position  he  then  held  in  the  State,  and  took  the  stump 
against  Mr.  Botts,  under  the  assurance  that,  if  defeated,  he 
should  be  placed  in  a  better  situation  in  Washington  than  that 
he  relinquished.  In  this  contest  Mr.  Botts  succeeded,  by  the 
handsome  majority  of  over  200  votes !  In  1841,  he  was  again 
triumphantly  elected  to  Congress  over  the  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Roane, 
whose  term  in  the  United  States  Senate  had  just  expired. 

In  1843  the  State  was  re-apportioned  and  the  districts  very 
much  enlarged.  The  Democrats  had  a  large  majority  in  the 
Legislature,  who  avowed  that  their  purpose  in  enlarging  the 
Richmond  district  was  to  make  it  as  'Democratic  as  possible,  in 
order  to  defeat  Mr.  Botts  in  the  future.  They,  therefore,  struck 
off  two  of  the  four  Whig  counties  that  had  been  represented  by 
him,  and  added  three  others,  two  of  which  were  very  largely 
Democratic,  and  the  other  about  equally  divided.  This  made 
the  Democratic  majority  between  five  and  six  hundred  in  the 
district  ]  but,  fearing  this  might  not  thoroughly  effect  their  pur- 
pose, they  proposed  to  attach  another  Democratic  county  to  it, 
which  then  gave  350  majority,  and  which  was  publicly  pro- 
claimed on  the  floor  of  the  Legislature  to  be  the  "  cap-stone" 
upon  Mr.  Botts's  political  grave,  from  which  he  could  never 
rise.  His  opponent  was  John  W.  Jones,  afterward  Speaker  of 
the  House,  a  gentleman  whose  great  personal  and  political  popu- 
larity promised  a  majority  of  1000  votes.  In  addition  to  this 
disadvantage,  Mr.  Botts  had  but  six  weeks  to  canvass  the  district. 
His  courage,  however,  not  only  did  not  fail,  but  received  a  vital 
fervor  from  the  odds  against  him.  He  met  his  opponent  face  to 
face  wherever  and  whenever  possible.  He  arraigned  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  especially  the  Democratic  Legislature,  for  the 

*  Afterward  the  celebrated  Chief  Justice,  and  biographer  of  Washington. 


JOHN    M.  BOTTS.  59 

injustice  and  wrong  done  to  all  the  rest  of  tlie  State  by  its  de- 
sign to  punish  him  for  his  fidelity  to  those  principles  which  he 
believed  essential  to  the  welfare  of  his  country.  When  the  elec- 
tion took  place,  the  Democrats  were  astounded  to  find  their  anti- 
cipations of  a  majority  dwindled  down  to  32  votes.  A  convic- 
tion resting  on  the  minds  of  some  that  Mr.  Botts  was  actually 
elected,  a  public  meeting  was  held,  by  the  voice  of  which  he 
contested  the  seat.  The  Democrats  were  as  powerful  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  as  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia. 

In  order,  therefore,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  defeat,  they  re- 
sorted to  the  extraordinary  expedient  of  electing  Jones  Speaker 
of  the  House,  with  the  contested  election  hanging  over  him.  Mr. 
Cave  Johnson  moved  a  resolution  requiring  the  committee  to 
which  the  case  was  referred  to  consist  of  six  Democrats  and 
three  Whigs,  instead  of  five  to  four,  as  had  been  the  uniform 
custom  up  to  that  period.  When,  at  last,  Mr.  Botts  forced  this 
committee  into  action,  and  they  found  from  the  investigation 
that  there  was  serious  reason  to  fear  for  the  safety  of  the  Speaker, 
they  reported  against  him  before  having  gone  through  one-third 
of  the  evidence.  When  it  came  before  the  House,  the  same  ap- 
prehension was  manifested.  The  hour-rule  was  applied,  and  no 
entreaty  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs  could  induce  the  Democrats 
to  extend  the  time,  so  as  to  allow  him  to  expose  the  corrupt 
course  the  House  and  committee  had  pursued  toward  him.*  He 
went  home  and  took  the  stump  for  Mr.  Clay,  and  by  his  almost 
unaided  efforts  he  succeeded  in  revolutionizing  the  district,  which 
gave  that  great  patriot  a  majority  of  about  250. 

In  1845,  just  after  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay,  the  most  unpa- 
ralleled apathy  seemed  to  possess  the  Whigs  over  the  whole 
country,  the  result  of  which  was  the  Democracy  in  Congress 
obtained  a  majority  of  80  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr. 
Botts  was  again  unanimously  nominated  by  his  party  for  Con- 
gress. Mr.  Jones  declined  a  re-election,  declaring  on  the  floor 
of  Congress  that  he  would  rather  run  against  any  twenty-five 
men  in  the  district  than  meet  Mr.  Botts.  Mr.  Sedden,  a  stran- 
ger in  the  district,  was  elected,  "  for  the  simple  reason  that  the 

*  "  Ilancock,"  in  the  "  New  York  Express,"  July,  1859. 


60  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

loss  of  JMr.  Clay's  election  had  carried  dismay  into  every  Whig 
heart,  and  it  was  impossible  at  that  time  to  rally." 

The  confidence  of  the  party  in  Mr.  Botts  was,  however,  in- 
creased j  and,  in  1847,  he  was  again  unanimously  called  into 
the  contest,  and,  to  the  great  delight  of  the  Whig  party  through- 
out the  State  and  country,  he  was  re-elected  to  Congress  by  a 
majority  of  596  votes.  Thus  was  the  "  cap-stone"  removed,  and 
the  dead  restored  triumphantly  to  life  in  the  short  space  of  two 
terms. 

While  Mr.  Botts  was  removing  obstructions  almost  insurmount- 
able, no  competitor  appeared  before  him ;  but  his  friuniph  brought 
many  aspirants  forward,  all  anxious  to  have  him  set  aside,  that 
their  chances  for  the  succession  might  be  equalized.  That  oppor- 
tunity was  presented  in  the  year  1848,  in  the  memorable  contest 
between  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  and  Gen.  Taylor.  The  State  of 
Virginia  declared  in  convention  for  Gen.  Taylor,  when  it  was 
known  that  the  party  in  the  State  were  for  Mr.  Clay.  Mr.  Botts 
adhered  to  the  fortunes  of  Mr.  Clay  until  the  action  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Convention  destroyed  the  last  hope  of  success.  Mortified 
and  grieved  by  what  he  considered  the  folly  of  the  proceeding,  as 
well  as  the  injustice  done  to  the  founder  of  the  Whig  party,  he 
was  slow  in  coming  to  the  support  of  Gen.  Taylor.  But  at  last  he 
did,  and  made  a  speech  at  Vauxhall  Garden,  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  when,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Clay  himself,  he  withdrew 
his  name,  and  urged  the  numerous  Clay  organizations  in  the 
State  to  surrender  their  favorite  and  rally  upon  Gen.  Taylor. 
This  they  did,  and  thus  secured  the  vote  of  New  York,  and  the 
election  of  Gen.  Taylor,  as  was  admitted  by  the  "New  York 
Herald",  at  the  time.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Botts  on  that  occa- 
sion made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  thousands  who  lis- 
tened to  him,  and  a  visible  emotion  seemed  to  thrill  every 
heart.  As  Mr.  Botts  closed  his  speech,  the  supporters  of  Gen. 
Taylor  gave  vent  to  their  exultation,  which  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Clay  could  not  then  hear  without  pain,  and  they  demonstrated 
their  displeasure  by  hisses.  Mr.  Botts  reminded  them  of  what 
was  staked  upon  the  result,  and  urged  them  to  be  magnanimous. 
The  "  New  York  Tribune"  immediately  hauled  down  the  Clay 
banner,  and  next  morning  ran  up  Gen.  Taylor's  colors, — a  course 
which  was  soon  followed  by  all  the  Clay  adherents  in  that  State. 


JOHN    M.  BOTTS.  61 

Those  who  were  secretly  opposed  to  Botts  in  Virginia 
managed  to  get  a  "  Taylor"  man  in  the  field  for  Congress,  and 
by  that  means  the  district  which  Mr.  Botts  had  won  from  the 
Democracy  fell  back  to  it.  His  defeat,  however,  still  served  to 
show  his  popularity  among  the  Whigs.  In  a  three-days'  contest 
the  Taylor  candidate  received  but  317  votes,  those  of  Mr.  Botts 
amounting  to  2500. 

In  1851,  he  was  again  unanimously  called  by  the  convention 
of  his  district  to  take  the  field.  He  reluctantly  obeyed.  But, 
satisfied  that  the  causes  of  the  dissensions  in  1848  were  not  yet 
entirely  removed,  he  subsequently  declined  the  nomination  and 
invited  the  convention  to  choose  another  candidate, — the  election 
having  been  postponed  from  May  to  October.  The  convention 
re-assembled  and  insisted  that  he  should  run. 

Mr.  Botts  has  been  fourteen  times,  by  party  conventions, 
placed  before  the  people,  and  triumphantly  elected  ten  times  out 
of  the  fourteen.  And  when  defeated,  it  took  the  whole  power 
of  the  Legislature  to  overcome  him,  aided  by  the  lower  House 
of  Congress ;  and  then,  like  Mr.  Clay  in  1840  and  1843,  he  was 
beaten  by  his  own  household,  whom  he  had  so  faithfully  served 
in  every  trying  contest.  Since  1851,  Mr.  Botts  has  positively 
refused  to  allow  his  name  to  be  presented  as  a  candidate  for  any 
office  in  the  State. 

His  career  has  been  singularly  consistent  and  fearless  in  the 
advocacy  of  what  he  deemed  the  best  and  broadest  views  of 
statesmanship.  Soon  after  the  Southern  Democracy  had  changed 
its  issue  from  the  tariff  to  the  Slavery  question,  the  Abolitionists 
at  the  North  began  to  petition  Congress  against  slavery.  This 
led  to  the  passage  of  the  twenty-first  rule,  forbidding  the  recep- 
tion of  such  petitions.  The  denial  of  this  right  aroused  universal 
indignation  at  the  North,  and  the  petitions  increased  a  hundred- 
fold. The  North  resolved  upon  the  abrogation  of  the  rule,  and 
the  South  threatened  a  bloody  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  the 
consequence  of  its  repeal.  Mr.  Botts  came  boldly  forward  and 
advocated  its  removal;  while  a  storm  of  denunciation  from  friend 
and  foe  was  poured  upon  him  from  every  quarter  of  the  South. 
He  saw  clearly  the  necessity  of  the  abrogation,  and  he  defied  all 
injurious  constructions  placed  upon  his  motives,  and  persevered 
until  tiie  obnoxious  rule  was  rescinded.  The  wisdom  of  his  con- 

6 


62  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

elusions  was  manifested  at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  when 
but  six  Abolition  petitions  were  offered,  instead  of  about  six  thou- 
sand, as  at  the  previous  session. 

Mr.  Botts's  defence  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  his  disruption 
with  President  Tyler,  with  whom  he  had  been  on  terms  of  pecu- 
liar intimacy,  are  cited  by  his  friends  as  striking  evidences  of 
his  characteristic  reliance  on  and  advocacy  of  sterling  principle. 
In  both  instances  he  almost  stood  alone ;  and  it  is  the  boast  of, 
his  admirers  that  Southern  opinion,  then  so  fiercely  opposed  to 
him,  now  concedes  him  all  credit  for  the  motives  which  prompted 
his  action.  To  his  course  in  the  Tyler  case,  even  Mr.  Clay  hesi- 
tated to  yield  his  approval;  but  Mr.  Botts  stood*  firm.  He  was 
compelled  to  stem  the  torrent  of  an  almost  universal  opinion ; 
but  he  did  not  falter.  In  his  own  party  he  found  no  support. 
The  Cabinet  condemned  him,  the  press  censured  him,  Congress 
blamed  him.  "  Still,  solitary  and  alone,  he  agitated  public  opi- 
nion, and  in  a  few  weeks  he  had  thoroughly  transformed  it."  In 
the  House  of  Representatives,  where  at  first  Mr.  Botts  had  not 
one  supporter,  one  hundred  and  nineteen  eventually  joined  him  in 
a  severe  rebuke  of  the  President,  and  eighty-nine  voted  to  im- 
peach Mr.  Tyler,  as  the  highest  possible  measure  of  national 
condemnation. 

In  September,  1853,  Mr.  Botts  was  invited  by  the  venerable 
Ex-Chief-Justice  Hornblower,  Hon.  A.  C.  M.  Pennington,  Wil- 
liam E.  Robinson,  D.  T.  Clark,  and  several  other  leading  Whigs, 
to  a  public  dinner  at  Newark,  New  Jersey.  It  resulted  in  a 
flattering  success.  On  every  side  were  to  be  seen  those  who 
had  battled  through  good  and  evil  report,  in  storm  and  sun- 
shine, for  the  success  of  the  Whig  cause.  In  proposing  the 
health  of  the  guest,  Mr.  Pennington  said  he  was  "  a  Whig  who 
has  been  ever  faithful  and  ever  true, — a  man  who,  whether  in 
success  or  defeat,  in  storm  or  sunshine,  in  glory  or  in  gloom,  has 
ever  stood  by  the  Whig  party, — a  man,  I  may  add,  who  is  a 
Whig  because  he  loves  the  Whig  party,  and  not  because  he 
wishes  to  profit  by  it.  He  comes  from  the  good  old  State  of 
Virginia, — a  State  said  to  be  the  mother  of  Presidents.  She 
certainly  has  been  the  mother  of  statesmen,  and,  not  the  least 
of  them,  of  him  in  whose  honor  I  rise  to  propose  this  sentiment. 
Our  guest, — Hon.  John  Minor  Botts,  of  Virginia, — independent 


JOHN    M.  BOTTS.  63 

in  his  opinions  and  fearless  in  advocating  them  :  the  Whig  party 
are  proud  of  him  as  a  champion  of  the  good  old  "Whig  cause." 

In  reply,  Mr.  Botts  made  a  lengthy  speech,  exposing  the 
"spurious  Democracy/'  and  arguing  that  the  Whig  party  still 
existed.  "  If  dead,"  said  he,  "  it  died  on  the  3d  of  November, 
1852 ;  and  on  that  day  it  recorded  one  million  three  hundred  and 
eighty-five  thousand  true,  genuine,  undismayed  Whig  votes, — 
such  a  vote  as  was  never  given  before  for  that  or  any  other  party 
since  the  foundation  of  the  Government ;  and  it  only  required 
about  thirty-five  thousand  votes,  properly  distributed,  to  have 
secured  success  to  its  candidate."  In  relation  to  himself,  he  said 
he  was  tired  of  political  life,  and  would  never  again  seek  public 
station.  If,  however,  services  were  demanded  of  him  in  a  posi- 
tion where  he  could  uphold  the  position  of  the  people  against  the 
power  of  the  politicians  and  selfish  office-seekers  of  the  land,  he 
would  obey  the  call. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  is  another  striking  exemplification 
of  the  characteristic  qualities  of  Mr.  Botts.  From  the  moment 
that  question  was  mooted,  it  seemed  to  find  unqualified  approval 
in  the  Southern  mind.  Not  a  Southern  Senator  in  Congress 
opposed  that  bill,  but  either  enthusiastically  supported  it,  or  re- 
mained silent.  Every  Southern  member  of  the  House  followed 
the  same,  programme.  Every  Southern  paper  either  lauded  or 
said  nothing.  Every  petty  orator  and  politician  declared  that  the 
bill  was  the  only  thing  to  save  Kansas  to  the  South.  It  was  at 
this  period  that  Mr.  Botts  came  out  with  his  letters  of  utter  con- 
demnation. The  result  of  this  course  again  brought  upon  his 
head  the  united  animadversion  of  the  people.  The  press  and 
politicians  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  denounced  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  without  regard  to  party  dis- 
tinction. Almost  every  paper  condemned  him ;  and  the  Whig 
and  Democratic  journals  seemed  for  a  time  to  vie  with  each  other 
in  the  measure  of  abuse  showered  upon  him.  About  this  period, 
certain  distinguished  gentlemen  of  the  Whig  party  called  upon 
the  editors  of  an  influential  paper  and  tabooed  the  further  issue 
of  his  mischievous  letters  in  their  columns.  As  time  passed  on, 
Mr.  Botts  not  only  refused  to  recant  his  views,  but  reiterated 
his  abhorrence  of  this  "popular  Baal;"  and  the  popular  clamor 
against  him  was  lashed  into  fury.  Whig  papers  essayed  to 


64  "    LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

expel  him  from  the  party.  Democratic  editors  were  ecstatic  in 
indignation  at  his  "  traitorous  proceedings ;"  and  Henry  A.  Wise 
proposed  to  hang  him  in  the  summer  of  1856.  But  all  this 
never  had  the  slightest  effect  toward  causing  Mr.  Botts  to 
recede  from  a  single  position  he  had  assumed. 

One  of  Mr.  Botts's  most  telling  public  addresses  was  that 
delivered  at  the  African  Church  in  Richmond,  on  the  8th 
of  August,  1856.  In  it  he  vindicated  his  past  action,  and, 
among  other  points,  traced  the  history  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, and  showed  what  were  its  fruits,  by  whom  they  were  en- 
joyed, and  what  had  been  the  effect  of  its  repeal.  It  was  not, 
said  he,  as  has  been  commonly  stated,  a  measure  imposed  upon 
the  South  by  the  North.  It  was  proposed  on  the  part  of  the 
South  to  the  North,  "  that  if  you  will  allow  us — you  being  in 
the  majority,  and  having  the  control — if  you  will  permit  us  to 
carry  slavery  up  to  the  line  of  36°  30',  we  will  pledge  ourselves 
not  to  attempt  to  carry  slavery  beyond  36°  30'."  They  said, 
"  We  will  allow  every  State  south  of  36°  30',  that  chooses,  to 
adopt  slavery  or  reject  it  as  they  please;  but  if  they  apply  for 
admission,  as  Missouri  has  done,  as  Slave  States,  then  you  shall 
make  no  objection  to  their  admission  because  they  recognise 
slavery."  Thus,  the  South,  with  a  few  Northern  votes,  carried 
the  measure.  It  was  voted  for  by  twenty  out  of  the  twenty -two 
Southern  Senators  in  Congress.  Macon,  of  North  Carolina,  and 
Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  were  the  only  Southern  Senators  who 
voted  against  it.  In  the  House  it  passed  by  134  to  42 ;  forty 
Southern  Representatives  voting  for,  and  thirty-seven  voting 
against,  it.  The  history  of  that  day  will  show  it  to  have  been  a 
great  Southern  triumph.  The  repeal  of  it  he  held  to  be  a  cunning 
device  to  reopen  agitation  on  the  Slavery  question,  and,  in  a  cir- 
cumstantial series  of  statements,  he  essayed  to  show  that  the  De- 
mocratic party  never  sanctioned  any  thing  that  would  produce 
peace  and  harmony }  that  it  was  their  intention  to  agitate  and 
keep  up  agitation  on  the  subject,  and  provoke  resistance  to  the 
Eugitive-Slave  Law. 

In  the  same  year,  a  committee  of  the  American  party  of  Rich- 
mond addressed  the  Americans  of  the  Union,  recommending 
Mr.  Botts  for  the  Presidency,  as  an  honest,  true,  courageous, 
pure,  and  able  man, — one  who  had  been  so  pronounced  by  Mar- 


JOHN    M.  BOTTS.  65 

shall,  Gallatin,  Webster,  and  Clay.  "  We  are  aware,"  said  the 
authors  of  the  Address,  "that  our  candidate  is  not  Wxthout  ene- 
mies— bitter  and  vindictive,  but,  we  trust,  impotent,  enemies — 
at  home  and  abroad.  We  are  aware  that  among  the  most  bitter 
and  vindictive  of  these  are  men  of  our  own  State  and  city.  But 
in  this  position  he  stands  not  alone.  Everett,  in  Massachusetts, 
Fillmore  and  Dickinson,  in  New  York,  Cass,  in  Michigan,  Bu- 
chanan, in  Pennsylvania,  Wise  and  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  and 
Houston,  of  Texas,  have,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  own  homes, 
men  of  their  own  party  equally  bitter." 

On  Washington's  Birthday,  1859,  Mr.  Botts  addressed  the 
Order  of  United  Americans  in  the  Academy  of  Music,  New 
York.  His  speech,  which  drew  down  high  encomiums  from  his 
party,  is  a  continuation  of  his  previous  expositions  of  the  Demo- 
cracy. It  was  especially  severe  on  the  Administration  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  and  the  complications  arising  from  the  attempted  en- 
forcement of  its  chief  measures,  such  as  the  Lecompton-Kansas 
affair,  the  Loan  Bill,  the  Thirty-Million  Cuba  Bill,  the  Mormon 
War,  and  the  difficulties  with  the  Central  American  States.  He 
only  less  condemned  the  "Black  Republicans,"  and,  alluding 
to  the  "Americans,"  denied  that  it  was  proposed  to  interfere 
with  the  subject  of  religion  or  the  religious  worship  of  any  por- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  Order  was  not, 
and  never  had  been,  mixed  up  with  any  question  relating  to  the 
Church ;  and  the  other  organizations  sought  nothing  more  than 
resistance  to  any  union  of  Church  and  State.  Their  purpose  was 
to  permit  no  ecclesiastical  order  to  govern  the  civil  authority,  nor 
force  any  particular  religion  upon  the  people  by  legal  enactment, 
and  to  oppose  the  exclusion  of  the  Bible  from  the  common 
schools. 

"For  my  own  part,  [to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Botts,]  I  should  be  more 
than  willing  that  every  foreigner  now  upon  our  shores,  or  arriving  here 
within  any  given  future  day,  within  a  limited  period,  should  be  allowed 
to  go  at  once  to  the  proper  tribunal,  and  by  declaring  his  intention,  upon 
oath,  to  become  a  permanent  citizen,  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
United  States,  and  become  at  once  invested  with  every  civil  and  religious 
privilege  enjoyed  by  a  native  citizen ;  but  I  would  withhold  from  him  all 
political  power,  and  let  him  wait  patiently  until  his  children,  raised  under 
republican  institutions,  nursed,  as  it  were,  by  the  milk  of  liberty  from  its 
mother's  breast,  should  stand  forth  and  claim,  as  we  do  now,  that  he  has 
E  6* 


66  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

rights  and  privileges  at  home  that  do  not  belong  to  every  travelling  vagrant 
that,  from  charity,  he  might  choose  to  take  into  his  household  to  protect 
from  want  and  cold." 

On  the  question  of  protection  to  naturalized  citizens,  which 
sprung  up  in  the  summer  of  this  year,  (1859,)  Mr.  Botts  came 
out  in  a  most  emphatic  manner,  arguing  in  favor  of  a  thorough 
protection,  inasmuch  as  the  naturalized  citizen,  by  the  form  pre- 
scribed by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  withdraws  all 
allegiance  to  foreign  Governments.  He  did  not  dispute  that 
there  was  an  international  European  law  which  does  not  recog- 
nise the  right  of  expatriation.  Operating '  among  those  who 
recognise  it,  that  law  was  fair  and  equal,  because  mutual  and 
reciprocal ;  but  that  the  United  States  had  no  voice  or  agency 
in  establishing  that  international  law,  and  that  this  Government 
has  always  repudiated  and  condemned  it,  and  refused  to  be  go- 
verned by  it,  was  equally  indisputable.  It  was  not  necessary 
to  go  beyond  the  Constitution  itself  to  prove  it  by  the  authority 
there  given  to  Congress  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  naturaliza- 
tion, which,  under  the  international  code  denying  the  right  of 
expatriation,  could  not  have  been  authorized  or  justified. 

Such  is  a  succinct  view  of  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Botts.  That 
they  meet  with  favor  from  a  large  and  respectable  portion  of  his 
fellow-citizens  is  undeniable.  He  has  been  recently  recom- 
mended by  several  meetings  at  leading  places,  including  New 
York,  Brooklyn,  and  Richmond,  as  the  candidate  of  the  Opposi- 
tion  party  for  the  next  Presidency.  Few  gentlemen  in  public 
life  have  had  more  bitter  enemies  or  warmer  friends.  In  ap- 
pearance he  is  portly,  in  manners  blunt,  but  courteous,  and  his 
talents  are  of  a  positive  and  eloquent  character. 


JOHN    C.  BRECKINRIDGE.  67 


JOHN  C.  BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF  KENTUCKY. 

THE  most  fortunate  gentleman  connected  with  politics  in  our 
country  is  certainly  the  young  statesman  whose  name  I  have 
just  written.  I  say  fortunate,  in  a  sense  complimentary  to  the 
nation  as  well  as  to  him;  for  it  is  rare  to  find  a  man  of  his  talents 
and  capacity  so  profoundly  appreciated  at  so  early  a  period  of  life. 
John  Adams  was  fifty-four  years  old  when  elected  to  the  Vice- 
Presidency;  Jefferson,  fifty-three;  Aaron  Burr,  forty-four; 
George  Clinton,  sixty-five ;  Elbridge  Gerry,  sixty-nine ;  Daniel 
D.  Tompkins,  forty-three;  John  C.  Calhoun,  forty-three;  Mar- 
tin Van  Buren,  fifty;  Richard  M.  Johnson,  fifty-seven;  John 
Tyler,  fifty-one ;  George  M.  Dallas,  fifty-three ;  Millard  Fillmore, 
forty-eight;  William  B.  King,  sixty-six;  while  the  subject  of 
this  sketch  was  elected  to  the  high  office  he  now  holds  at  the  age 
of  thirty-five.  He  is  by  far  the  youngest  of  the  most  prominent 
men  in  the  country,  and  it  is  with  no  little  pride  that  his  State 
and  his  friends  throughout  the  United  States  may  point  to  that 
fact.  The  man  whose  career  inspires  such  reliance  that  it  can 
meet,  as  his  has  safely  done,  the  rivalry  of  more  experienced  cele- 
brities, and  harmonize  all  into  an  approving  satisfaction  at  his 
elevation,  has  achieved  that  which  in  our  day  and  nation  is  one 
of  the  highest  testimonies  to  his  capacity  and  merits.  The  man 
whom  the  assembled  wisdom  of  the  Democracy  agreed  to  elevate 
to  the  second  place  in  the  nation  is  a  man  to  be  judged  not  by 
his  years,  but  by  his  suitableness  to  the  age  in  which  he  lives. 
In  this  connection,  it  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  the  two  young- 
est of  the  really  prominent  men  of  the  Democratic  or  any  other 
party — Messrs.  Breckinridge,  and  Orr,  of  South  Carolina — at 
the  same  time  presided  over  the  two  Houses  of  the  National 
Legislature. 

John  C.  Breckinridge  is  a  native  of  Kentucky,  and  was  born 


68  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

near  Lexington,  January  16,  1821.  He  received  his  education 
at  Centre  College,  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  some  months  at  Prince- 
ton, and,  after  going  through  the  requisite  law-studies  at  Tran- 
sylvania Institute,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  Lexington. 
Hoping  to  find  a  fruitful  field  in  which  to  sow  his  knowledge, 
he  emigrated  to  the  Northwest,  but,  after  something  less  than  a 
couple  of  years  spent  in  Burlington,  Iowa,  he  returned  to  his 
native  State,  and  took  up  his  abode  at  Lexington,  where  he  still 
resides.  He  entered  immediately  on  the  practice  of  his  profes- 
sion, and  met  with  a  well-merited  success. 

The  trump  of  war,  however,  excited  the  military  ardor  of  our 
young  Kentuckian,  and  the  result  was  creditable  service  as  a 
major  of  infantry  during  the  Mexican  War.  He  also  distin- 
guished himself  as  the  counsel  for  Major-General  Pillow  in  the 
celebrated  court-martial  of  that  officer. 

On  the  return  of  Major  Breckinridge  from  Mexico,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  created  so  favorable  an 
impression  as  a  legislator  that  he  was  elected  to  Congress  from 
the  Ashland  District,  and,  being  re-elected,  held  his  seat  from 
1851  to  1855. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  name  of  Mr.  Breckinridge  was  in 
the  mouths,  so  to  speak,  of  all  reading  people.  It  is  not  so  far 
back  but  that  his  difference  with  the  "  Democratic  Review"  is 
familiar  to  most  readers;  but  the  high  station  attained  by  Mr. 
Breckinridge  since,  makes  it  imperative  to  record  as  matter  of 
history  the  occasion  which  gave  him  his  first  prominence. 

The  "  Democratic  Review"  for  January,  1852,  burst  upon  the 
political  world  with  a  startling  fury.  Old  jog-trot  politicians 
were  aghast.  Canvassing  the  question  of  the  Presidency,  so 
soon  to  come  up,  the  Review  said  that,  while  the  fathers  of  the 
people  personally  lived,  it  was  an  easy  task  to  select  the  candidate 
most  worthy  of  success  and  most  certain  of  attaining  it.  Now 
it  was  somewhat  different.  Looking  at  the  defeat  of  the  Demo- 
cracy, in  1848,  after  the  brilliant  Denfttcratic  administration  of 
Polk,  it  believed  that  "if  it  were  impossible  for  the  old  politi- 
cians, the  surviving  lieutenants  of  the  days  of  Jackson,  to  agree, 
in  1848,  on  the  election  of  a  candidate,  it  was  ten  times  more 
impossible  for  them  to  agree  on  the  nomination  of  any  one  of 


JOHN   C.  BRECKINRIDGE.  69 

be  well  if  they  could  agree,  thought  the  Review,  for  they  had 
had  athe  control  of  the  destinies  of  the  country  and  the 
party,  but,  by  lack  of  statesmanship,  lack  of  temper,  lack  of  dis- 
cretion, and,  most  of  all,  by  lack  of  progress,  they  brought  into 
our  ranks  discord  and  dissension;  and  the  party  they  received 
united,  strong,  and  far  in  advance,  they  left  a  wreck — a  mutinous 
wreck — struggling  in  the  slough  of  questions  settled  by  the 
federal  compact  of  the  United  States/'  To  meet  the  exigencies 
of  the  times,  the  Review  advocated  and  announced  a  new  gene- 
ration of  statesmen,  not  trammelled  with  the  ideas  of  an  anterior 
era, — men  who  would  bring  not  only  young  blood,  but  young 
ideas,  to  the  councils  of  the  Republic.* 

Mr.  Breckinridge  was  in  favor  of  progress,  liked  young 
blood  and  young  ideas,  but  objected  to  the  course  of  the  Review. 
The  Review  had  been  most  extensively  circulated :  indeed,  no  Re- 
view in  America,  before  or  since,  made  any  such  sensation  as  the 
<(  Democratic"  did  in  1852.  t(  Politicians  were  in  a  nervous  fever 
in  the  breathing-time  from  month  to  month,  between  congratu- 
lating themselves  on  not  having  been  noticed  in  the  last  number, 
and  fear  of  being  scarified  in  the  next,  The  newspapers  were 
eager  to  get  an  early  copy,  to  extend  the  obituary  of  some  decapi- 
tated '  Fogy/  or  contradict  the  rumor  that  the  f  Democratic 
Review'  had  killed  him.  Being  always  in  a  rage  itself,  the 
Review  soon  created  a  like  feeling  in  the  public :  it  became  the 
rage.  Comic  papers  caricatured  its  writers,  and  revivified  its 
victims  into  ludicrous  notoriety;  comic  versifiers  squibbed  on  its 
suggestions;  leading  journals,  all  over  the  country,  poured  out 
praise  and  denunciation  with  equal  heartiness;  and  the 'wise 
heads  of  Congress  even  took  to  criticizing  and  debating  on  its 
merits  and  men."f  Deeming  that  the  article  in  question  was 
generally  considered  "an  attack  upon  almost  every  man  in  the 
Democratic  party  whose  name  had  been  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  Presidency,"  Mr.  Breckinridge  felt  bound  to  notice  it 
in  the  House.  The  February  number  followed  up  the  denun- 


*  See  article  "Eighteen-Fifty-Two  and  the  Presidency."  Dem.  Review,  Jan. 
1852.  Written  by  the  late  Thomas  Devin  Reilly. 

f  See  Memoir  of  Thomas  Devin  Reilly,  by  John  Savage,  in  "  '98  and  '48,"  p. 
373. 


70  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

ciatory  promises  and  premises  of  the  January  issue,  and  gave  the 
gentleman  from  Kentucky  still  further  grounds  of  objection,  es- 
pecially as  General  Butler,  of  Kentucky,  had  been  described  by 
name  as  an  "old  fogy." 

In  March,  he  bitterly  and  boldly  reviewed  the  reviewer,  and 
denounced  the  publication  and  its  conductors,  as  attempting 
to  promote  particular  interests  by  traducing  the  most  honored 
names  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy.  It  was  conceived  by 
some  prominent  men  and  journals  that  Mr.  Breckinridge's 
speech  was  an  indirect  attack  on  Judge  Douglas,  he  being  the 
only  prominent  man  not  assailed  by  the  Democratic  Review.  Mr. 
Breckinridge  also  rather  implied  that  the  Review  was  the  organ 
of  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  and  that  it  was  for  that  reason  he 
was  exempted  from  denunciation  in  its  pages.  Hon.  Mr.  Rich- 
ardson authoritatively  denied  that  Douglas  had  any  connection 
with  the  publication;  and  Hon.  E.  C.  Marshall,  of  California,- 
made  a  very  vigorous  reply  to  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
in  defence  of  the  Review, — "  a  periodical  in  which  he  felt  no  spe- 
cial interest,  except  in  so  far  as  it  was  ably  edited." 

The  Review  continued  to  create  great  anxiety  among  the  poli- 
ticians and  newspapers,  and,  in  view  of  the  debate  in  Congress, 
placed  both  Messrs.  Marshall  and  Breckinridge  on  record  in  its 
pages, — the  former  in  a  very  fine  steel-plate  portrait,  and  the 
latter  in  an  equally  elaborate,  but  tantalizing,  review  of  his  speech. 
The  newspapers  taking  up  the  debate  in  Congress,  and  reviewing 
the  Review,  bestowed  upon  Mr.  Breckinridge  a  large  share  of 
notice  in  the  discussion  of  the  affair. 

The  prominence  thus  derived,  other  circumstances  helped  to 
sustain. 

Introducing  (on  the  30th  of  June,  1852)  the  resolutions  of 
respect  to  the  memory  of  Henry  Clay,  who  had  died  the  day 
previous,  Mr.  Breckinridge  laid  the  fulness  of  his  young  heart 
on  the  grave  of  the  great  Kentuckian,  in  whom  "  intellect,  per- 
son, eloquence,  and  courage  united  to  form  a  character  fit  to 
command."  Standing  by  that  grave,  and  with  the  memories  of 
the  great  dead  about  him,  "the  mere  legerdemain  of  politics" 
appeared  contemptible  to  him.  What  a  reproach  was  Clay's  life 
on  the  false  policy  which  would  trifle  with  a  great  and  upright 
people !  "  If  I  were  to  write  his  epitaph,"  said  Breckinridge, 


JOHN    C.  BRECKINRIDGE.  71 

"  I  would  inscribe,  as  the  highest  eulogy,  on  the  stone  which  shall 
mark  his  resting-place,  <  Here  lies  a  man  who  was  in  the  public 
service  for  fifty  years,  and  never  attempted  to  deceive  his  coun- 
trymen.' " 

In  the  Thirty-Second  Congress,  Mr.  Breckinridge  was  instru- 
mental in  securing  an  appropriation  for  the  completion  of  a 
cemetery  near  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  which  the  remains  of  the 
American  officers  and  soldiers  who  fell  in  battle  or  otherwise  in 
or  near  the  city  of  Mexico  should  be  interred.  He  also  favored 
an  appropriation  for  a  weekly  mail  with  the  Pacific,  and  advo- 
cated putting  these  contracts  out  to  the  lowest  bidder. 

Though  Mr.  Breckinridge  did  not  seek  to  be  constantly  before 
the  House,  he  took  a  very  distinguished  position,  and  sometimes 
in  debate  was  sharp  and  effective. 

Hon.  Mr.  Giddings,  in  the  course  of  a  speech  (16th  of  March, 
1852)  on  the  Compromise  Measures  and  Fugitive-Slave  Law, 
denied  that  the  Federal  Government  had  power  to  pass  laws  by 
which  "to  compel  our  oflicers  and  people  to  seize  and  carry  back 
fugitive  slaves."  Mr.  Breckinridge  briefly  pushed  him  into  an 
enunciation  of  his  most  extreme  doctrines,  and  then  said, 
"Against  the  impotent  ravings  of  his  baffled  fanaticism  I  place 
the  plain  words  of  the  Constitution.  To  his  coarse  and  offensive 
language  I  have  no  reply." 

Again,  toward  the  close  of  the  discussion  about  the  "  Democra- 
tic Review/'  Mr.  Cartter  asked  him  some  questions  about  that 
periodical,  when  Breckiuridge  retorted,  "  I  did  not  suppose  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio  would  omit  a  favorable  opportunity  to  ring 
himself  into  the  debate,  and  say  something  which  might  go  upon 
the  record."  This  turned  the  laughter  of  the  House  on  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio,  who  did  not  get  an  answer  to  his  inquiry. 

With  the  debate  on  the  Nebraska  Bill,  in  March,  1854, 
Thirty-Third  Congress,  Mr.  Breckinridge's  name  is  intimately 
woven.  It  was  during  this  discussion  that  his  difficulty  with  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Cutting,  of  New  York,  took  place.  On  the  21st  of 
March,  Mr.  Richardson,  desiring  to  reach  the  Nebraska  Bill, 
heretofore  reported  by  him,  moved  the  House  to  go  into  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  the  State  of  the  Union.  After  some 
slight  discussion,  this  motion  was  lost.  Having  proceeded  with 
the  business  on  the  Speaker's  table,  several  smali  bills  were  taken 


72  LIVING   REPRESEN'IATIVE   MEN. 

up  and  referred,  and  the  Nebraska  Bill  reached  by  title.  Much 
feeling  was  manifested,  and  all  seemed  to  regard  this  as  a  crisis. 
Mr.  Richardson  and  Mr.  Cutting  rose  together.  The  former 
moved  to  refer  to  the  Committee  on  Territories ;  the  latter  moved 
to  refer  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Union.  The 
Speaker  recognised  the  member  from  Illinois,  and  the  member 
from  New  York  raised  a  point  of  order.  Richardson  said  his 
purpose  was  to  amend  the  bill,  and  that  Cutting's  course  would 
kill  it.  Mr.  Cutting  persisted  in  his  motion,  and  supported  it  by 
a  speech,  disclaiming  any  disrespect  to  Mr.  Richardson  as  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  and  stating  that  it  was 
understood  that  that  committee  had  already  discussed  and  elabo- 
rated the  subject.  He  was  opposed  to  putting  it  again  through 
the  circuitous  mode  of  referring  it  to  them,  and  having  it  on  the 
Speaker's  table  as  it  was  to-day.  The  North  was  in  a  state  of 
civil  insurrection  since  the  introduction  of  the  bill;  and  he 
thought  it  was  a  time,  not  for  parliamentary  tactics,  which  give 
rise  to  suspicion,  but  for  full,  frank,  and  manly  discussion.  He 
was  in  vain  appealed  to  :  he  would  not  withdraw ;  and,  his 
motion  being  passed,  he  clinched  the  vote  by  moving  to  recon- 
sider, and  then  laying  the  motion  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Millson,  of  Virginia,  having  brought  up  the  Nebraska 
matter  in  a  discussion  on  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill,  on  the 
23d,  was  followed  by  Mr.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  "two  enemies  of 
the  bill"  having  precipitated  the  debate  on  the  House.  Mr. 
Breckinridge  entered  the  lists  in  a  memorable  speech,  in  which 
he  strongly  stigmatized  the  course  of  Mr  Cutting.  "  The  gentle- 
man may  be  for  the  bill,"  said  he,  "  but  his  voice  is  that  of  an 
enemy."  He  warned  the  friends  of  the  measure  from  following 
the  member  from  New  York,  whose  course  would  kill  it;  and 
preferred  to  have  a  score  of  open  enemies  than  a  professed  friend 
who  struck  in  the  manner  he  did. 

On  the  27th,  Mr.  Cutting  replied  at  great  length  to  the  impu- 
tations thrown  out  by  Mr.  Breckinridge,  when,  the  latter  retort- 
ing, a  scene  of  great  excitement  took  place.  The  difficulty  was 
carried  out  of  the  House,  and  for  some  days  public  curiosity  was 
aroused  at  the  prospect  of  a  duel,  the  preparatory  steps  for  such 
a  settlement  having  been  taken.  On  the  3 1st,  however,  Mr. 
Preston  informed  the  House  that  Mr.  Cutting  had  left  the  mat- 


JOHN    C.  BRECK1NRIDGE.  78 

ter  in  the  hands  of  Colonel  Monroe,  of  New  York,  and  General 
Shields,  United  States  Senator  from  Illinois,  and  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge  had  referred  to  Colonel  Hawkins,  of  Kentucky,  and  him- 
self, (Mr.  P. ;)  and  he  was  authorized  to  state  that  a  settlement 
had  been  effected  mutually  satisfactory  and  honorable  to  both 
parties.  On  the  part  of  both  gentlemen  he  also  offered  an  apo- 
logy for  any  violation  of  the  rules  of  the  House  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  excitement  of  debate. 

Tn  Mr.  Breckinridge's  speech  of  the  23d,  he  declared  himself 
in  favor  of  perfect  non-intervention,  and  said  that  he  would  not 
vote  for  the  bill  if  it  proposed  to  legislate  slavery  into  Nebraska 
and  Kansas.  "  The  right  to  establish,"  said  he,  "  involves  the 
correlative  right  to  prohibit;  and,  denying  both,  I  would  vote  for 
neither.  I  go  further,  and  express  the  opinion  that  a  clause 
legislating  slavery  into  those  Territories  would  not  command  one 
Southern  vote  in  this  House."  Alluding  to  the  restriction  of 
1820,  and  its  inconsistency  with  the  Compromise  of  1850,  he 
said  the  effect  of  the  repeal  of  the  former  was  "  neither  to  esta- 
blish nor  to  exclude,  but  to  leave  the  future  condition  of  the 
Territories  dependent  wholly  upon  the  action  of  the  inhabitants, 
subject  only  to  such  limitations  as  the  Federal  Constitution  may 
impose." 

"Sir,"  he  said,  in  continuation,  "  I  care  nothing  about  refined  distinc- 
tions or  the  subtleties  of  verbal  criticism.  I  repeat  the  broad  and  plain 
proposition,  that  if  Congress  may  intervene  on  this  subject  it  may  inter- 
vene on  any  other;  and  having  thus  surrendered  the  principle,  and  broken 
away  from  constitutional  limitations,  you  are  driven  into  the  very  lap  of 
arbitrary  power.  By  this  doctrine  you  may  erect  a  despotism  under  the 
American  system.  The  whole  theory  is  a  libel  on  our  institutions.  It 
carries  us  back  to  the  abhorrent  principles  of  British  colonial  authority, 
against  which  we  made  the  issue  of  Independence.  I  have  never  acqui- 
esced in  this  odious  claim,  and  will  not  believe  that  it  can  abide  the  test 
of  public  scrutiny." 

In  recognition  of  Mr.  Breckinridge's  identification  with  the 
views  of  the  Administration,  President  Pierce  tendered  to  him 
the  mission  to  Spain ;  but  the  honor  was  respectfully  declined, 
family  matters  compelling  Mr.  Breckinridge  to  this  course.  He 
was  a  delegate  to  the  Cincinnati  Convention  in  June,  1856. 
After  the  nomination  of  Buchanan  for  the  Presidency,  several 
names  were  offered  for  the  second  office, — among  others,  that  of 

7 


74  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

John  C.  Breckinridge,  proposed  by  the  Louisiana  delegation, 
through  General  J.  L.  Lewis.  Acknowledging  the  flattering 
manifestation  of  good  will,  Mr.  Breckinridge  begged  that  his 
name  would  be  withdrawn.  On  the  first  ballot,  however,  the 
Vermont  delegation,  through  Mr.  Smalley,  believing  that  no 
Democrat  has  a  right  to  refuse  his  services  when  his  country 
calls,  cast  its  five  votes  for  Breckinridge.  Many  other  States 
followed,  and  of  the  total  he  received  fifty-one  votes,  second  on 
the  list,  and  only  eight  under  the  first, — General  Quitman.  On 
the  second  ballot,  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  Vermont  led  off 
for  Breckinridge ;  Massachusetts  followed  with  eleven  out  of 
thirteen  votes;  llhode  Island  followed  with  her  four;  then  the 
New  York  "  Softs"  gave  him  eighteen.  Delaware,  Maryland, 
and  Virginia  voting  in  the  same  way,  it  became  quite  obvious 
that  he  was  the  choice  of  the  body;  and  though  several  of  the 
remaining  States  voted  for  other  candidates,  they  quickly, 
one  by  one,  changed  their  votes,  the  several  delegates  making 
neat  and  appropriate  speeches  in  announcing  the  change.  The 
names  of  other  candidates  were  withdrawn,  and  the  whole  poll 
went  for  John  C.  Breckinridge,  at  which  the  Convention 
rose,  and  with  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  the  loudest  vocal 
demonstrations  directed  its  attention  upon  the  tall  and  graceful 
delegate  from  Kentucky,  who  had  been  so  unexpectedly  nomi- 
nated for  so  exalted  a  post.  It  was  long  before  the  demonstra- 
tions subsided  so  as  to  allow  a  word  to  be  heard.  At  last,  the 
commanding  figure  of  Mr.  Breckinridge  stood  fronting  the 
mighty  triumph.  It  certainly  was  a  time  to  try  a  young  man. 
He  spoke  briefly  and  becomingly.  The  result  just  announced 
was  unexpected,  and  his  profound  gratitude  was  without  words. 
He  gave  the  Convention  the  simple  thanks  of  a  true  heart;  and, 
expressing  his  appreciation  of  their  first  choice,  and  linking  his 
humble  name  with  that  of  the  tried  statesman  of  Pennsylvania, 
cordially  endorsed  the  platform,  and  sat  down  amid  the  booming 
of  cannon  and  the  vociferous  applause  of  the  multitude  outside 
breaking  in  upon  and  almost  overpowering  the  loud  cheers  within 
the  hall. 

Three  days  after  this  exciting  and  gratifying  scene,  his  neigh- 
bors gathered  to  congratulate  him  at  Lexington,  and  he  then,  in 
an  address  to  them,  reiterated  the  views  of  his  Nebraska-Kansas 


JOHN    C.  BRECKINRIDGE.  75 

speech  and  the  platform  upon  which  he  was  placed  before  the 
people. 

"The  whole  power,"  said  he,  "of  the  Democratic  organization  is 
pledged  to  the  following  propositions :  That  Congress  shall  not  interpose 
upon  this  subject  in  the  States,  in  the  Territories,  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia;  that  the  people  of  each  Territory  shall  determine  the  question 
for  themselves,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union  upon  a  footing  of  perfect 
equality  with  the  original  States,  without  discrimination  on  account  of 
the  allowance  or  prohibition  of  slavery." 

He  was  elected  Vice-President,  having  received  173  Electoral 
votes,  being  59  over  William  L.  Dayton,  the  Republican  candi- 
date for  the  same  office.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  thirty-five,  he  had 
served  his  country  abroad,  had  been  a  legislator  in  his  State  and 
in  the  National  Legislature,  had  been  tendered  the  representa- 
tion of  the  Republic  in  Europe,  and  elevated  to  the  second  office 
in  the  gift  of  the  people.  Truly  might  the  lines  of  the  poet  be 
applied  to  him  : — 

"  He  is  almost  sunk 

Beneath  the  weight  of  trusts  and  offices 
Not  merely  offer'd,  but  imposed  upon  him."* 

As  President  of  the  United  States  Senate,  he  took  the  chair 
of  that  eminent  body  early  in  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
Fifth  Congress,  December,  1857,  and,  with  some  intermission, 
caused  by  the  illness  of  his  family,  presided  during  that  stormy 
session. 

At  Florence,  Kentucky,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1858,  the  Vice- 
President,  then  being  in  rustication  in  his  own  State,  attended, 
by  invitation,  a  meeting  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  addressed  them 
in  an  eloquent  speech  on  the  topics  of  the  day.  He  defended  the 
Administration  against  the  charge  of  extravagance,  showing  that 
the  "Americans"  and  "Republicans,"  who  clamored  so  much 
about  extravagance,  were  the  very  parties  that  attempted  in  the 
previous  session  to  add  several  millions  to  the  budget;  that  the 
extravagant  and  objectionable  appropriations  were  made  by  a 
"  Republican'"  House,  and  that  the  only  resistance  made  against 
them  was  by  Democrats.  He  reviewed  the  Slavery  question  up 


*  Goldsmith  of  Padua :  a  Drama;  by  Thomas  S.  Donoho,  Washington,  D.C., 

1858. 


76  LIVING.  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

to  1820,  when  intervention  against  Slave  States  commenced, 
followed  with  a  rehearsal  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  movement,  and 
the  reaction  that  followed,  expressing  the  belief  that  the  people 
of  Kentucky  had  not  appreciated  the  scope  and  force  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  movement,  which  was  broadening  and  deepening  at 
the  North.  He  showed  them  how  the  Slavery  question  had 
killed  the  old  Whig  party, — an  organization  that  was  bold,  open, 
gallant,  full  of  pluck  and  fire;  how  the  American  party  had  died, 
partly  of  the  same  issue,  and  partly  of  an  inherent  weakness  in 
its  constitution,  and  thought  that  the  gentlemen  who  caused  the 
death  of  the  last  party  left  afloat  in  Kentucky  would  and  should 
become  Democrats,  to  enable  the  State  to  cope  with  the  Repub- 
licans. It  was  impossible  to  remain  neutral.  The  Democratic 
party  was  not  a  destructive  but  a  conservative  party,  based  upon 
the  Constitution,  and  the  rights  of  citizens  and  States.  It  alone 
had  survived  the  agitation,  and  was  now  vital,  untamable,  and 
unconquerable.  The  speech  gave  great  satisfaction. 

In  the  great  struggle  in  Illinois  between  Senator  Douglas  and 
the  Republicans  and  seceders  from  the  Democracy,  the  Vice- 
President  sympathized  with  the  former.  Though  he  did  not 
endorse  the  course  of  Senator  Douglas  in  the  session  of  Congress 
then  recently  closed,  on  the  Lecompton  question,  he  sympathized 
with  him,  and  desired  his  success,  "  being  the  leader  of  the  De- 
mocracy of  Illinois  in  their  present  fight  against  Black  Repub- 
licanism." 

On  the  removal  of  the  Senate  from  the  old  and  time-honored 
chamber,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  so  many  great  events  of 
American  history,  to  the  new  one,  the  Yice-President  made  a 
feeling  address.  He  gave  an  historical  outline  of  the  exigencies 
to  which  Congress  was  put  in  its  early  days, — holding  its  sessions, 
as  the  chances  of  war  required,  at  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Lan- 
caster, Annapolis,  and  Yorktown,  and,  during  the  period  between 
the  conclusion  of  peace  and  the  establishment  of  the  present 
Government,  at  Princeton,  Annapolis,  Trenton,  and  New  York. 
He  followed  with  a  history  of  the  choice  of  the  present  locality, 
the  foundation  of  the  city,  the  building  of  the  Capitol,  and  the 
onward  career  of  our  legislature,  with  suggestive  memorials  of 
the  great  men  who  had  made  the  place  they  were  leaving  im- 
mortal. It  was  a  chaste  and  suitable  farewell  to  the  old  chamber, 


JOHN   C.  BRECKINRIDGE.  77 

and  will  be  treasured  among  the  archives  recounting  its  dear  old 
memories. 

In  the  recent  (August)  election  in  Kentucky,  a  majority  of 
the  members  of  both  branches  of  the  Legislature  were  returned 
favorable  to  the  election  of  the  Vice-President  to  the  United 
States  Senate,  as  successor  to  the  Hon.  John  J.  Crittenden,  whose 
term  expires  in  1862.* 

After  such  a  record,  it  is  needless  to  dwell  upon  the  popularity 
or  merits  of  the  man ;  or  to  commend  the  appreciation  which  has 
thus  carried  out  the  recommendation  in  favor  of  an  infusion  into 
our  political  life  of  some  young  blood  and  intellect. 

*  Mr.  Breckinriclge  has  since  been  elected  Senator  by  twenty-nine  majority, 
on  joint  ballot  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature. 


78  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


ALBERT  G.  BROWN, 

OF  MISSISSIPPI. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA  has  the  honor  of  his  birth,  and  the  future 
historian  of  that  State  will  have  to  credit  the  Chester  District 
with  at  least  one  more  name  on  its  list  of  eminent  men;*  for  in 
that  district,  and  on  the  31st  of  May,  1813,  Albert  Gallatin 
Brown  was  born.  The  granite  region  of  his  birth,  not  less  than 
the  sturdy  stock  which  dwell  there,f  seem  to  have  lent  their 
characteristics  of  stability  and  fervor  to  the  future  career  of  the 
legislator. 

When  Albert  was  about  ten  years  old,  his  father,  Joseph  Brown, 
emigrated  to  Mississippi,  and  settled  in  what  is  now  Copiah  Count}-. 
He  went  into  the  woods  and  wilderness,  not  to  mend  but  to  make 
his  fortune.  One  of  the  first  to  disturb  the  solitudes,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  pointing  out  to  his  boys  a  pathway  to  competency,  com- 
fort, and  civilization,  the  elder  Brown  surmounted  the  difficulties 
of  the  new  locality,  overcame  the  hardships  of  poverty  and  the  lack 
of  those  aids  which  make  the  tangled  forest  a  smiling  farm  as  if 
by  magic,  and  after  a  few  years  of  stern  industry  and  economy  be- 
held the  fair  fortune  he  had  labored  to  propitiate. 

During  this  period  the  boys  Edwin  and  Albert  were  not  idle, 
but  to  the  ability  of  their  strength  helped  to  open  the  farm.  The 
young  pioneer,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was  a  bright  and  active 
boy.  "It  was  his  business  to  mind  the  stock,  work  a  little  on 

#  Mills,  in  his  "Statistics  of  South  Carolina,"  under  the  head  of  "Eminent 
Men"  of  Chester  District,  gives  one  name,  that  of  Colonel  Lacy,  who  so  highly 
distinguished  himself  at  the  battles  of  Hanging  Rock,  King's  Mountain,  and 
Blackstocks. 

f  "The  settlement  of  this  part  of  the  country  was  as  early  as  1750,  principally 
by  emigrants  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia;  after  the  peace  of  Paris,  in  1763, 
n  considerable  accession  of  emigrants  from  Ireland  took  place,  which  increased 
for  several  years ;  so  that  the  major  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  district  may 
be  said  to  be  descended  from  the  Irish." — R.  MILLS. 


ALBERT   G.  BROWN.  79 

the  farm,  go  to  mill  on  Saturday,  and  attend  school  occasionally, 
when  there  was  nothing  else  to  do/'  This  course  of  life  not 
only  strengthened  the  limbs,  but  expanded  the  mind,  of  the  boy. 
It  is,  no  doubt,  owing  to  his  recollections  of  this  era,  and  to 
the  lessons  imparted  by  the  experience  of  his  family,  that  Mr. 
Brown,  as  a  legislator,  has  ever  been  an  earnest  advocate  of  the 
Homestead  Bill.  Nearly  thirty  years  after  his  farmer-boy  expe- 
riences and  his  Saturday  mill-journeys,  he  said,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  "  I  claim  to  have  been  among  the  earliest,  as  I 
have  certainly  been  among  the  most  steadfast,  friends  of  the  wise 
and  humane  policy  of  providing  homes  for  the  homeless." 

As  poverty  retreated  before  the  energy  of  the  Browns,  Albert's 
love  for  books  unfolded  itself,  and  the  youth  received  such  en- 
couragement and  rough  trimming  as  the  neighboring  frontier 
schools  could  give, — the  mill-journeys  and  farm- work,  however, 
claiming  his  first  attention  in  time  of  need.  In  February,  1829, 
he  was  sent  to  a  school  known  as  Mississippi  College,  under  the 
management  of  Rev.  D.  Comfort.  Three  years'  residence  here 
endeared  him  to  his  classmates,  and  especially  to  his  teacher,  to 
whose  parental  care  and  counsel  Mr.  Brown,  with  gratitude,  refers, 
as  having  placed  him  on  the  road  to  distinction  and  fortune.  In 
the  winter  of  1832,  he  was  transferred  to  Jefferson  College,  where 
he  remained  but  six  months,  hoping  to  enter  on  a  regular  collegiate 
course  at  Princeton  or  Yale, — a  hope  never  fulfilled,  the  resources 
of  his  father  on  the  one  hand,  and  his  numerous  family  on  the 
other,  not  warranting  the  outlay.  Disappointed,  but  not  despond- 
ent, he  went  to  the  village  of  Gallatin,  made  an  arrangement 
with  E.  G.  Peyton,  a  lawyer  of  high  standing,  and  the  next  day 
commenced  the  study  of  the  law. 

Thus,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  Albert  G.  Brown  has  closed  his 
accounts  with  the  academies  and  opened  one  with  the  world. 

In  less  than  a  year,  Mr.  Brown  stood  an  examination  before 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  and  was  admitted,  being  then 
scarcely  twenty  years  old,  the  bench  omitting  to  put  the  question, 
i{  Are  you  twenty-one  ?"  Having  undergone  a  course  of  military 
training  at  Jefferson  College,  his  county  elected  him  a  colonel  of 
militia  on  his  return  therefrom,  and  the  next  year  he  was  chosen 
brigadier-general  of  militia.  In  the  autumn  of  1833,  Mr.  Brown 
commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession.  It  cannot  be  said  that 


80  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

success  followed  him :  it  was  immediate,  and  kept  up  with 
him.  His  personal  popularity  at  once  gave  himself  and  others 
confidence  in  "his  position  and  powers,  and  placed  him  honor- 
ably among  the  oldest  and  most  distinguished  gentlemen  at  the 
bar. 

In  October,  1835,  Mr.  Brown  was  married  to  a  Virginia  lady 
of  worth  and  accomplishments, — Elizabeth  Frances  Taliaferro, — 
who,  however,  survived  but  five  months.  A  month  after  his 
marriage  he  entered  upon  his  political  career.  His  very  first  step 
displays  the  extent  to  which  he  had  won  fhe  popular  affection. 
It  was  a  stirring  time  in  Mississippi  politics,  and  the  competition 
for  seats  in  the  Legislature  may  be  imagined,  when  it  is  stated 
that  for  the  three  seats  to  which  Copiah  County  was  entitled 
there  were  nine  candidates,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  on  the  same 
side, — that  is,  Democrats,  or,  as  they  were  then  called,  "Jack- 
son men."  In  this  melee  the  opposition  of  candidates  to  young 
Brown  was  energetic.  Those  looking  to  the  future  did  not  like 
to  give  him  a  step  in  advance.  His  youth  was  brought  against 
him;  but,  that  being  a  weak  invention  in  the  face  of  his  already 
great  success,  a  stronger  argument  was  sought  in  the  alleged 
unsoundness  of  his  political  views,  the  foundation  for  this  being 
the  attachment  of  his  father  to  the  old  Federal  school.  The 
election  came  off,  and  Brown  was  sent  to  the  Legislature,  being 
second  on  the  list,  and  leading  the  third  member  for  the  county 
by  75  votes.  This  settled  the  matter  of  his  youth  and  his  poli- 
tics; and  his  conduct  in  the  Legislature  so  completely  determined 
the  question  of  his  capacity  that  he  was  chosen  Speaker  pro  tern., 
to  fill  a  vacancy,  and  at  the  next  election  he  was  returned  with- 
out a  struggle. 

About  this  time,  Governor  Lynch,  first  and  last  Whig  Governor 
of  Mississippi,  entering — in  a  message — into  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  a  National  Bank,  recommended  the  Legislature 
to  give  an  opinion  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Brown  was  chairman  of 
the  committee  to  which  it  was  referred,  and  his  report  took  strong 
ground  against  the  bank,  inasmuch  as,  first,  "  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  has  no  constitutional  right  to  charter  a  National 
Bank;"  and  as,  secondly,  "it  is  inexpedient  and  improper  to 
charter  such  an  institution  at  this  time,  even  if  Congress  had  the 
constitutional  right  to  do  so."  After  reviewing  the  unconstitu- 


ALBERT    G.  BROWX.  81 

tionality  of  the  proposition,  he  replied  to  the  arguments  of  its 
friends.  If  the  bank  did  not  render  labor  more  valuable,  what 
was  its  use  to  the  working-man  ?  But  when,  on  the  contrary,  the 
redundancy  of  paper-money  swelled  the  value  of  every  horse, 
plough,  harrow,  and  all  the  articles  for  field-use  or  home-con- 
sumption needed  by  the  laborer,  then,  said  Mr.  Brown's  Report, — 

"  Then  we  find  it  is  an  institution  which,  instead  of  lightening  the 
poor  man's  toils,  in  fact  levies  a  heavy  contribution  upon  the  wages  of 
his  industry.  It  is  an  institution  which  makes  the  weak  weaker  and 
the  potent  more  powerful, — even  niching  from  the  poor  man's  hand  to 
replenish  the  rich  man's  purse.  Your  committee  have  mistaken  the 
duties  of  legislators,  if  it  is  their  province  to  guard  over  the  peculiar 
interests  of  the  speculator  and  the  gambler,  who  live  by  the  patronage 
of  banks,  to  the  detriment  and  ruin  of  the  honest  yeomen,  whose  toils 
have  raised  our  happy  Republic  from  a  few  dependent  colonies  to  the 
highest  pinnacle  of  national  fame  ;  causing  Indian  wigwams  to  give  place 
to  splendid  cities,  and  the  whole  wilderness  to  bloom  and  blossom  as  the 
rose." 

These  bold  and  vigorous  views  attracted  wide-spread  comment 
at  the  time,  being  as  warmly  defended  by  the  anti-bank  journals 
as  bitterly  denounced  by  the  opposite  side.  Mr.  Brown's  faith 
in  the  principles  of  his  now  famous  Report  was  soon  and  unex- 
pectedly put  to  the  test.  In  the  autumn  of  1838,  the  pecuni- 
ary panic  in  Mississippi  afforded  the  alert  bank  party  a  chance 
to  create  a  reaction.  Taking  advantage  of  the  excitement,  and  of 
Mr.  Brown's  absence  from  the  State,  they  succeeded  in  getting 
up  written  instructions  requiring  him  to  vote  for  a  United  States 
Senator  favorable  to  the  bank,  or  resign.  Mr.  Brown  promptly  ac- 
cepted the  alternative,  and  resigned;  but  as  promptly  presented 
himself  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  his  resignation,  although 
750  out  of  900  voters  had  signed  the  instructions.  This  was  a 
bold  course,  but  quite  characteristic  of  Mr.  Brown's  faith  in  the 
people.  He  told  the  people  he  should  not  feel  contented  in  his 
seat  if  they  no  longer  desired  him,  but  he  should  like  to  know 
their  determination  through  the  ballot-box, — and  wound  up  a 
brief  and  manly  address  to  them  by  saying,  "  All  I  ask  is  a  free 
conference  with  the  people.  Come,  sit  ye  down,  and  let  us  reason 
together."  It  was  a  coup  d'itat.  He  was  returned  by  about  150 
votes  over  the  bank  candidate. 

The  effect  of  so  direct  a  course,  and  the  ability  with  which  the 
¥ 


82  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

canvass  was  conducted,  was  not  lost  on  the  Democracy  of  the 
State.  It  was  impossible  to  overlook  either;  and  the  result  was 
that  the  Democratic  State  Convention,  which  met  soon  after,  una- 
nimously nominated  the  young  victor  for  Congress.  Now  his 
energies  were  doubled,  and  all  that  he  could  muster  were  needed. 
The  Whigs  had  had  it  all  their  own  way  at  previous  elections, 
and  the  bank  interest  was  in  its  meridian  in  Mississippi.  He 
was  met,  step  by  step,  with  all  the  resources  of  the  ascendant 
party;  but  Brown,  proud  of  his  past,  and  feeling  that  he  must 
sustain  it,  went  gallantly  on,  accompanied  by  his  colleague,  Mr. 
Jacob  Thompson,  the  present  Secretary  of  the  Interior;  and  by 
the  time  of  election — November,  1839 — the  friends  had  met 
and  held  open  discussion  with  the  leaders  of  the  other  side  in 
nearly  every  corner  of  the  State.  The  result  was  another  coup 
d'etat.  The  whole  Democratic  ticket  was  elected  by  an  average 
majority  of  3000,  Mr.  Brown  leading  the  Congressional  ticket  by 
several  hundred  votes.  Thus  has  the  whilom  bright  boy  who 
gave  a  helping  hand  to  the  farm  and  went  to  the  mill  on  Satur- 
days raised  himself,  in  a  very  few  years,  to  the  front  of  his  party 
in  the  State,  and  into  a  seat  in  the  National  Councils,  at  the 
early  age  of  twenty-five. 

The  career  of  Mr.  Brown  in  the  State  Legislature  is  said  to 
have  been  brilliant  and  useful.  It  can  only  be  known  by  its 
fruits ;  for  in  those  days,  unfortunately  for  the  political  history 
of  the  State,  no  reports  of  debates  were  kept  by  the  Legislature 
of  Mississippi.  "A  record  of  these  debates  would  exhibit  in 
relief,  admirable  and  bold,  the  political  forecast  of  General 
Brown."* 

He  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  House  of  Representa- 
tives, December,  1839,  and  during  his  first  term  preferred  chiefly, 
in  his  own  words,  "  to  listen  to  the  views  of  other  gentlemen 
than  to  present  any  of  his  own."  He  was  not  silent,  however; 
and,  when  he  did  speak,  he  effectively  supported  the  measures  in 

*  Democratic  Review,  Nov.  1849,  vol.  xxv.  p.  459.  "Speeches,  Messages, 
and  other  Writings  of  Hon.  Albert  G.  Brown,  Senator  in  Congress  from  Missis- 
sippi. Edited  by  M.  W.  Cluskey,  Postmaster  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  U.S.:"  Phil.  1859.  The  volume  contains  the  memoir  from  the  Dem. 
Rev.,  with  additions  by  the  editor.  To  it  the  present  writer  is  indebted  for 
many  useful  references. 


ALBERT   G.  BROWN.  83 

advocacy  of  which  he  had  won  his  laurels,  and  to  sustain  which 
he  had  pledged  himself.  His  effort  of  the  session  was  a  full  and 
fervid  review  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  Administration,  and  an  equally 
zealous  and  keen  dissection  of  the  Whigs  and  their  measures 
generally.  He  was  especially  severe  on  the  National  Bank. 
Instead  of  giving  up  the  powers  of  Government  to  be  exercised 
by  an  invisible  moneyed  aristocracy  in  the  form  of  a  National 
Bank,  he  proposed  to  give  them  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  "  whether  he  be  William  Henry  Harrison  or  Martin  Van 
Buren,  or  even,  sir,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Clay,  if  it  be  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  Amos  Kendall,  Francis  P.  Blair,  or  the  Devil." 
In  reply  to  the  cry  of  the  Opposition,  that  such  powers  would 
constitute  the  President  a  king,  he  said, — 

"If  we  are  to  have  any  king  or  tyrant  in  this  country,  I  want  that 
he  inny  be  a  living,  creeping  thing, — something  that  I  may  see,  that  I 
may  feel,  into  whose  face  I  can  look,  and  upon  whose  brow  I  can  place 
my  burning  curses,  as  he  binds  about  these  uncaptive  limbs  the  fetters 
of  despotism, — and  not  a  soulless,  unfeeling  corporation, — an  invisible, 
intangible,  and  immaterial  thing, — a  thing  not  responsible  to  man  on 
earth,  or  God  in  heaven." 

To  the  cry  of  "  economy  and  retrenchment/'  he  replied  that 
he  was  for  both,  but  he  spurned  them  at  the  expense  of  national 
honor. 

"If,"  said  he,  "the  disease,  the  extravagance,  the  profligacy  of  which 
you  speak  exist  in  the  War  Department,  go  there  with  your  remedy;  if 
in  the  Navy,  go  there ;  and  if  in  the  Treasury  or  Post-Office,  go  there. 
But  do  not,  I  pray  you,  stretch  the  Government  on  the  Procrustean  bed, 
and,  under  pretence  of  curing  a  diseased  part,  cut  off  a  leg  on  this  side 
and  an  arm  on  that,  until  you  have  so  mutilated  its  fair  proportions  that 
it  withers  and  dies,  or  hobbles  out  a  miserable  existence,  '  the  pity  of  its 
friends  and  the  scorn  of  its  enemies.'  " 

With  telling  irony  he  reviewed  the  "Whig  sins,"  and, 
in  anticipation  of  the  Presidential  election,  dealt  some  hard 
blows  at  the  candidate  of  that  party,  and  its  inconsistency  in 
adopting  him.  "  Of  General  Jackson  it  was  said  that  it  were 
better  that  war,  pestilence,  and  famine  should  visit  the  country, 
than  that  a  military  chieftain  should  be  chosen  to  ride  over  it. 
And  yet,"  said  Brown,  "  by  the  same  men  we  are  exhorted  to 
vote  for  General  Harrison  because  he  is  a  military  chieftain.' ' 
He  concluded  this  exceedingly  effective  speech  by  dignified 


84.  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

allusions  to  Webster  and  Clay, — with  whom  he  had  no  sentiment 
in  common,  but  whom,  as  Americans,  he  was  proud  to  honor, — 
and  by  a  striking  and  more  passionate  tribute  to  the  genius  and 
patriotism  of  Calhoun.  I  have  dwelt  on  this  speech;  for  it  was, 
to  a  great  extent,  the  platform  on  which  Mr.  Brown  presented 
himself,  not  alone  to  his  State,  but  to  the  Union,  and  that  upon 
which  he  entered  with  his  accustomed  vigor  into  the  Presidential 
contest.  "  Many  of  his  speeches  were  remarkable  specimens  of 
stump  oratory ;  and,  though  they  failed  to  carry  the  State  under 
the  weight  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  name,  they  did  not  fail  to  add 
greatly  to  General  Brown's  character  as  a  speaker." 

On  the  12th  of  January,  1841,  Mr.  Brown  contracted  mar- 
riage for  the  second  time, — the  lady  being  Miss  Koberta  E. 
Young,  youngest  daughter  of  the  late  General  Robert  Young,  of 
Alexandria,  Va. 

Taking  fresh  cares  upon  himself,  and  his  personal  interests 
having  been  neglected,  Mr.  Brown  declined  a  re-nomination  to 
Congress.  He  felt  confidence,  however,  in  the  Democracy  of  his 
State;  he  felt  that  the  defeat  was  but  temporary;  and  the  elec- 
tions in  November,  1841,  sustained  his  views.  Though  barely  eli- 
gible, on  account  of  his  youth,  he  was  elected  a  Judge  of  the  Circuit 
Court, — men  of  every  shade  of  opinion  supporting  him;  so  that 
his  distinguished  competitor,  Judge  Willis,  was  beaten  by  nearly 
three  votes  to  one.  Serving  as  Judge  for  two  years,  he  resigned 
upon  accepting  the  nomination  for  Governor.  For  this  position 
he  again — being  just  thirty  years  old — was  barely  eligible,  ac- 
cording to  the  Constitution  of  Mississippi.  The  Gubernatorial 
campaign  was  conducted  on  the  "  Union  Bank  Bond'7  controversy, 
which  grew  out  of  "a  difference  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
State's  liability  to  pay  a  class  of  bonds  issued  in  her  name/' 
Judge  Brown  held  that  the  people  should  not  pay  them  by  taxa- 
tion, as  they  were  issued  in  violation  of  the  Constitution.  He 
had  two  competitors  in  the  field,  one — Colonel  Williams — an 
ex-United  States  Senator  from  that  State,  and  an  independent 
bond-paying  Democrat,  and  Mr.  Clayton,  the  regular  Whig 
nominee.  The  fight  was  a  great  one,  but  just  such  as  Judge 
Brown  could  desire.  The  odds  seemed  greatly  against  him ;  but 
it  is  enough  to  say  he  was  elected, — beating  both  competitors 
together  by  2300  votes. 


ALBERT   G.  BROWN.  85 

As  Governor  during  two  terms,  his  administration  was  for- 
tunate and  memorable.  His  triumphant  election  put  an  end  to 
controversies  that  had  greatly  delayed  internal  progress.  When 
he  entered  upon  his  office,  the  State  officials  were  paid  in  paper 
called  "Auditor's  warrants,"  then  depreciated  fifty  to  fifty-five  per 
cent. ;  at  the  end  of  two  years  the  warrants  were  at  par  with  specie. 
He  found  the  treasury  bankrupt ;  and  at  the  close  of  his  second 
term  he  left  in  it  a  surplus  of  several  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
The  cause  of  education  and  the  establishment  of  the  common- 
school  system  commanded  his  most  zealous  advocacy ;  and, 
though  not  completely  carried  out  by  the  Legislature,  his  recom- 
mendations had  most  healthful  results.  Under  his  direction,  the 
State  University  was  set  in  motion  j  and  so  fruitful  in  other  re- 
spects was  his  first  term  that  at  its  close  no  one  would  enter  the 
field  against  him.  His  second  term  being  about  to  close,  Go- 
vernor Brown  was,  without  opposition,  elected  for  the  Fourth 
Congressional  District. 

When  he  took  his  seat,  in  the  latter  part  of  January,  1849,  the 
House  of  Representatives  was  in  the  midst  of  the  excitement 
growing  out  of  the  Mexican  War.  He  defended  the  war.  He 
admitted  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  caused  it,  although 
Mexico  had  no  right  to  complain  of  the  annexation.  Daniel 
Webster  had  said  that,  after  the  events  of  1836  and  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto,  Mexico  had  no  right  to  regard  Texas  as  one  of 
her  provinces ;  that  it  must  be  fairly  admitted  that  Texas  was  by 
this  and  foreign  countries  acknowledged  to  be  an  independent 
State  among  the  States  of  the  earth  j  and  that  he  therefore 
would  not  admit  that  Mexico  had  any  cause  of  complaint. 
Governor  Brown  gave  a  vivid  history  of  the  growth  and 
cause  of  the  war,  and  scornfully  held  up  the  Opposition,  who 
refused  to  raise  money  to  carry  it  on  by  a  loan,  an  issue  of 
treasury-notes,  and  a  duty  on  tea  and  coffee.  He  thought  the 
logic  and  sympathy  of  Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Smith, 
of  Indiana,  Mr.  Marsh,  of  Vermont,  and  others,  strange  and 
incomprehensible.  They  would  tax  the  poor  man's  hat,  shoes, 
shirt,  plough,  axe, — every  thing,  in  fact, — for  the  benefit  of  the 
manufacturer;  but  their  sympathetic  hearts  would  not  permit 
them  to  tax  his  tea  and  coffee  to  support  their  Government  in  a 
war. 

8 


86  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"  You  would,"  he  cried,  addressing  the  Opposition,  "send  him  shoeless, 
hatless,  shirtless,  to  cultivate  his  ground  without  implements,  unless  he 
pays  tribute  to  the  manufacturers ;  only  give  him  tea  that  is  not  taxed, 
and  you  are  satisfied.  You  would  lay  his  diseased  body  on  a  pallet  that 
is  taxed ;  give  him  taxed  medicine  from  a  spoon  that  is  taxed  ;  give  him 
untaxed  tea  in  a  cup  that  is  taxed ;  he  dies,  and  you  tax  his  winding- 
sheet,  and  consign  him  to  a  grave  that  is  dug  with  a  spade  that  is 
taxed,  and  then  insult  his  memory  by  saying  that  you  gave  him  un- 
taxed tea.  .  .  .  For  me  and  my  people,  we  go  for  the  country.  We  wi-ite 
on  our  banner,  'Millions  for  defence,  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute.'  " 

From  that  time  to  the  present,  Governor  Brown  has  been  a 
prominent  member  of  Congress,  increasing  in  strength  and  influ- 
ence, and  giving  his  opinions  and  counsel  on  all  the  leading 
topics  which  have  agitated  our  political  world.  He  was  in 
favor  of  the  Bounty-Land  Bill,  believing  that  if  any  class  of  the 
public  servants  are  better  entitled  than  another  to  the  special 
regard  of  the  law-making  and  bounty-dispensing  power  of  Govern- 
ment, it  is  the  soldiers.  He  has  no  objection  to  the  Government 
selling  land  to  those  who  are  able  to  pay  for  it,  at  a  moderate 
price;  but  he  protests  against  "national  land-jobbing/'  To  his 
mind  "  there  is  a  national  nobility  in  a  republic's  looking  to  the 
comfort,  convenience,  and  happiness  of  its  people ;  there  is  a 
national  meanness  in  a  republic's  selling  a  poor  man's  home  to  his 
rich  neighbor  because  that  neighbor  can  pay  a  better  price  for  it." 

In  the  discussion  of  the  Cuba  question,  in  1853,  Governor 
Brown  very  markedly  denned  his  position  relative  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  that  island.  A  strong  reason  for  the  acquisition  was 
that  it  would  result  in  the  instantaneous  abolition  of  the  foreign 
slave-trade.  He  desired  an  outlet  for  slavery,  because  he  desired 
its  extension, — beholding  in  such  extension  "  safety  to  the  South 
and  no  harm  to  the  rest  of  the  Union."  Rhode  Island,  Massa- 
chusetts, New  York,  and  Pennsylvania  "were  slave-holding 
States ;  but  they  sent  their  slaves  South  and  sold  them,  and  then 
boasted  of  making  their  States  free."  Virginia,  Maryland,  and 
the  border  States  were  undergoing  the  same  process.  The  slave 
population  was  multiplying  rapidly ;  and,  said  Governor  Brown, — 
"when  they  have  become  profitless  or  troublesome,  we,  too, want 
a  South  to  which  we  can  send  them.  We  want  it;  we  cannot 
do  without  it ;  and  we  mean  to  have  it." 

At  the  close  of  the  Thirty-Third  Congress,  Governor  Brown 


ALBERT   G.  BROWN.  87 

desired  to  retire  to  private  life  and  his  profession ;  but  his  State 
demanded  his  presence  in  a  still  higher  position.  The  Legisla- 
ture elected  him  a  United  States  Senator,  a  vacancy  occurring 
from  the  failure  of  the  previous  Legislature  to  elect  a  successor 
to  Senator  Walter  Brooke,  whose  term  expired  in  1853.  He 
took  his  seat  as  Senator  on  January  26,  1854. 

Governor  Brown  voted  for  the  Kansas  Bill  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  in  May,  1854,  although  he  expressed  himself  not 
entirely  satisfied  with  it.  He  respected  the  Constitution  more 
than  a  compromise,  and,  as  he  said,  acquiesced  in  the  Compro- 
mise of  1850,  just  as  we  all  did  in  the  Compromise  of  1820, 
without  approving  it;  and  in  February,  1858,  supporting  the 
admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  he  said, 
"  I  accepted  the  Compromise  of  1854,  I  say,  reluctantly  in  the 
beginning;  but,  having  accepted  it,  I  made  up  my  mind,  as  a 
man  of  honor,  to  abide  by  it."  He  voted  for  the  so-called  Eng- 
lish Bill,  desiring  "  to  see  this  question  settled  on  the  terms  pro- 
posed," although  he  did  not  like  the  terms.  He  believed,  how- 
ever, the  bill  had  a  tendency  to  heal  pending  difficulties,  and 
give  peace,  to  some  extent,  to  the  country. 

In  1855,  an  expression  of  Senator  Brown's  views  in  reference 
to  the  American  party  having  been  invited  by  J.  S.  Morris,  Esq., 
editor  of  the  Port  Gibson  Reveille,  the  result  was  the  "  Letter 
against  Know-Nothingism,"  in  which  the  Senator  from  Missis- 
sippi reviewed  the  new  organization,  and  most  eloquently  and 
emphatically  denounced  it  as  tending  to  revive  the  worst  charac- 
teristics of  the  Jacobins,  the  S  tar-Chamber,  and  the  Inquisition. 
The  effort  to  excuse  secrecy  by  citing  the  example  of  Free  Ma- 
sons and  Odd-Fellows,  Senator  Brown  showed  to  be  weak  and 
futile,  for  "  things  to  be  compared  must  have  some  sort  of  resem- 
blance to  each  other.  Free  Mason  and  Odd-Fellow  associations 
are  purely  charitable ;  Know-Nothings  are  exclusively  political. 
We  have  the  highest  Christian  example  for  dispensing  charities 
in  secret,  but  the  same  authority  teaches  us  to  govern  openly." 
The  next  paragraph  is  the  index  to  the  spirit  and  tone  of  the 
whole  letter : — 

"I  am  American  enough  to  prefer  my  own  countrymen  to  any  other, 
nnd  Protestant  enough  to  prefer  a  follower  of  Luther  to  a  disciple  of 
Loyola.  But  my  love  of  country  will  forever  keep  me  out  of  any  asso- 


88  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

elation  that  (if  fame  speaks  truly)  binds  its  members  by  terrible  oaths  to 
sustain  American  Protestants  for  office,  though  they  maybe  fools,  knaves, 
or  traitors,  in  preference  to  Irish  or  German  Catholics,  though  they  may 
have  genius,  honor,  and  the  highest  evidences  of  patriotic  devotion  to  our 
country  a-nd  our  institutions.  All  other  things  being  equal,  I  should 
certainly  prefer  an  American  Protestant  to  an  Irish  Catholic.  But  I  will 
take  no  oath,  nor  come  under  any  party  obligation,  that  may  compel  me 
to  sustain  a  fool  or  a  knave  in  preference  to  a  man  of  sense  and  honor. 
While  I  assume  no  censorship  over  other  men's  thoughts  or  actions,  I  am 
free  to  say,  for  myself  alone,  that  such  oaths  and  such  obligations  are,  to 
my  mind,  palpably  at  war  with  man's  highest  aud  most  sacred  duty  to  his 
country." 

Senator  Brown  lias  declared  himself  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of 
the  franking-privilege.  Touching  the  Pacific  Railroad,  he  doubts 
the  constitutionality  of  its  being  done  by  Congress,  "unless  there 
be  direct  and  immediate  necessity"  for  it  as  a  means  of  national 
defence,  and  he  believed  (January,  1859)  that  no  such  necessity 
existed.  He  believes  in  the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tories, on  the  basis  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  by  the  Supreme 
Court, — that  slaves  were  property,  and  that  slaveholders  had  the 
same  right  to  carry  their  slave  property  to  the  Territories  that 
any  other  citizen  from  any  other  State  had  to  carry  any  other 
kind  of  property ;  and  that,  when  there,  the  Government  should 
protect  it.  In  the  running  discussion  consequent  upon  his  speech 
on  this  subject,  (February  23,  1859,)  and  in  reply  to  interroga- 
tories from  Northern  Senators,  Senator  Brown  declared  that  he 
utterly,  totally,  entirely,  persistently,  and  consistently  repudiated 
the  whole  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty,  by  which,  said  he, 
"  I  mean  Territorial  Sovereignty.  I  utterly  deny  that  there  is 
any  sovereignty  in  a  Territory." 

Senator  Brown  is  very  much  beloved  by  his  State,  and  the 
great  secret — which  is  no  secret — of  his  success  and  influence  is 
the  direct  and  energetic  manner  in  which  he  carries  out  what 
seems  right  and  just.  His  speeches  strongly  partake  of  those 
characteristics  which  have  led  him  to  the  front  rank  of  Southern 
statesmen, — a  prompt  eloquence  and  a  disregard  for  policy  when " 
weighed  against  conviction.  The  following  passage,  concluding 
his  speech  at  Hazlehurst,  Mississippi,  in  September,  1858,  on  his 
return  from  the  exciting  scenes  of  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
Fifth  Congress,  may  fitly  conclude  this  personal  and  political 
sketch : — t 


ALBERT    G.  BROWN.  89 

"I  have  no  silly  aspirations  for  the  Presidency,  and  therefore  have  no 
occasion  to  suspect  that  my  judgment  has  been  warped  by  ambition.  I 
am  ambitious,  but  my  ambition  does  not  lead  me  toward  the  Presidency. 
That  is  the  road  to  apostasy :  I  would  rather  be  the  independent  Senator 
that  I  am,  and  speak  for  Mississippi,  than  be  President,  and  be  subject 
to  the  call  of  every  demagogue  and  compelled  to  speak  for  a  heterogeneous 
mass  with  as  many  opinions  as  the  rainbow  has  hues.  Whenever  the  South 
can  no  longer  rely  on  the  National  Democracy,  and  feels  that  the  time  has 
come  for  her  to  go  it  alone,  I  will  stand  for  her  if  she  can  find  no  son  more 
worthy  of  her  confidence.  But  I  never  will  consent  to  compromise  my 
principles,  or  flatter  Free-Soilers  for  their  votes.  When  it  comes  to  that, 
I  stand  out." 

One  of  Governor  Brown's  biographers,  before  quoted,  says, 
As  a  Senator  he  has  been  eminently  national  in  his  course.  If 
to  the  casual  observer  he  has  sometimes  appeared  a  little  sec- 
tional, it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  he  comes  from  the  South, — • 
a  section  against  which  Abolition  has  directed  its  batteries, — and 
that  it  was  his  duty,  as  it  was  his  pleasure,  to  defend  that  section. 

Senator  Brown  was  re-elected  for  six  years,  commencing  March 
1  of  the  present  year,  (1859.) 


8* 


90  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


SIMON  CAMERON, 

OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

IT  is  one  of  the  happiest  results  of  our  institutions,  that  none 
can  claim  respect  or  command  public  confidence  on  account  of 
parentage.  No  prominent  position  can  be  gained  by  inheritance : 
every  man  must,  so  to  speak,  be  his  own  father.  The  history  of 
Simon  Cameron  is  an  illustration  of  this  fact.  He  is  one  of  the 
large  number  of  our  public  men  who,  besides  the  disadvantage  of 
early  orphanage,  have  had  to  struggle  against  poverty  and  ob- 
scurity. All  he  is  he  has  made  himself. 

Descended  from  the  hardy  Cameronians  of  Scotland,  the  sub- 
ject of  this  sketch  possesses  many  of  the  acute  and  persistent 
characteristics  of  his  race.  His  great-grandfather,  Donald  Came- 
ron, was  among  those  who  sided  with  the  unfortunate  but  chi- 
valrous Charles  Edward.  He  took  part  in  the  famous  battle  of 
Culloden  in  1746,  and  soon  after  that  disastrous  fight  emigrated 
to  America.  Arriving  here,  he  served  in  the  army,  and  was 
present  at  the  storming  of  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  at  Quebec, 
under  the  gallant  Wolfe.  On  the  maternal  side  his  grandfather 
was  a  German  Huguenot,  who,  being  subjected  to  religious  perse- 
cution, sought  in  this  country  that  toleration  which  he  could 
not  find  at  home.  He  soon  actively  engaged  in  the  service  oi 
his  adopted  country,  took  a  distinguished  part  in  the  Indian 
wars  of  those  days,  and  became  the  intimate  friend  and  compa- 
nion of  the  famous  Captain  Sam  Brady,  whose  great  achieve- 
ments as  an  Indian  fighter  are  so  well  known. 

The  father  of  Senator  Cameron  was  in  an  humble  occupation, 
but  had  the  reputation  of  being  an  honest,  industrious,  highly-in- 
tellectual, and  much-respected  citizen.  In  consequence  of  the 
financial  revulsions  about  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  he 
was  overwhelmed  in  ruin,  in  the  crowding  shadow  of  which  he  sank 
into  the  grave,  leaving  his  family  in  very  destitute  cimimstances. 


SIMON   CAMERON.  91 

/ 

At  the  death  of  his  father,  which  occurred  in  Northumberland, 
Pennsylvania,  Simon  Cameron  was  about  nine  years  old,  having 
been  born  in  1799,  at  Lancaster  in  the  same  State.  Thus  de- 
prived of  their  natural  guardian  and  protector,  and  left  in  a  state 
of  almost  absolute  destitution,  it  was  impossible  for  the  children 
to  enjoy  even  the  poor  advantages  of  the  then  existing  system 
of  school-education.  The  mother,  though  possessed  of  great 
energy  and  a  courage  the  most  unfaltering,  had  more  than 
enough  to  do  to  feed  and  clothe  and  keep  together  her  little 
ones  until  they  might  be  able  to  provide  for  themselves. 

Discouraging  and  un propitious  as  were  these  dismal  circum- 
stances, they  had  no  disheartening  effect  or  influence  on  the 
mind  of  Simon ;  on  the  contrary,  they  stimulated  him  to  exer- 
tions proportionate  to  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome.  He  thirsted 
for  knowledge,  and,  having  once  found  the  way  to  satisfy  this 
growing  appetite,  spent,  from  his  boyhood,  every  leisure  moment 
in  reading.  He  soon  devoured  every  thing  in  the  shape  of  a  book 
he  met  with,  and,  there  being  then  no  well-furnished  libraries 
accessible  to  boys,  as  there  are  now,  he  directed  his  attention  to 
the  village  printing-office.  The  exchange  newspapers  contained 
a  mine  of  information,  and  from  it  he  determined  to  dig  out  the 
jewels.  The  knowledge  to  be  obtained  in  this  was  of  a  useful 
and  practical  character,  and  he  eagerly  devoted  himself  to  its 
acquisition.  An  opportunity  offering,  he  apprenticed  himself  to 
the  printer,  and  for  a  couple  of  years  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  his 
position.  At  that  time  (in  1817)  his  employer  succumbed  to 
financial  reverses  and  closed  his  establishment. 

Having  arrived  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  acquired  a  good 
stock  of  practical  knowledge,  he  was  emboldened  to  commence 
life  with  a  confident  reliance  upon  himself.  Almost  penniless, 
and  with  a  little  bundle  of  clothing  under  his  arm,  the  youth 
started  out,  with  the  intention  of  working  his  way — how,  or  in 
what  manner,  he  hardly  ventured  to  imagine — to  South  America, 
and  joining  in  the  struggle  for  independence  which  was  then 
going  on  between  the  South  American  colonies  and  Old  Spain. 
His  intention  was  frustrated.  When  he  reached  Harrisburg,  he 
found  his  feet  so  blistered,  and  his  energies  so  exhausted,  that 
he  could  proceed  no  farther,  at  least  for  several  days.  To  sub- 
sist during  this  period,  was  the  next  consideration.  Having  a 


1)2  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

letter  of  introduction  to  James  Peacock,  Esq.,  editor  of  a  paper 
in  the  town,  Cameron  applied  to  that  gentleman  for  employ  me  nt. 
There  was  no  vacancy;  but  Mr.  Peacock  kindly  offered  him  a 
place  for  a  few  days,  to  enable  him  to  recruit.  This  was  all  the 
young  man  desired ;  but  the  editor,  finding  him  an  expert  work- 
man, and  being  otherwise  pleased  with  his  demeanor,  offered  to 
take  him  as  an  apprentice  in  the  printing-office,  which  was 
promptly  accepted.  Thus  our  young  hero  settled  down  to 
"sticking  type"  instead  of  sticking  the  Spaniards;  and  so  fulfilled 
the  terms  of  his  apprenticeship. 

Having  arrived  at  his  majority  in  1820,  Mr.  Cameron  left 
Harrisburg,  and  spent  the  greater  part  of  that  year  in  a  printing- 
office  at  Doylestown.  The  next  year  he  was  employed  as  a  journey- 
man printer  in  the  office  of  Messrs.  Gales  &  Beaton's  "  National 
Intelligencer,"  in  the  city  of  Washington.  In  1822  he  returned 
to  Harrisburg,  and  entered  into  partnership  with  his  former  em- 
ployer, Mr.  Peacock,  in  the  publication  of  the  "Intelligencer"  of 
that  place,  which  was  then  the  organ  of  the  Democratic  party  at 
the  Pennsylvania  seat  of  government,  and  enjoyed  the  official 
patronage  of  the  State  Administration.  Thus  has  the  graduate  of 
the  printing-office  placed  his  foot  firmly  on  the  ladder  of  fortune. 
With  what  skill  and  ability  he  performed  the  important  duty 
he  thus  assumed,  his  success  in  the  undertaking,  and  his  rapid 
rise  to  influence  and  power  in  the  State,  will  sufficiently  demon- 
strate. He  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  contest  for  the 
Gubernatorial  nomination  of  the  Democratic  party  in  1823,  and 
was  mainly  instrumental  in  dominating  and  electing  John  Andrew 
Shultz.  In  return,  Governor  Shultz  appointed  Mr.  Cameron 
Adjutant-General  of  the  State.  While  he  had  editorial  charge 
of  the  "  Intelligencer,"  he  efficiently  advocated  the  protection  of 
American  industry.  During  the  memorable  contests  in  Congress 
on  the  subject  in  1823-24,  and  again  in  1827-28,  the  columns  of 
his  paper  were  filled  with  articles  "proving  the  Democratic  cha- 
racter of  a  tariff  for  the  protection  of  American  labor,  and  show- 
ing that  no  nation  ever  flourished  that  did  not  encourage  and 
protect  its  own  labor  and  develop  its  own  resources." 

Relinquishing  the  charge  of  the  "  Intelligencer,"  General  Ca- 
meron turned  his  attention  to  business  matters.  In  1832,  the 
Middletown  Bank  was  established.  He  then  became,  and  still 


SIMON    CAMERON.  93 

continues  to  be,  its  principal  officer.  Though  chiefly  occupied  for 
the  next  thirteen  years  in  his  banking-business,  he  ever  took  a 
lively  interest  and  active  part  in  the  political  movements  of  the 
day.  During  this  period,  he  was  repeatedly  urged  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  public  position,  and  on  one  occasion  was  unanimously 
nominated  for  Congress  by  the  Democratic  party  of  his  district, 
but  on  all  occasions  declined  the  proffered  honors. 

In  1845,  when  James  K.  Polk,  the  President  elect,  tendered 
the  State  Department  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  the  latter  gentleman 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  an  election 
to  supply  the  vacancy  became  necessary.  The*  Democratic  party, 
having  a  majority  in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature,  then  in 
session,  counted  with  confidence  on  selecting  a  Senator  who  would 
sustain  the  new  Administration  at  Washington.  But  it  became 
apparent,  even  before  the  President  was  installed  in  office,  that 
the  policy  of  the  Administration  would  conflict  with  the  position 
of  Pennsylvania  on  the  Tariff  question.  Great  difficulty  arose  in 
the  caucus  of  the  Democratic  members.  A  majority  were  dis- 
posed to  nominate  a  Senator  who  would  sustain  the  National  Ad- 
ministration; while  a  minority  were  determined  to  refuse  anyone 
not  pledged  to  the  industrial  interests  of  Pennsylvania.  After 
much  discussion,  George  W.  Woodward  finally  became  the  caucus 
nominee,  which  was  regarded  by  all  as  a  Free  Trade  triumph  in 
the  State,  and  rendered  it  certain  that  some  other  Democrat, 
known  to  be  devoted  to  the  Tariff  policy  of  the  State,  could  be 
elected  by  a  union  of  the  Whigs  and  the  Protection  Democrats. 
In  view  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  Ja"mcs  Cooper,  John  P.  San- 
derson, Jasper  E.Brady,  Levi  Kline,  John  C.  Kunkel,  and  other 
Whig  members  of  the  Legislature,  on  the  morning  of  the  day 
fixed  for  the  election,  addressed  a  note  to  General  Cameron,  pro- 
pounding certain  queries  as  to  his  views  on  the  subject  of  the 
Tariff,  and  the  course  he  would  pursue  if  elected  Senator.  In 
reply,  Mr.  Cameron  said, — 

"I  have  long  since  matured  and  avowed  my  opinions.  During  the 
recent  Presidential  election,  the  Tariff  of  1842  was  much  discussed. 
The  Democratic  party  of  this  State  took  a  decided  stand  in  favor  of  this 
measure.  The  leading  interests  of  the  State  are  involved  in  its  preser- 
vation. The  people,  without  distinction  of  party,  concur  in  desiring 
that  its  provisions  should  remain  unaltered,  and  regard  any  attempt  to 


94  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

change  them  as  hazardous  to  the  interests  of  American  industry.  Sup- 
ported by  the  Democratic  party  of  the  State  in  my  views,  and  feeling  the 
importance  of  the  measure  to  Pennsylvania,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  de- 
claring that  I  am  in  favor  of  the  Tariff  of  1842 ;  and,  if  elected  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  I  will  sustain  it  without  change. 

"  The  amount  received  into  the  Treasury  from  the  public  lands  will 
not,  for  many  years,  be  of  much  importance.  Whether  the  proceeds  of 
such  sales  should  be  distributed  among  the  States,  is  a  question  that,  in 
my  opinion,  will  not  for  a  long  period  be  of  much  practical  moment. 
The  public  lands  are  held  in  trust,  however,  for  the  benefit  of  all  the 
States.  In  my  apprehension,  the  best  application  that  this  State  can 
make  of  her  share  in  that  trust  would  be  its  employment  in  the  discharge 
of  the  State  debts.  I  am,  therefore,  in  favor  of  the  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  and,  if  elected,  will  support  that  measure." 

These  views  being  satisfactory,  the  Whigs  and  the  Americans 
then  representing  the  county  of  Philadelphia  went  into  the 
Convention  determined  to  support  him  in  case  he  should  receive 
a  sufficient  number  of  Democratic  votes  with  this  to  secure  his 
election.  On  the  first  ballot,  Judge  Woodward  received  54  votes, 
being  13  less  than  a  majority;  Cameron  received  11  votes,  all  De- 
mocratic. On  the  fifth,  Cameron  received  67,  and  Woodward  55 
votes;  6,  scattering.  This  unexpected  result  greatly  distracted 
the  Democracy,  but  proved  a  death-blow  to  the  further  progress 
of  Free  Trade  in  the  State,  and  led  to  the  overwhelming  defeat 
of  that  party  in  the  State  elections  of  1846. 

General  Cameron  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  occupied  it 
until  the  4th  of  March,  1849.  During  the  term  of  his  service, 
he  distinguished  himself  as  an  active  business  member,  and  in 
consequence  wielded  a  personal  influence  not  surpassed  by  that 
of  any  other  Senator.  It  is  claimed  by  his  friends  that  he  not 
only  remained  true  to  the  great  interests  of  the  State  and  the 
principles  upon  which  he  was  elected,  but  that  he  fearlessly 
reflected,  by  his  speeches  and  votes,  the  sentiments  of  the 
industrial  classes,  "whose  rights  and  interests  were  about  to 
be  sacrificed/' 

In  1855 — the  Whigs  and  Americans  having  united  in  the  fall 
of  1854  and  elected  a  Governor  and  secured  both  branches  of 
the  Legislature — Senator  Cameron  became  the  caucus  nominee 
for  re-election.  Owing,  however,  to  internal  feuds  and  divisions 
among  the  majority,  the  election  was  postponed,  and  finally  held 


SIMON    CAMERON.  95 

over  until  the  succeeding  session  of  the  Legislature,  when,  the 
Democrats  meanwhile  having  obtained  a  majority,  Ex-Governor 
Bigler  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate. 

In  the  session  which  opened  January  1,  1857,  Mr.  Cameron 
was  the  nominee  of  the  entire  Opposition  for  the  vacancy  to  occur 
by  the  expiration  of  Senator  Brodhead's  term  on  the  4th  of 
March.  The  Democratic  caucus,  with  great  confidence,  nomi- 
nated John  "YV.  Forney,  Esq.;  but  internal  divisions  in  that 
party  rendered  it  impossible  to  unite  a  sufficient  number  of  Demo- 
cratic members  to  elect  him.  The  result  was,  Mr.  Cameron  was 
elected  for  a  second  term,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  on  the 
4th  of  March,  1857. 

As  a  member  of  the  Committees  on  Finance  and  Printing,  his 
great  practical  qualifications  and  habits  have  secured  him  an 
enviable  influence  in  all  matters  of  legislation.  Though  reared 
in  the  Democratic  ranks,  he  has  been  all  his  life  the  constant 
and  devoted  advocate  of  Protection.  His  position  may  be  gleaned 
from  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the  Senate  in  July,  1846. 
He  then  felt  proud  of  being  a  Democrat  and  the  son  of  a  Demo- 
crat. He  represented  a  Democratic  State,  and  he  objected  to  the 
mode  of  filing  principles  on  the  party.  "I  was  taught  in  early 
life,"  said  he,  "to  believe  that  the  Democratic  party  was  the 
friend  of  the  poor,— —of  the  laboring-classes  j  that  its  principles 
were  calculated  to  elevate  the  masses;  but  the  principles  of  this 
Southern  Democracy  would  rob  the  poor  man  of  his  labor  and 
make  him  dependent  on  the  capitalists  of  England  for  his  scanty 
subsistence.  Such  was  not  the  doctrine  of  such  Democrats  as 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  or  Jackson." 

In  the  same  speech  he  defined  his  position  and  that  of  his 
State.  Pennsylvania  was  deeply  interested  in  the  development 
of  her  resources  and  in  fostering  the  industry  of  her  citizens. 
She  had  expended  more  than  $150,000,000  in  making  those 
resources  available.  She  had  expended  more  blood  and  treasure 
in  two  wars,  and  for  the  common  defence,  than  any  other  State 
in  the  Union.  She  had  never  asked  any  favors  from  the  Union, 
and  had  received  but  little  benefit  from  it:  even  the  fort  built 
for  tlie  defence  of  her  city,  with  the  money  of  her  own  citizens, 
had  been  suffered  to  fall  into  decay  by  the  General  Government. 
Sbo  was  proverbially  Democratic, — so  much  so  that  no  Democratic 


96  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

President  was  ever  elected  without  her  vote :  nay,  she  never  gave 
a  vote  against  a  Democratic  candidate  until  she  believed  that  there 
was  a  settled  design  to  desert  her  dearly-cherished  rights.  He 
was  astonished  that  she  should  be  charged  with  a  want  of  Demo- 
cracy because  she  opposed  the  bill  before  the  Senate,  (the  Tariff 
Bill  of  1846.)  From  one  end  of  her  domain  to  the  other  she 
did  oppose  it:  and  he  justified  her;  for,  so  far  as  she  was  con- 
cerned, the  bill  could  produce  evil,  and  evil  only.  "No  man/' 
he  said,  "  has  ever  presumed  to  ask  her  favor  without  admitting 
the  justice  and  propriety  of  her  views  upon  this  subject;  and  I 
may  add,  Mr.  President,  woe  betide  the  man  who  raises  his  hand 
against  her  now  in  the  hour  of  her  extremity." 

During  this  month  of  July,  Senator  Cameron  had  presented 
several  petitions  from  counties  in  Pennsylvania  against  removing 
the  duties  on  coal,  imports,  &c.  On  the  23d,  after  the  presenta- 
tion of  some  others  in  the  same  strain,  Senator  Cameron  dwelt  on 
the  fact  that  they  came  from  counties  which  had  given  Demo- 
cratic majorities.  Senator  Sevier,  of  Arkansas,  said  he  regretted 
to  find  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania  engaged  in  "  panic- 
making;"  but,  said  he,  to  do  justice  to  the  Senator,  he  (Mr.  S.) 
was  bound  to  admit  that  he  did  it  with  a  pleasant  smile,  as  though 
it  was  all  a  first-rate  joke.  A  good  deal  had  been  said  about 
coincidences;  and  there  certainly  was  something  like  a  coincidence 
in  what  was  going  on  then.  On  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  every 
day,  first  they  had  prayers  by  the  Chaplain,  then  the  reading  of 
the  Journal,  and  next  an  hour  and  a  half  consumed  in  the  recital 
of  a  sort  of  funeral  dirge  from  the  pensioners  of  Pennsylvania. 
He  had  sat  quietly  and  patiently  while  all  that  was  going  on, 
because  the  Senator  himself  appeared  to  think  the  whole  thing  a 
good  joke.  Was  there,  he  asked,  an  intelligent  man  in  Pennsyl- 
vania who  at  the  last  Presidential  election  did  not  know  per- 
fectly well  what  were  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Polk  in  regard  to  the 
Tariff?  Was  there  a  single  individual  who  did  not  then  know 
that  Mr.  Polk  was  a  Free-Trade  man  ? 

Mr.  Archer,  of  Virginia,  said,  "  They  thought  him  a  better 
Tariff  man  than  Mr.  Clay:  that's  all;"  and,  after  some  further 
remarks  from  Mr.  Sevier,  Senator  Cameron  replied. 

He  always  smiled  when  his  friend  the  Senator  from  Ar- 
kansas addressed  the  Senate  on  this  subject.  His  wit  was  so 


SIMON   CAMERON.  97 

irresistible  that  it  excited  his  risibilities,  no  matter  how  solemn 
the  mood  in  which  it  found  him.  But  he  could  not  per- 
mit his  friend  to  charge  his  State,  or  her  citizens,  with  being 
dependants  or  pensioners  on  the  Government.  They  were  not^ 
like  Arkansas,  or  other  States  that  he  could  name,  constantly 
appealing  to  Congress  for  aid  from  the  Treasury ;  for  whose  bene* 
fit  some  twenty  bills  were  now  on  our  files,  asking  for  aid ;  and 
for  whose  benefit  we  had  been  called  upon  only  yesterday  for 
some  $50,000,  without  even  a  voucher,  except  that  the  money 
had  been  drawn  for  and  expended.  Alluding  to  some  quotations 
made  by  Senator  Sevier  from  previous  remarks,  Cameron  said 
injustice  had  been  done  him.  He  did  not  say  that  a  single  person 
in  Pennsylvania  controlled  900  workmen.  The  workmen  of  that 
State  were  not  controlled  by  their  employers  :  they  were  freemen, 
and  they  could  stand  erect  before  their  God,  without  being  con- 
trolled by  any  one.  The  Senator  from  Arkansas  had  much  mis- 
taken the  character  of  these  petitioners  when  he  compared  them 
to  the  slave  laborers  of  the  South,  as  he  did  when  he  said  that 
"  laborers  were  the  same  everywhere."  The  laborers  of  Penn- 
sylvania were  white  men;  they  were  freemen;  they  were  intelli- 
gent men ;  and  they  asked  no  favors  from  the  Government  but  to 
be  let  alone  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  labor. 

The  Senator  from  Arkansas  had  charged  the  Senator  from 
Pennsylvania  with  acting  on  this  question  with  Mr.  Webster. 
Mr.  Cameron  admitted  that  on  this  question  they  were  together, 
and  reminded  Mr.  Sevier — what  seemed  to  have  escaped  his 
memory — that  he  (Sevier)  and  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts 
had  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  on  a  question  which  was  perhaps 
of  still  greater  magnitude  than  this;  which  dismembered  the 
nation ;  which  took  from  this  country  and  gave  to  Great  Britain 
several  degrees  of  latitude  in  the  Oregon  country.  He  wished 
his  friend  to  reconcile  that  coalition  before  he  charged  other 
Senators  with  acting  in  the  company  of  Whigs.  As  for  himself, 
he  was  acting  with  the  Democracy  of  his  own  State;  and  he  de- 
sired to  learn  no  new  Democracy  from  gentlemen  who  compared 
his  laboring  fellow-citizens  with  the  negro  laborers  of  the  South. 
A  rumor  was  abroad  about  this  time  that  letters  had  been  re- 
ceived from  Pennsylvania  advising  the  repeal  of  the  Tariff  of 
1842.  Senator  Cameron  denounced  the  writers— -if  any  letters 
G  9 


95  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

had  been  written — as  men  who  would  barter  principle  for  office. 
He  had  heard,  also,  that  the  bill  then  pending  was  to  become  a 
law  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President, — Mr.  Dallas. 
Cameron  denied  it,  saying  it  could  not  be  that  "a  native  Penn- 
sylvanian,  honored  with  the  trust  and  -confidence  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  could  prove  recreant  to  that  trust,  and  dishonor  the  State 
that  gave  him  birth.  His  honorable  name,  and  the  connection 
of  his  ancestry  with  her  history,  forbid  it.  His  own  public  acts 
and  written  sentiments  forbid  it." 

"Truly  national  in  his  principles,  views,  and  feelings,"  writes 
John  P.  Sanderson,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  to  me,*  "  General 
Cameron  has  yet  never  been  so  forgetful  of  the  rights  of  freo 
labor  as  to  lend  himself  to  its  surrender  to  appease  the  aggressive 
spirit  of  slavery.  Nor  would  he,  on  the  other  hand,  lend  himself 
to  the  infringement  or  violation  of  any  constitutional  rights  of 
those  enjoying  the  benefits  of  slave  labor.  He  is  no  extremist 
on  any  subject.  Schooled  in  the  political  creed  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  Pennsylvania  when  it  had  for  its  main  pillars 
such  men  as  Simon  Snyder,  William  Findlay,  Abner  Lacock, 
and  their  like,  he  has  consistently  maintained  the  principles  of 
those  great  men." 

On  the  Slavery  question,  his  friends  claim  for  him  the  same 
position  "which  John  Sergeant,  James  Buchanan,  and  other 
eminent  men  held  in  1820,  and  have  held  until  the  introduction 
into  Congress  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  by  Senator  Douglas." 
Recognising  all  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and  willing 
to  concede  to  the  South  all  the  rights  he  thinks  guaranteed  by 
them,  "he  cannot  and  will  not  lend  himself -to  slavery  beyond 
the  requirements  of  those  compromises."  He  recognises  the 
power  of  the  Federal  Government  to  restrict  slavery  within  its 
present  limits,  and  deems  it  expedient  to  exercise  that  power  if 
need  be.  During  the  Mexican  War,  though  acting  generally 
with  the  party  in  power,  he  voted  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

Senator  Cameron  opposed  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and 
participated  in  the  famous  debate  thereon  in  March,  1858.  At 


*  Mr.  Sanderson  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  to 
•whom  Mr.  Cameron  owed  his  first  election  to  the  Senate.  From  him  I  have 
received  valuable  materials  for  this  sketch. 


SIMON    CAMERON.  99 

one  of  the  night  sessions  of  that  memorable  debate,  quite  a  scene 
took  place,  which  gave  rise  to  much  newspaper  gossip  and  expec- 
tation. Late  in  the  night  of  the  14th  of  March,  Mr.  Green,  the 
Senator  from  Missouri,  who  had  charge  of  the  Leconipton  Bill, 
desired  to  perfect  the  last  amendment  he  had  to  offer,  and  call  a 
vote.  Cameron  objected  to  this  hurry.  He  said  he  had  striven 
to  conciliate  the  opposite  side,  until  he  was  disgusted.  "  Who  is 
the  gentleman  from  Missouri,"  he  asked,  "that  he  should  dictate 
terms  to  us  ?  Is  he  any  thing  more  than  our  peer  ?  He  is  cer- 
tainly not  the  commander  of  the  Senate.  What  right  has  he  to 
come  and  say  the  question  shall  be  taken  now,  or  to-morrow,  or 
any  other  day?  This  bill,  I  believe,  came  up  here  on  the  18th 
of  February.  On  the  20th,  his  side  adjourned  the  Senate  over 
until  Tuesday  of  the  next  week,  to  attend  a  political  pageant  in 
the  State  of  Virginia."* 

Mr.  Green  denied  the  truth  of  this  statement,  and  recrimina- 
tions were  speedy  and  mutual.  The  Vice-President  interfered. 
Both  Senators  strove  to  speak,  but  the  Vice-President  called  both 
to  order.  Though  restrained,  they  were  not  silent,  and,  in  the 
heat  of  debate,  Cameron  said  Green  told  an  "untruth;"  and 
Green  retorted  by  calling  Cameron  "a  liar."  Of  course  this 
created  great  excitement.  Order  having  been  restored,  Mr, 
Cameron  begged  pardon  of  the  Senate,  avowed  himself  responsible 
to  the  Senator  from  Missouri  for  what  he  had  said,  and  repeated 
that  the  whole  matter  before  the  Chamber  had  been  carried  out 
in  a  dictatorial  and  improper  manner.  In  reply,  Mr.  Green 
denied  that  he  arrogated  to  himself  any  superiority  or  command 
not  properly  belonging  to  him.  He  was  merely  the  organ  of  a 
committee,  and  the  responsible  agent  of  the  party  on  the  question. 
The  Senate  sat  all  night  until  after  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  16th,  the  night  having  been  consumed  "by  innumerable 
motions  to  postpone  and  to  adjourn,  on  which  the  yeas  and  nays 
were  taken.  An  occasional  speech  diversified  the  scene,  until 
the  majority  yielded  and  allowed  an  adjournment. 

The  rumors  of  "the  difficulty"  between  the  Senators  from 

*  It  was  the  occasion  of  the  inauguration  of  the  Washington  statue  in  the 
city  of  Richmond,  Feb.  22. 


100  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Missouri  and  Pennsylvania  brought  quite  a  crowd  to  the  Capitol 
on  the  following  morning;  but  the  lovers  of  excitement  were 
disappointed,  as  the  offensive  expressions  were  withdrawn,  and 
graceful  interchanges  of  mutual  respect  took  the  place  of  the 
duello. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  just,  perhaps,  to  give  the  opinion  of  his 
friends  upon  his  general  position : — 

His  aspirations  are  to  build  up,  not  to  tear  down.  He  has  a 
profound  reverence  for  all  the  safeguards  which  long  experience 
and  sound  wisdom  have  thrown  about  individual  rights.  His 
reliance  is  upon  great  and  enduring  principles.  He  confides  in 
those  which  have  formed  the  rule  of  his  public  life.  No  crisis, 
however  fearful,  surprises  or  disarms  him.  Cool  and  self- 
possessed,  with  a  sagacity  that  can  see,  through  the  mists  of 
the  hour,  the  future  to  which  it  leads,  he  is  ever  prepared  for 
any  emergency.  Ardent  and  spontaneous  as  are  all  his  Demo- 
cratic impulses,  and  strong  as  are  his  feelings  of  humanity,  he 
never  could  be  brought  to  lend  himself  to  the  destruction  of 
established  order,  regardless  of  the  happiness  of  those  most 
nearly  concerned.  Nor  would  he  do  so  with  ruthless  violence 
upon  institutions  which  might  stand  in  his  way  even  in  the  asser- 
tion of  right.  His  earliest  political  sentiments  were  formed 
under  the  instruction  and  in  the  intimate  companionship  of  the 
wisest  and  most  patriotic  men  of  Pennsylvania.  The  principles 
he  then  imbibed  from  them  have  been  his  unerring  guide 
through  life,  and  are  still  those  of  the  people  of  his  native  State, 
who  have  served  so  long  as  a  moral  breakwater  between  the 
opposing  sentiments  and  passions  of  the  Northern  and  Southern 
people.* 

Senator  Cameron  has  been  connected  in  some  degree  with 
most,  if  not  all,  of  the  improvements  in  Pennsylvania.  He  pro- 
jected the  Harrisburg  and  Lancaster  Railroad.  To  his  energy 
its  construction  is  largely  indebted.  The  same  may  be  said  in 
connection  with  the  Lebanon  Valley  Railroad;  the  Northern 
Central,  from  Harrisburg  to  Sunhury;  the  Tide-Water  Canal, 

*  Address  of  the  Philadelphia  Cameron  Club,  an  advance  copy  of  which  in  MS. 
T  have  been  kindly  furnished  with. 


SIMON    CAMERON.  101 

and  a  number  of  other  valuable  improvements.  His  business 
capacities  are  of  the  highest  order,  and  enable  him  to  perform  a 
great  amount  of  labor.  As  an  illustration  of  this,  it  need  only 
be  remarked  that  he  was  at  one  and  the  same  time  president 
of  two  important  railway-companies,  cashier  of  a  bank,  and 
president  of  an  insurance-company,  all  in  successful  operation; 
and  the  duties  assigned  to  him  in  each  were  faithfully  dis- 
charged.* 

*  Address  of  the  Philadelphia  Cameron  Club. 


102  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


SALMON  P.  CHASE, 

OF  OHIO. 

THIS  widely-known  and  distinguished  leader  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  was  born  in  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  at  Cor- 
nish, January  13,  1808.  About  1815,  his  father  removed  to 
Keene,  with  which  place  the  earlier  school-boy  days  of  Chase  are 
associated.  But  two  years,  however,  had  rolled  over  until  our 
boy  was  an  orphan ;  and  a  few  years  later  he  was  taken  to  that 
great  State  of  the  West  with  which  his  name  is  now  an  historical 
boast.  At  twelve  he  was  taken  to  Worthington,  Ohio,  and  his 
uncle,  Philander  Chase,  then  Episcopal  Bishop  of  that  diocese, — 
with  whose  entertaining  "  Reminiscences"  the  general  reader  is 
acquainted, — undertook  and  superintended  his  education.  He 
was  prepared  for,  and  entered  at,  Cincinnati  College,  of  which 
the  bishop  had  accepted  the  presidency.  He  only  remained  a 
year  in  Cincinnati,  when  he  returned  to  his  mother's  home  in 
New  Hampshire,  and  in  his  sixteenth  year  entered  the  Junior 
Class  of  Dartmouth  College,  where  he  was  graduated  in  1826. 

Determined  to  turn  his  acquirements  to  immediate  account,  he 
proceeded  to  Washington,  and  opened  a  classical  school  for  boys, 
and  was  patronized  by  many  eminent  men, — among  others,  by 
Henry  Clay,  William  Wirt,  and  Samuel  L.  Southard,  whose  sons 
were  intrusted  to  his  care.  Having  studied  law  under  Mr.  Wirt 
while  earning  a  livelihood  as  a  teacher  of  the  dead  languages,  he 
closed  his  school  on  attaining  his  majority,  in  1829,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  He  practised 
little,  if  any,  here,  but,  thinking  the  West  afforded  a  better  field 
for  his  talents  and  ambition,  returned  to  Cincinnati  in  the  spring 
of  the  following  year,  and  took  up  his  permanent  residence  there 
as  a  practitioner  at  the  bar. 

The  inducements  which  attract  young  men  of  energy  and  cul- 
tfvation  to  the  West  also  render  competition  in  that  region,  in 


SALMON    P.  CHASE.  103 

almost  every  phase  of  life,  very  great.  As  a  consequence,  the 
embarrassments  are  not  few,  and  the  difficulties  to  be  sur- 
mounted task  the  best  energies  of  the  best  men.  If  Mr.  Chase 
had  his  share  of  embarrassments,  he  also  had  more  than  the  ave- 
rage amount  of  intelligence,  and  the  industry  to  make  it  avail- 
able. Hence,  while  looking  out  for  cases,  he  was  also  looking 
up  the  laws  of  the  State,  and,  not  finding  them  as  he  thought 
they  ought  to  be  found,  he  set  to  work  and  prepared  an  edition 
of  the  Statutes,  accompanied  them  with  copious  annotations,  and 
prefixed  to  them  an  historical  sketch  of  the  State, — the  whole 
occupying  three  large  octavo  volumes.  Success  attended  his 
labor :  his  edition  soon  superseded  all  other  editions  of  the  Sta- 
tutes, and  is  now  the  received  authority  in  the  courts. 

The  necessary  reading  and  study  for  his  work  brought  him 
valuable  acquisitions  of  available  knowledge,  and  its  publication 
brought  him  reputation.  Then,  again,  the  latter  won  him  busi- 
ness, and  the  former  the  power  to  hold  it  and  make  him  success- 
ful. He  thus  acquired  a  valuable  practice,  and  early  in  1834  we 
find  him  solicitor  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in  Cincinnati, 
to  which  was  soon  added  a  similar  position  in  connection  with 
one  of  the  city  banks.  Thus  was  the  foundation  of  his  fortune 
laid. 

In  1837,  Mr.  Chase  came  prominently  forward  in  the  advocacy 
of  those  ideas  with  which  his  name  is  now  so  widely  identified. 
Acting  as  counsel  for  a  colored  woman  who  was  claimed  as  a 
fugitive  slave,  he  made  an  elaborate  argument  controverting  the 
authority  of  Congress  to  impose  duties  or  confer  powers  in  fugi- 
tive-slave cases  on  State  magistrates, — "  a  position  in  which  he 
has  since  been  sustained  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States, — and  maintained  that  the  law  of  1793  relative  to  fugitive 
slaves  was  void,  because  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States."  In  the  same  year  he  defended  James  G-.  Birney, 
who  was  prosecuted  by  the  State  for  harboring  a  negro  slave. 
The  case  was  tried  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio,  and  Mr. 
Chase  argued  that  slavery  was  a  local  institution,  and  dependent 
on  State  law  for  its  existence  and  continuance  ]  and  that  the 
slave,  having  been  brought  within  the  territorial  limits  of  Ohio 
by  one  claiming  to  be  her  master,  was,  in  fact  and  by  right,  free. 
In  1838,  he  followed  up  these  arguments  by  a  review,  in  a  news- 


104  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

paper,  of  a  report  emanating  from  the  Judiciary  Committee  of 
the  State  Senate,  which  took  grounds  against  granting  slaves  the 
trial  by  jury. 

Outside  of  the  political  reference  of  the  legal  question  he  dis- 
cussed, Mr.  Chase  had  taken  but  slight  part  in  politics  until 
1841.  He  had  not  settled  himself  into  a  party  man.  Sometimes 
he  voted  with  the  Democrats,  but  more  generally  with  the 
Whigs;  and  this  because  the  Northern  Whigs  appeared  more 
favorable  to  Anti-Slavery  doctrines  than  their  political  antago- 
nists. He  supported  Harrison  for  the  Presidency  in  1840,  but 
"  the  tone  of  his  inaugural  address,  and,  still  more,  the  course  of 
the  Tyler  Administration,  convinced  him  that  no  effective  resist- 
ance to  the  encroachments  of  slavery  was  to  be  expected  from 
any  party  with  a  slaveholding  and  pro-slavery  wing,  modifying, 
if  not  controlling,  its  action.  He  had  made  up  his  mind.  His 
day  for  giving  a  stray  vote  with  the  Democracy  was  gone,  and 
the  time  for  fully  organizing  a  distinct  party,  pledged  to  Anti- 
Slavery  views,  had  come."  He,  with  others,  in  1841,  called  a 
convention  of  those  opposed  to  slavery  and  slavery-extension. 
The  convention  met  in  December  of  that  year,  organized  the 
"  Liberal  party  of  Ohio,  nominated  a  candidate  for  Governor, 
and  issued  an  address  defining  its  principles  and  purposes."  Mr. 
Chase  wrote  and  reported  this  address,  which  has  an  historical 
importance  in  being  one  of  the  earliest  expositions  of  the  politi- 
cal warfare  against  slavery.  In  1843,  Mr.  Chase  was  an  active 
participant  in  the  "  National  Liberty  Convention,"  which  assem- 
bled at  Buffalo.  He  was  on  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  to 
which  was  referred,  under  a  rule  of  the  Convention,  a  resolu- 
tion proposing  "  to  regard  and  treat  the  third  clause  of  the  Con- 
stitution, whenever  applied  to  the  case  of  a  fugitive  slave,  as 
utterly  null  and  void,  and  consequently  as  forming  no  part  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  whenever  we  are  called 
upon  or  sworn  to  support  it."  This  resolution  was  opposed  by 
Mr.  Chase,  and  was  not  reported  by  the  committee.  Having 
been  moved,  however,  in  Convention,  it  was  adopted  by  that 
body.  Senator  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  afterward  charged 
the  authorship  and  advocacy  of  the  resolution  on  Mr.  Chase,  and 
denounced  the  doctrine  of  mental  reservation  apparently  sanc- 
tioned by  it.  Chase  replied,  "  I  have  only  to  say  I  never  pro- 


SALMON    P.  CHASE.  105 

posed  the  resolution  :  I  never  would  propose  or  vote  for  such  a 
resolution.  I  hold  no  doctrine  of  mental  reservation.  Every 
man,  in  my  judgment,  should  speak  just  as  he  thinks,  keeping 
nothing  back,  here  or  elsewhere." 

In  the  same  year,  "the  great  Repeal  year,"  as  it  was  called, 
Mr.  Chase  was  designated  to  prepare  an  address  on  behalf  of  the 
friends  of  Liberty,  of  Ireland,  and  of  Repeal,  in  Cincinnati,  to 
the  Loyal  National  Repeal  Association  of  Ireland,  in  reply  to  a 
letter  from  Daniel  O'Connell.  In  it  he  reviewed  "the  relations 
of  the  Federal  Government  to  slavery  at  the  period  of  its  organi- 
zation, set  forth  its  original  anti-slavery  policy,  and  the  subse- 
quent growth  of  the  political  power  of  slavery,  vindicated  the 
action  of  the  liberal  party,  and  repelled  the  aspersions  cast  by  a 
Repeal  Association  in  Cincinnati  upon  anti-slavery  men." 

The  Southern  and  Western  Liberty  Convention  held  in  Cin- 
cinnati, June,  1845,  originated  with  Mr.  Chase.  He  desired 
to  embrace  "  all  who,  believing  that  whatever  is  worth  preserving 
in  republicanism  -can  be  maintained  only  by  uncompromising 
war  against  the  usurpations  of  the  slave-power,  are,  therefore, 
resolved  to  use  all  constitutional  and  honorable  means  to  effect 
the  extinction  of  slavery  in  their  respective  States,  and  its  reduc- 
tion to  its  constitutional  limits  in  the  United  States."  There 
were  two  thousand  delegates  present,  and  over  twice  that  num- 
ber of  spectators.  As  chairman  of  the  committee,  the  pro- 
jector of  the  movement  drew  up  the  address,  embracing  a  his- 
tory of  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  in  their  relation  to 
the  Slavery  question,  recommending,  as  a  political  necessity,  the 
formation  of  a  party  pledged  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Southern 
institution,  and  showing  what  to  the  writer  seemed  the  natural 
and  necessary  antagonism  between  Democracy  and  Southern 
interests. 

Mr.  Chase  was  now  a  widely-known  champion  of  the  grow- 
ing anti-slavery  party.  He  was  associated  with  the  Hon. 
W.  H.  Seward  in  the  defence  of  John  Van  Zandt,  who  was 
arraigned  before  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  for  aiding 
in  the  escape  of  slaves.  In  this  case  Seward  made  one  of  his 
most  eloquent  efforts;  and  Chase  followed  up  the  arguments 
suggested  by  the  <?bove  outline  of  his  views  on  the  subject  in  a 
still  more  elaborate  manner,  contending  that, "  under  the  Ordinance 


106  LIVING    REPRESENTATFV  £    MEN. 

of  1787,  no  fugitives  from  service  could  be  reclaimed  from  Ohio 
unless  there  had  been  an  escape  from  one  of  the  original  States; 
that  it  was  the  clear  understanding  of  the  framers  of  the  Consti- 
tution, and  of  the  people  who  adopted  it,  that  slavery  was  to  be 
left  exclusively  to  the  disposal  of  the  several  States,  without 
sanction  or  support  from  the  National  Government;  and  that 
the  clause  of  the  Constitution  relative  to  persons  held  to  service 
was  one  of  compact  between  the  States,  and  conferred  no  power 
of  legislation  on  Congress,  having  been  transferred  from  the 
Ordinance  of  1787,  in  which  it  conferred  no  power  on  the  Con- 
federation and  was  never  understood  to  confer  any."  He  was 
subsequently  engaged  for  the  defence  in  the  case  of  Dieskell  vs. 
Parish,  before  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  at  Columbus,  and 
argued  the  same  positions. 

Mr.  Chase  attended  a  second  "National  Liberty  Convention" 
in  1847,  and,  in  expectation  that  the  agitation  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso  would  result  in  a  more  positive  movement  against  slavery- 
extension,  opposed  the  making  of  any  national  nominations  at 
that  time.  He  anticipated  the  Whig  and  Democratic  Conven- 
tions in  1848,  by  calling  a  Free-Territory  Convention,  which 
resulted  in  the  Buffalo  Convention  in  August,  and  the  nomina- 
tion of  Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  Presidency. 

On  the  22d  of  February  of  the  following  year,  Mr.  Chase 
was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  receiving  the  entire 
vote  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  Legislature,  as  well 
as  a  large  number  of  the  Free-Soilers.  Agreeing  with  the 
Democracy  of  Ohio,  which  had,  by  resolution  in  Convention, 
declared  slavery  to  be  an  evil,  he  supported  its  State  policy  and 
nominees,  but  declared  that  he  would  desert  it  if  it  deserted  the 
anti-slavery  position.  He  spoke  at  length,  on  the  26th  and  27th 
of  March,  1850,  against  the  Compromise  resolutions.  Opening 
with  a  modest  allusion  to  his  coming  from  the  private  walks  of 
life,  without  the  advantage  of  previous  public  position  or  expe- 
rience in  legislative  debates,  he  claimed  consideration  for  his 
sincerity  and  the  directness  with  which  he  would  present  his 
positions.  He  then  proceeded  to  give  a  history  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  its  relations  to  slavery.  Senator  Hunter  had,  on  the 
day  previous,  remarked  that  the  South  had  no  cause  of  complaint 
against  the  North  in  regard  to  slavery  until  the  year  1820, — the 


SALMON   P.  CHASE.  107 

date  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  However  that  might  be,  Sena- 
tor Chase  thought  that  we  should  go  farther  back  if  we  wanted  to 
trace  to  its  source  the  controversy  between  slavery  and  freedom 
in  this  country.  We  must  go  two  hundred  years  back,  he  said. 
It  was  in  June,  1620,  that  a  Dutch  ship  ascended  the  James 
River,  bringing  the  first  slaves  into  Virginia.  In  that  same  year 
the  Mayflower  brought  the  Pilgrim  founders  of  New  England  to 
Plymouth  Rock.  Slavery  was  introduced  into  Virginia.  Free- 
dom was  planted  in  New  England.  The  contest  between  the 
despotic  principle — the  element  and  guarantee  of  slavery — and 
the  democratic  principle — the  element  and  guarantee  of  liberty 
— commenced.  After  going  through  the  documentary  history 
touching  the  subject,  an  allusion  to  a  monument  to  Jefferson 
gave  rise  to  a  striking  passage,  which  all  can  appreciate.  He 
did  not  know  that  Jefferson  had  a  monument  in  Virginia.  Sena- 
tor Mason  informed  him  that  there  was, — a  granite  obelisk ;  and 
Senator  Seward  remarked  that  the  inscription  was,  "Here  is 
buried  Thomas  Jefferson,  Author  of  the  Declaration  of  American 
Independence,  of  the  Statute  of  Virginia  for  Religious  Freedom, 
and  Father  of  the  University  of  Virginia." 

"  It  is  an  appropriate  inscription,"  said  Senator  Chase,  "and  worthily 
commemorates  distinguished  services.  But,  Mr.  President,  if  a  stranger 
from  some  foreign  land  should  ask  me  for  the  monument  of  Jefferson,  I 
would  not  take  him  to  Virginia,  and  bid  him  look  on  a  granite  obelisk, 
however  admirable  in  its  proportions  or  inscriptions.  I  would  ask  him 
to  accompany  me  beyond  the  Alleghanies,  into  the  midst  of  the  broad 
Northwest,  and  would  say  to  him, — 

Si  monumentum  quseris,  circumspice  ! 

Behold,  on  every  side,  his  monument!     These  thronged  cities;    these 
nourishing  villages  ;  these  cultivated  fields ;  these  million  happy  homes 
of  prosperous  freemen ;  these  churches ;  these  schools ;  these  asylums 
for  the  unfortunate  and  the  helpless ;  these  institutions  of  education, 
religion,  and  humanity;  these  great  States, — great  in  their  present  re- 
sources, but  greater  far  in  the  mighty  energies  by  which  the  resources 
of  the  future  are  to  be  developed ;  these,  these  are  the  monuments  of 
Jefferson.     His  memorial  is  all  over  our  Western  land : — 
Our  meanest  rill,  our  mightiest  river, 
Rolls  mingling  with  his  fame  forever. 

"But  what  monument  should  be  erected  to  those  whose  misapplied 
talents,  energy,  and  perseverance  have  procured,  or  whose  compromising 
timidity  has  permitted,  the  reversal  of  the  policy  of  Jefferson  ?  What 
inscript-:->u  should  commemorate  the  acts  of  those  who  have  surrendered 


108  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

vast  Territories  to  slavery ;  who  have  disappointed  the  expectations  of 
the  fathers  of  the  Pvepublic ;  who  have  prepared  for  our  country  the 
dangers  and  difficulties  which  are  now  around  us  and  upon  us  ?  It  is 
not  for  me,  sir,  to  say  what  that  inscription  should  be.  Let  it  remain  a 
blank  forever." 

He  continued  his  speech  on  the  following  day,  in  review  of  the 
resolutions  under  discussion.  He  concurred  in  the  decision  to 
admit  California  with  the  boundaries  claimed  by  her  and  the  Con- 
stitution which  she  had  adopted.  He  could  have  wished  that  she 
had  been  divided  into  two  States.  He  opposed  the  propositions 
to  connect  the  admission  of  California  with  the  general  settle- 
ment of  the  Slavery  question,  and  to  give  the  Utah  and  New 
Mexico  Bill  precedence  over  the  California  Bill.  In  regard  to 
Texas,  he  thought  the  questions  connected  with  the  erection  of 
new  States  within  her  limits,  the  liability  of  the  United  States 
for  her  debts,  and  the  determination  of  her  western  and  north- 
western boundaries,  might  be  disposed  of  when  they  arose.  He 
did  not  concur  in  any  way  with  Mr.  Webster  in  regard  to  the 
obligation  to  admit  new  slave  States  out  of  Texas.  Webster 
had  opposed  the  admission  of  Texas  and  denied  the  constitution- 
ality of  the  resolutions  of  annexation.  He  was  therefore  startled 
when  he  heard  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  declare  not  only 
that  he  regarded  the  constitutionality  of  the  admission  of  Texas 
as  a  matter  adjudged,  and  not  now  open  to  question  in  any  way, 
but  that,  when  the  proper  time  for  the  enactment  should  arrive, 
Congress  would  be  bound  to  admit  four  new  slave  States  out  of 
Texas.  Senator  Chase  denied  the  obligation.  It  was,  he  said, 
known  at  the  time  that  the  resolutions  would  not  have  passed 
except  upon  the  assurance  of  Mr.  Polk,  President-elect,  that  he 
would  adopt  the  alternative  presented  by  them,  which  contem- 
plated negotiation  and  a  treaty.  But  Tyler,  in  the  last  days  of 
his  official  power,  took  the  matter  out  of  the  hands  of  the  in- 
coming President. 

He  was  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  was  surprised  by  the  proposition  "  That  Congress 
has  no  power  to  prohibit  the  slave-trade  among  the  States. " 
"  Why,  sir,"  said  he,  "that  trade  is  prohibited  now,  except  upon 
certain  conditions.  It  is  prohibited  in  vessels  of  less  capacity 
than  forty  tons.  Not  a  slave  can  be  shipped  coastwise  without 
a  permit  from  aii  officer  of  the  United  States ;  not  a  slave  shipped 


SALMON   P.  CHASE.  109 

can  be  landed  without  a  permit."  Congress  has  a  constitutional 
right  "  to  regulate  commerce  among  the  several  States ;"  and  he 
thought,  "  if  they  can  prohibit  the  trade  in  vessels  of  less  than 
forty  tons,  they  can  prohibit  it  in  vessels  of  one  hundred, — five 
hundred, — altogether."  He  argued  that  the  legislative  power  of 
Congress  did  not  extend  to  the  subject  of  the  extradition  of 
fugitive  slaves,  and,  in  his  peroration,  said,  "  I  have  never  cal- 
culated the  value  of  the  Union.  I  know  no  arithmetic  by  which 
the  computation  can  be  made.  We  of  the  West  are  in  the  habit 
of  looking  upon  the  Union  as  we  look  upon  the  arch  of  heaven, 
— without  a  thought  that  it  can  ever  decay  or  fall.  With  equal 
reverence  we  regard  the  great  Ordinance  of  Freedom,  under 
whose  benign  influence,  within  little  more  than  half  a  century, 
a  wilderness  has  been  converted  into  an  empire/'* 

He  followed  up  this  speech  with  others  on  the  specialties  con- 
tained in  the  Compromise  resolutions  in  detail  during  the  session, 
and  moved  an  amendment  against  the  introduction  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories  to  which  Mr.  Clay's  bill  applied;  but  it  was  lost 
by  25  to  30.  An  amendment  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill,  to 
secure  trial  by  jury  to  alleged  slaves,  also  failed,  by  11  to  28. 
He  also  moved  to  amend,  by  striking  out  the  second  section  of  an 
amendment  made  by  Senator  Davis,  to  "  conform  the  provisions," 
in  the  words  of  Chase,  "  of  the  bill  to  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution," and  illustrated  his  point  thus: — "The  Constitution 
provides  that  'no  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State, 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  conse- 
quence of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up/  The  terms  of  the 
Constitution  confine  the  right  of  reclamation  to  the  taking  of 
persons  escaping  from  one  State  into  another  State.  This  section 
extends  the  remedy,  or  the  right  of  reclamation,  where  it  does  not 
exist,  to  the  Territories.  That  is  the  reason  why  I  desire  that  it 
may  be  stricken  out."  After  having  been  discussed,  it  was  lost, 
by  1  to  44,  Mr.  Chase  himself  being  the  solitary  "yea." 

When  the  Democratic  Convention  of  Baltimore  nominated 
Franklin  Pierce,  in  1852,  and  approved  the  Compromise  of  1850, 
Senator  Chase  dissolved  his  connection  with  the  Democrats  of 


See  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Sess.  31st  Cong.    Appendix  to  the  same,  Ac. 

10 


HO  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Ohio,  and  addressed  a  letter  to  B.  F.  Butler,  of  New  York,  sug- 
gesting and  vindicating  the  idea  of  an  Independent  Democracy. 
He  made  a  platform,  which  was  substantially  that  adopted  at  the 
Pittsburg  Convention  in  the  same  year.  He  continued  his  sup- 
port to  the  "Independent  Democrats"  until  the  Nebraska-Kansas 
Bill  came  up.  His  action  at  this  crisis  is  well  epitomized  by  Mr. 
W.  S.  Thayer.* 

In  the  general  opposition  to  the  Nebraska  Bill,  he  took  a 
leading  part,  and  the  rejection  of  three  of  his  proposed  amend- 
ments was  thought  to  be  of  such  significance  as  bearing  on  the 
Slavery  question,  that  it  may  be  well  to  state  them.  He  first 
proposed  to  add  after  the  words  "subject  only  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States/'  in  section  14,  the  following  clause : — • 
"  Under  which  the  people  of  the  Territory,  through  their  appro- 
priate representatives,  may,  if  they  see  fit,  prohibit  the  existence 
of  slavery  therein."  This  was  rejected :  yeas,  10 ;  nays,  36.  The 
second  proposed  to  give  practical  effect  to  the  principle  of  popu- 
lar sovereignty,  by  providing  for  the  election  by  the  people  of 
the  Territory  of  their  own  governor,  judge,  and  secretary,  instead 
of  leaving,  as  in  the  bill,  their  appointment  to  the  Federal  Exe- 
cutive. This  was  defeated  :  yeas,  10 ;  nays,  30.  He  then  pro- 
posed an  amendment  of  the  boundary,  so  as  to  have  but  one 
Territory,  named  Nebraska,  instead  of  two,  entitled,  respect- 
ively, Nebraska  and  Kansas.  This  was  rejected:  yeas,  8;  nays, 
34.  His  opposition  to  the  bill  was  ended  by  an  earnest  protest 
against  it  on  the  night  of  its  final  passage. 

During  his  Senatorial  career,  Mr.  Chase  advocated  economy  in 
the  national  finances,  a  Pacific  Railroad  by  the  shortest  and  best 
route,  the  Homestead  movement,  Cheap  Postage,  and  held  that 
the  national  treasury  should  defray  the  expense  of  providing  for 
the  safe  navigation  of  the  Lakes,  as  well  as  of  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Oceans. 

In  1855,  Mr.  Chase  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  by  the  op- 
ponents of  the  Pierce  Administration.  His  Inaugural  Address, 
among  other  things,  recommended  single  districts  for  legislative 
representation,  annual  instead  of  biennial  sessions  of  the  Legis- 
lature, and  an  extended  educational  system.  At  the  next 

*  Author  of  the  comprehensive  article  on  Chase  in  the  "  New  American 
Cyclopedia." 


SALMON    P.  CHASE.  Ill 

National  Convention  of  the  Republicans,  the  Ohio  delegation, 
and  several  from  other  States,  desired  to  nominate  him  for  the 
Presidency;  but,  at  his  own  request,  his  name  was  withdrawn. 
Tn  his  first  Annual  Message,  after  touching  on  the  usual  topics, 
he  recommended  a  bureau  of  statistics,  which  was  adopted. 
Governor  Chase  was  re-elected  to  his  high  office  by  the  largest 
vote  ever  given  for  Governor  in  Ohio. 

Governor  Chase  is  a  ready  and  able  debater.  On  his  specialty 
he  is  powerful,  and  never  fails  to  impress  his  hearers.  He  is 
forcible,  eloquent,  and  wields  a  free  and  a  copious  diction.  The 
last  prominent  exposition  of  his  views  on  public  questions  is 
contained  in  an  address  delivered,  August  25,  1859,  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Sandusky,  in  which,  after  elaborately  discussing  matters  of 
State  policy,  he  branched  out  into  a  review  of  national  questions. 

He  referred  to  Mr.  Buchanan's  letter  of  a  few  years  ago,  in 
which  he  said  that  unless  the  Democracy  put  forth  its  strong 
arm  and  resisted  the  existing  tendency  to  extravagance,  the  ex- 
penditures would,  in  a  short  time,  amount  to  one  hundred  mil- 
lions a  year.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected  in  1856.  He  put 
forth  his  strong  Democratic  arm,  but  it  had  an  opposite  effect  to 
that  which  he  had  predicted.  Instead  of  arresting  extravagance, 
it  propelled  it ;  and  in  the  first  year  of  his  Administration  the 
expenditures  of  the  Government  were  about  sixty-five  millions 
of  dollars.  They  had  already  reached  the  enormous  sum  of 
fifty  millions  when  he  went  into  office.  Now  they  were  raised  to 
sixty-five  millions.  In  1858,  the  strong  Democratic  arm  was  still 
extended  and  still  in  action,  and  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern- 
ment went  up,  instead  of  down,  to  eighty-one  millions  of  dollars. 
In  1859 — this  year — this  strong  Democratic  arm  still  extends, 
and  the  expenditures,  according  to  the  estimates,  go  up  to  ninety- 
one  millions  of  dollars.  Next  year,  when  this  strong  Democratic 
arm  will  be  still  extended  for  the  last  time,  there  is  every  reason 
for  the  encouraging  expectation  that  Mr.  Buchanan's  prophecy  will 
be  fulfilled,  and  the  expenditures  will  be  raised  to  over  one  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars. 

Reviewing  the  Slavery  question,  he  believed  the  Lemmon  case 
would  be  decided  as  the  Dred  Scott  case  was,  if  the  Democrats 
gained  the  next  Presidency.  He  severely  criticized  the  Legis- 
lature of  Ohio  for  repealing  the  acts  against  the  Fugitive-Slave 


112  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

Law.  Reviewing  the  history  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the 
growth  of  the  Kansas  agitation,  he  pictured  President  Pierce  as 
completely  at  the  mercy  and  direction  of  the  South.  When  the 
South  found  that  the  Presidential  patronage  and  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  restriction  did  not  serve  their  purposes,  they  wanted 
a  constitutional  sanction  for  slavery  everywhere. 

"This,"  continued  Governor  Chase,  "  came  from  the  Dred  Scott  deci- 
sion. Now  you  have  certainly  got  sufficient.  You  have  got  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  by  which  slavery  is  sanctioned  in  all  the  Territories ;  you 
have  the  Government  so  organized  as  to  enforce  these  decrees.  Then 
surely  you  are  satisfied  now,  '  Oh,  no :  what  is  the  use  of  having  sla- 
very established  in  all  the  Territories  unless  we  have  negroes  to  put 
there  ?'  So  Mr.  Stephens  said  the  other  dny  in  Georgia.  Said  he,  '  I 
don't  see  that  we  have  gained  much  unless  we  have  negroes  to  put  into 
the  Territories.  If  you  want,'  said  he,  'to  put  slavery  in  the  Territories, 
you  must  have  negroes  to  put  there.5  So  they  have  revived  the  slave- 
trade  already.  The  Government  made  some  poor,  puny,  and  ineffectual 
attempts  to  repulse  it  by  a  judicial  proceeding  at  Charleston.  What  was 
the  result?  The  slaveholders  in  the  jury-box  said,  'We  don't  recognise 
any  law  or  Constitution  which  condemns  the  slavery  which  exists  among 
us;  and  if  you  condemn  the  traffic  in  slaves  in  Africa,  you  equally  con- 
demn that  traffic  at  home.'  That  is  true.  You  cannot  get  away  from  that. 
Everybody  has  to  admit  that,  and  so  these  South  Carolina  men  said,  *  We 
are  not  a-going  to  condemn  it  at  home,  and  therefore  not  abroad ;  and 
therefore  we  shall  acquit  these  men.'  And  acquit  them  they  did." 

He  held  that  the  slave-trade  was  actually  revived ;  and  the 
question  was,  Would  the  Democracy  consent  to  the  repeal  of  the 
laws  prohibiting  it  ?  They  would  say  that  they  would  not ;  but 
they  had  said  so  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  of  the  Fugitive- 
Slave  Law,  and  yet  they  did  consent.  If  they  had  not  an  Afri- 
can, they  had  an  American,  slave-trade.  People  might  deem 
his  views  but  as  imagination,  but  he  did  not  dream  when,  in  the 
Senate,  he  resisted  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  and  foretold  that  the 
Democracy  would  inscribe  it  on  their  Presidential  banner. 

He  branded  as  false  the  statement  that  the  Republican  party 
were  unfriendly  to  the  foreign-born  citizens,  and  challenged 
scrutiny  into  his  own  career  on  the  subject.  His  every  act  and 
word  breathed  the  broadest  spirit  of  liberality  for  all,  regardless 
of  the  country  of  their  birth ;  and  in  common  with  the  Repub- 
lican party  he  protested  against  any  such  discrimination  as  the 
Government  proposed  in  the  Cass  letter. 


SALMON   P.  CHASE.  113 

In  the  name  of  the  Kepublican  party  he  also  stood  by  tlie 
Homestead  Bill;  that  is,  he  and  they  stood  by  the  principle 
that  it  was  a  great  deal  better  that  the  public  lands  of  the  coun- 
try should  pass  into  the  hands  of  settlers ;  that  they  should  have 
all  opportunity  to  take  up  those  public  lands  with  little  or  no 
price,  and  cultivate  them,  the  country  looking  for  remuneration, 
not  to  the  price  of  land,  but  to  the  increased  wealth  resulting 
from  the  settler's  industry.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  Republican 
party  to  have  free  homes  for  all.  He  avowed  that  the  Democra- 
tic party  in  the  State  Convention  endorsed  it  too ;  but  what  did 
they  do  at  Washington  ?  In  solid  phalanx  they  voted  against  it. 
All  the  slaveholders  in  the  South,  aided  by  a  great-  body  of  the 
Democracy  of  the  North,  united  in  voting  down  that  proposition. 

Governor  Wise,  having  been  informed  that  certain  combina- 
tions were  being  made  in  Ohio  to  follow  up  the  attempted  inva- 
sion of  Virginia  commenced  at  Harper's  Ferry  in  October,  wrote 
to  Governor  Chase  on  the  subject.  The  reply  of  the  Governor 
of  Ohio  was  laid  before  the  Legislature  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1859.  The  following  embraces  the  chief  points  : — 

"Whenever  it  shall  be  made  to  appear,  either  by  evidence  transmitted 
by  you,  or  otherwise,  that  unlawful  combinations  are  being  formed  by  any 
persons  or  at  any  place  in  Ohio  for  the  invasion  of  Virginia,  or  for  the 
commission  of  crimes  against  her  people,  it  will  undoubtedly  become  the 
duty  of  the  Executive  to  use  whatever  power  he  may  possess  to  break  up 
such  combinations  and  defeat  their  unlawful  purposes ;  and  that  duty,  it 
need  not  be  doubted,  will  be  promptly  performed. 

"  I  observe  with  deep  regret  an  intimation  in  your  letter  that  necessity 
may  compel  the  authorities  of  Virginia  to  pursue  invaders  of  her  juris- 
diction into  the  territories  of  adjoining  States.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  no 
circumstances  will  arise  creating,  in  their  opinion,  such  a  necessity.  Laws 
of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  the  laws  of  Ohio,  indicate  the  mode  in 
which  persons  charged  with  crime  in  another  State,  and  escaping  into 
Ohio,  may  be  demanded  and  must  be  surrendered  ;  and  the  people  of  this 
State  will  require  from  her  authorities  the  punctual  fulfilment  of  every 
obligation  to  the  other  members  of  the  Union.  They  cannot  consent, 
however,  to  the  invasion  of  her  territory  by  armed  bodies  from  other 
States,  even  for  the  purpose  of  pursuing  and  arresting  fugitives  from 
justice." 

For  one  who  has  been  but  one  term  in  Congress,  Governor 
Chase,  like  Mr.  Bates,  of  Missouri,  has  a  paramount  hold  on  the 
affections  of  his  party.  His  ^rvices  there  and  elsewhere  have 

done  much  to  combine  and  elevate  it. 
II  10* 


114  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


HOWELL  COBB, 

OF  GEORGIA. 

HOWELL  COBB  was  born  at  Cherry-Hill,  Jefferson  County, 
Georgia,  on  the  7th  of  September,  1815,  and  is  the  son  of  John 
A.  Cobb,  who,  when  quite  a  boy,  removed  from  Greenville,  N.C., 
with  his  father.  The  mother  of  the  present  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Sarah  11.  Cobb,  was  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Rootes, 
of  Fredericksburg,  Va.  His  uncle,  Howell  Cobb,  after  whom  he 
was  named,  represented  a  district  in  Congress  up  to  the  second 
war  with  Great  Britain,  in  which  he  served  with  distinction  as 
captain ;  and  a  cousin,  Thomas  Cobb,  having  been  a  Representa- 
tive from  1817,  with  slight  intermission,  to  1824,  was  Senator 
in  Congress  from  that  year  until  1828. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen,  in  1834,  the  subject  of  this  sketch 
was  graduated  at  Franklin  College.  On  the  26th  of  May  of  the 
following  year  he  was  married  to  Mary  Ann  Lainar,  daughter 
of  the  late  Colonel  Zachariah  Lamar,  of  Milledgeville.  In 
1836,  Mr.  Cobb  was  admitted  to  the  bar;  and  the  best  proof 
of  his  immediate  success  and  the  confidence  inspired  by  his 
abilities  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that,  though  barely  of  age 
and  but  a  year  in  practice,  he  was  in  1837  elected  by  the 
Legislature  to  the  office  of  Solicitor-General  for  the  Western 
Circuit  of  his  State.  In  this  position  he  had  to  meet  the  most 
competent  and  able  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  and  no  doubt  owes 
much  of  his  present  prominence  to  the  cultivation  of  the  re- 
sources he  found  in  himself  during  this  arduous  but  gratifying 
period  of  his  career.  It  is  said  that  his  naturally  cool  judgment 
and  almost  intuitive  legal  perception  made  amends  for  want  of 
experience ;  and  certain  it  is  that  such  information  as  I  have 
oeen  enabled  to  consult  credits  Mr.  Cobb  with  having  conducted 
the  office  with  skill,  vigor,  and  unvarying  success.  He  held  the 
place  three  years,  and  left  it  taking  rank  with  the  chief  lawyers 


HOWELL   COBB.  115 

and  advocates  in  the  State;  and  he  failed  not  to  avail  himself 
of  his  prominence  and  reputation.  For  the  next  three  years  his 
attention  to  professional  labor  was  unremitting  and  productive. 
Gifted  with  a  quickness  of  perception,  rapidity  of  thought,  and 
force  of  expression  engrafted  on  a  sympathetic  disposition  that 
vehemently  adopted  his  clients'  rights  and  wrongs,  Mr.  Cobb's 
appeals  to  a  jury  were  naturally  strong  and  effective.  Human 
nature  has  more  power  than  legal  technicalities.  The  crotchetty 
few  can  understand  the  latter,  the  large-hearted  many  acknow- 
ledge the  former.  This  was  a  chief  secret  of  Mr.  Cobb's  success. 
Speaking  of  the  Georgia  bar  and  the  period  at  which  Mr.  Cobb 
"  won  his  spurs"  at  it,  a  writer  in  the  "  Democratic  Review"  for 
1849  says,  "  As  a  professional  man,  his  character  has  been 
moulded  by  the  combined  influence  of  his  own  temperament  and 
the  customs  of  the  country  in  which  he  for  the  most  part  prac- 
tised. The  Western  (his)  Judicial  Circuit  of  Georgia  has  never 
been  distinguished  for  devoted  application  to  books.  Situated  in 
a  broken  and,  in  part,  mountainous  country,  with  a  sterile  soil 
and  wretched  roads,  the  people  are  simple  and  primitive  in  their 
ideas  and  habits,  and  to  this  day  remain  untouched  by  the  pro- 
gress of  luxury  or  refinement.  The  character  of  its  bench  and 
bar  has,  as  usual,  assimilated  itself  to  that  of  the  country,  and 
the  proceedings  of  the  court  have  been  characterized  by  the 
same  features.  The  f  viginti  annorum  lucubrationes'  have  never 
been  much  valued  there.  Courts  and  juries  in  that  region,  there- 
fore, are  more  influenced  by  the  arguments  of  a  strong  though 
rough  common  sense  than  by  the  refinements  and  subtleties  of 
legal  learning.  The  bar,  consequently,  have  been  distinguished  by 
a  quick  and  clear  apprehension  of  the  prominent  and  controlling 
points  of  a  case,  and  by  force  and  eloquence  in  presenting  them  to 
courts  and  juries,  rather  than  by  the  display  of  professional  re- 
search and  nice  discrimination  of  shades  of  principle.  Of  this 
general  character  of  the  circuit  Mr.  Cobb  is  one  of  the  finest  ex- 
amples, though,  when  forced  by  circumstances  to  resort  to  books, 
he  readily  shows  that  he  can  follow  the  law  applicable  to  his  case 
through  the  most  intricate  refinements, — which,  however,  is  not 
the  usual  method  of  his  practice.  In  common  with  his  profes- 
sional associates,  he  usually  relies  on  a  readiness  and  self-posses- 
sion of  which  no  surprise  can  deprive  him,  on  a  perfect  under- 


116  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

standing  of  the  facts,  and  on  a  forcible  application  of  the  broad 
and  fundamental  principles  bearing  on  his  case."* 

In  the  Nullification  agitation  which  so  distracted  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina,  Mr.  Cobb  sided  with  Jackson,  and,  having  thus 
early  won  reputation  as  a  Union  Democrat,  the  people  of  his 
district  sent  him  to  Congress  in  October,  1842, — it  being  his 
first  entrance  into  any  legislative  body.  In  the  early  part  of 
his  Congressional  career,  he  mingled  sufficiently  in  the  debates 
to  master  the  details  and  duties  of  the  new  field  upon  which 
he  was  destined  to  achieve  extended  reputation.  He  was  suc- 
cessively re-elected  in  1844,  '46,  and  '48,  representing  that 
portion  of  his  State  which,  under  the  apportionment  of  the 
sixth  census,  was  designated  the  sixth  district.  In  the  Twenty- 
Eighth  and  Twenty-Ninth  Congresses,  Mr.  Cobb  continued  to 
devote  himself  to  a  perfect  study  of  the  management  of  the 
deliberations  of  the  House.  This  information, — necessary  above 
all  other  to  a  man  who  would  succeed  as  a  leader  in  any  legis- 
lative body, — with  the  quickness  of  thought  and  readiness  in 
resource  which  he  possessed,  began  to  direct  attention  to  the 
young  Georgian  in  moments  of  exigency.  His  business  capacity 
acknowledged,  the  tenacity  with  which  he  clung  to  the  policy  of 
his  party  became  of  great  service,  and  indicated  him  as  a  leader 
among  much  older  politicians. 

In  the  Thirtieth  Congress, — from  December,  1847,  to  March, 
1849, — Mr.  Cobb's  position  was  still  more  broadly  defined.  As 
the  lamented  Drumgoole,  of  Virginia,  failed  in  health,  it  became 
necessary  that  some  one  should  supply  his  place  as  parliamentary 
leader  of  the  Democracy  in  the  House,  "  which  for  ten  years 
that  gentleman  had  filled  without  even  the  semblance  of  rivalry." 
In  the  occasional  contests  over  political  points  in  the  absence  of 
Mr.  Drumgoole,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Cobb  possessed  more  of 
the  elements  of  a  successful  parliamentary  leader  than  any  other 
on  that  side  of  the  House.  Mr.  Cobb  is  the  first  who,  without 
previous  service  in  a  State  Legislature,  or  long  experience  in 
that  body,  was  suddenly,  as^it  were,  elevated  to  a  party  leader- 
ship in  the  House.  Yet,  says  one  who  claimed  to  have  carefully 
noted  his  career  at  Washington,  "  we  are  by  no  means  surprised 

*  Democratic  Review,  September,  1849. 


HOWELL   COBB.  117 

at  the  rapidity  with  which  he  has  acquired  his  influence  in  the 
Hall/' — attributing  his  success  to  the  possession  of  strong  sense, 
never-failing  good  temper,  an  intuitive  knowledge  of  men  and 
things,  general  attainments,  and  an  acquaintance  with  previous 
decisions  upon  mooted  parliamentary  rules  and  regulations  far 
superior  to  those  of  any  gentleman  who  had  been  a  member  of 
the  House  during  the  period  alluded  to.  While  Hon.  Mr.  Vin- 
toQ,  of  Ohio,  was  the  business  leader  of  the  Whigs,  Mr.  Stephens 
their  resource  in  a  severe  party  contest,  Mr.  R.  C.  Schenck  their 
ready  spokesman  in  the  often-occurring  impromptu  passages  at 
arms,  and  Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massachusetts,  their  reliance  upon 
questions  such  as  the  Tariff  or  Independent  Treasury,  Mr.  Cobb 
was  the  "  ever-watchful,  ever-ready,  and  competent  leader  of  the 
Democrats  on  all  mooted  party  points." 

In  the  midst  of  this  absorbing  duty,  to  which  the  representa- 
tive from  Georgia  was  early  called,  he  found  time  to  deliver  care- 
fully-prepared speeches  upon  leading  questions  from  time  to  time. 
On  the  14th  and  18th  of  January,  1844,  he  made  an  able  speech 
on  the  motion  of  his  colleague,  Mr.  Black,  for  the  re-adoption 
of  the  celebrated  21st  rule.  In  this  he  upheld  the  South  for  its 
devotion  to  the  Union,  and  the  Northern  Democracy  for  its  con- 
stitutional position.  Mr.  Cobb  held  that  "  to  refuse  to  receive 
petitions  asking  Congress  to  flagrantly  violate  the  Constitution, 
or  demanding  the  exercise  of  power  notoriously  not  confided  to 
it,  was  not  an  infraction  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  our 
political  institutions,  precluding  the  Government  from  passing 
any  law  by  which  the  people  should  be  prevented  from  meeting 
together  in  their  deliberative  assemblies,  freely  and  fearlessly 
discussing  the  conduct  and  actions  of  their  representatives  and 
agents,  and,  if  necessary,  presenting  the  result  of  their  delibera- 
tions in  the  form  of  a  petition  or  remonstrance  to  any  department 
of  their  Government."  He  also  indicated  the  certain  effects 
of  the  extension  of  Abolitionism  at  the  North,  and  placed  the 
responsibility  of  its  growth  on  the  Southern  Whigs,  who,  for 
party  purposes,  refused  to  stand  firmly  against  the  measures  of 
the  anti-slavery  advocates. 

In  May  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Cobb  addressed  the  House  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Tariff  question,  advocating  free- 
trade  doctrine,  and  accusing  the  Whigs  of  the  South  of  deserting 


118  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  extreme  anti-Tariff  views  common  to  them  in  the  days  of 
Nullification,  to  subserve  the  purposes  of  New  England  capitalists. 
On  the  22d  of  January  following,  Mr.  Cobb  defended  the  con- 
stitutionality of  the  annexation  of  Texas  in  an  elaborate  speech. 
On  the  8th  of  January,  1846, — an  auspicious  day  for  the  discus- 
sion of  a  national  question, — he  supported  President  Folk's 
views%on  the  Oregon  question,  addressed  himself  forcibly  to  his 
^  Southern  colleagues,  and  besought  them  to  sink  all  sectional 
^sentiments  in  the  prime  duty  of  voting  as  Americans  contending 
for  their  Bright  with  a  foreign  Power.  In  1848,  Mr.  Cobb  fol- 
lowed up  these  broad  national  views  by  taking  an  active  part  in 
defending  Polk's  Administration  against  the  attacks  of  the  Oppo- 
sition relative  to  the  Mexican  War.  He  demonstrated  that  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  Federalists  in  Congress  were  then  under- 
taking to  censure  their  own  Government  involved  the  grossest 
stultification ;  for  if  any  branch  of  the  Government  had  caused 
th^  war,  Congress  alone  deserved  to\be  h-SM,..  responsible.  The 
original  votes  of  the  Whigs  for  annexation,  notwithstanding  the 
protest, of  their  leader*  that  it  was  equivalent  to  the  adoption 
•of  a  war  wjth  ^lexico,  the  first  vote  of  rnenjj^nd  jfconey  for  its 
*  pYosecutitm^  wifti  the  various  remarkable  incfdentsjjf  the  legis- 
lation of  Congress  upon  these  two  momentous  questions,  fur- 
nished Mr.  Cobb  with  so  ample  data  for  the  exposure  of  the 
Jboll^wness  of  the  ar*^i-war  pretences  of  the  Federalists,  that  no 
memnef '  o£  the  Opposition  ventured  to  reply  to  him.*  The 
speech  was  extensively  published  and  made  a  deep  impression, 
"  identifying  tl^e  anti-Mexican-War  spirit  of  the  Federalists  of 
our  day  with  the  animus  of  the  Hartford  Conventionists  during 
the  War  of  1812. "  This  effort  was  greatly  appreciated  by  the 
Administration,  placed  Mr.  Cobb  high  in  the  confidence  of  Pre- 
sident Polk,  "and  secured  for  him  the  permanent  and  proud 
position,  for  so  young  a  statesman,  of  being  the  leader  of  his 
party." 

In  July,  1848,  pending  the  consideration  of  the  Civil  and 
Diplomatic  Appropriation  Bill,  Mr.  Cobb  made  another  vigorous 
essay  against  the  Federalists.  He  traced  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  political  organizations  of  the  country,  and  showed  what 

#  Dem.  Rev.  1S49,  vol.  xxv. 


HOWELL   COBB.  119 

danger  would  result  from  the  actions  of  either  party  when  in 
power,  unless  checked  by  the  bold  watchfulness  of  an  independ- 
ent opposition.  This  speech  was  regarded  as  a  triumphant  vin- 
dication of  the  doctrine  of  Jefferson,  that  in  party  organization 
is  to  be  sought  the  antidote  for  the  evils  threatening  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  people  from  the  influences  of  demagogism  and  the 
encroaching  spirit  which,  in  all  ages  and  under  all  systems,  has 
characterized  all  rulers. 

The  session  of  1848-49  was  especially  eventful  to  Mr.  Cobb 
as  a  Southern  man  and  representative.  The  following  clear 
account  of  the  political  movement  from  which,  though  a  South- 
ern man,  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  differ,  is  from  an  authentic 
source.  It  will  be  recollected  that  many  of  the  Southern  mem- 
bers, becoming  alarmed  by  the  more  decided  encroachments  upon 
what  they  regarded  as  the  constitutional  rights  of  their  con- 
stituents in  the  matter  of  slavery,  manifested  by  several  votes  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  called  a  meeting  of  Southern 
delegates  in  Congress,  without  distinction  of  party,  to  consider 
their  common  danger  and  deliberate  upon  the  line  of  conduct 
proper  on  their  part.  This  meeting  or  convention  resulted  in 
the  promulgation  of  the  Southern  Address,  signed  by  a  large 
portion  of  the  Democratic  Senators  and  Representatives  from 
the  South.  Mr.  Cobb — who,  since  the  times  when  he  manfully 
sustained  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  as  involved  in  Jackson's 
Nullification  crisis  with  Mr.  Calhouri,  had  been  emphatically 
a  Union  Democrat,  with  others  from  the  South — did  not  feel  at 
liberty  to  sign  that  paper ;  and,  finding  their  motives  misrepre- 
sented, he  and  his  colleague,  Mr.  Lumpkin,  with  Messrs.  Boyd 
and  Clarke,  of  Kentucky,  published  a  joint  address  to  their  con- 
stituents. This  was  understood  to  be  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Cobb, 
and  set  forth  the  motives  of  the  signers  in  refusing  their  signa- 
tures to  Mr.  Calhoun's  address. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Mr.  Cobb  felt  it  his  duty  to 
pen  this  admirable  paper  were  indeed  peculiar.  From  his  en- 
trance into  Congress  he  had  been  the  efficient  advocate  and 
defender  of  the  rights  of  his  own  section,  as  involved  in  the 
strict  maintenance  both  of  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  slavery 
compromises  of  the  Constitution.  Believing  in  the  great  consti- 
tutional truths  insisted  on  in  the  Southern  Address,  it  was  of 


120  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

course  the  wish  of  Mr.  Cobb  to  have  felt  at  liberty  to  take  ground 
with  the  signers  of  that  paper.  To  enable  him  to  append  his 
name  to  it,  he  urged  that  its  recital  of  the  grievances  of  the 
South  from  Abolitionism  should  be  full  and  just.  It  was  his 
opinion  that  the  occasion  should  be  used  to  show  the  people  of 
the  South  precisely  how  parties  at  the  North  had  stood  for  years 
past  upon  anti-slavery  questions,  and  that  full  justice  should  be^ 
meted  to  the  administration  of  James  K.  Polk  for  the  noble 
stand  it  had  early  taken  and  to  the  last  defended,  in  the  matter 
of  Southern  rights  under  the  Constitution.  All  this  the  Address 
failed  to  do,  representing  the  late  Executive  and  the  Southern 
members  who  voted  for  the  Oregon  Bill  to  have  abandoned  the 
constitutional  platform  upon  the  Slavery  question  involved 
therein.  Deeply  sensible  of  the  debt  of  gratitude  due  from  the 
South  to  that  portion  of  the  Northern  Democracy  which  had 
steadily  defended  their  rights,  Mr.  Cobb  could  not  bring  himself 
to  sign  a  paper  effectually  classing  them  with  the  Abolitionists 
and  Northern  Whigs,  and  drawing  no  line  of  distinction  between 
their  course  in  this  connection,  and  that  of  those  who,  for  so 
many  years,  had  steadily  maintained  positions  side  by  side  with 
Mr.  Giddings  or  Mr.  Jacob  Collamer.  Still  other  reasons  forbade 
him  from  becoming  a  party  to  Mr.  Calhoun's  Address.  He 
believed  that  the  South  should  look  to  the  supremacy  of  a 
national  Democracy,  administering  in  the  Government  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's readings  of  the  Constitution,  as  her  safeguard,  her  only 
reliable  shield  against  anti-slavery  encroachments.  Thus  be- 
lieving, he  was  loath  to  join  in  a  measure  tending,  evidently,  to 
destroy  the  nationality  of  the  Democratic  organization.* 

The  election  of  General  Taylor  threw  Mr.  Cobb  into  the  Oppo- 
sition. The  popular  vote  had  gone  against  Cass,  the  Democratic 
candidate,  not  because  it  became  dissatisfied  with  the  war-policy 
of  the  last  Administration,  but  because  the  manner  in  which 
General  Taylor  had  carried  out  that  policy  captivated  the  people. 
The  very  election  of  the  Mexican  hero  was  a  ratification  of  the 
Mexican  War.  Mr.  Cobb  had  been  the  zealous  friend  and  ardent 
supporter  of  General  Cass  for  the  Presidency.  "Not  only,"  says 
a  recently-written  biography  of  the  present  Secretary  of  the 

*  See  Dem.  Eev.  vol.  xxv. 


HOWELL   COBB.  121 

Treasury,*  "not  only  as  the  candidate  of  his  party  did  he  advo- 
cate his  election,  but  he  defended  him  upon  every  stump  on  the 
position  he  had  taken  upon  the  Slavery  question  in  his  letter 
known  as  the  celebrated  Nicholson  letter ;  and  that,  too,  when 
others  of  his  friends  either  faltered  in  their  support,  or  openly 
denounced  his  principles." 

Taylor  and  the  Whigs  had  been  in  power  nine  months  when 
the  Thirty-First  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1849.  In  the 
House  the  Whigs  were  divided  on  a  policy  relative  to  the  Slavery 
question  and  the  Territories.  The  Democratic  party  was  also 
divided  on  the  same  subject.  Northern  Whigs  and  Southern 
Democrats  both  claimed  that  their  respective  organizations  at 
the  North  were  alone  faithful  to  the  Constitution,  which  guarantied 
equal  rights  to  all  sections.  A  climax  had  been  reached ;  the 
question  was  to  be  tested  and  settled  between  them.  The  Free- 
Soilers,  though  but  few  in  number,  held  the  balance  of  power. 
The  published  lists  of  the  day  gave  the  House  thus : — Whigs, 
105;  Democrats,  112;  Free-Soilers,  13;  and  one  vacancy  in 
Massachusetts.  From  the  3d  of  December  to  the  22d,  the  House 
was  engaged  in  the  election  of  a  Speaker,  and  the  excitement 
which  prevailed  at  Washington  spread  all  over  the  country,  and 
all  parties  were  on  the  qui  vivc.  At  first,  and  for  several  days, 
the  struggle  seemed  to  be  between  Mr.  Cobb  and  Mr.  Winthrop, 
of  Massachusetts,  the  former  leading  in  the  ballotings,  but  with- 
out getting  a  sufficient  number  of  votes.  Mr.  Cobb's  name  was 
withdrawn  ;  and  the  Democrats,  on  the  llth  of  December,  showed 
a  disposition  to  unite  on  Mr.  William  J.  Brown,  of  Indiana.  On 
this  day  Mr.  Winthrop  withdrew;  and  on  the  12th,  a  coalition 
having  been  nearly  completed  between  the  Democrats  and  Free- 
Soilers,  Brown  received  112  votes,  none  others  receiving  more 
than  26. 

A  motion  by  Mr.  Stanly,  (Whig,)  of  North  Carolina,  to  ap- 
point a  committee  to  confer  as  to  the  choice  of  officers  of  the 
House,  led  to  a  discussion,  which  resulted  in  the  election  of  Mr. 
Cobb.  Mr.  Bayly,  of  Virginia,  placed  the  responsibility  of  the 
tedious  contest  for  Speaker  upon  the  Whigs,  and  the  doubtful 
position  their  President  held  relative  to  the  Slavery  question. 

*  United  States  Democratic  Review.  New  Series.  Feb.  1858.  Edited  by 
Conrad  Swackhamer,  New  York. 

11 


122  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Stanly  insinuated  that  something  improper  had  taken  place  be- 
tween the"  Democrats  and  Free-Soilers;  and  Bayly  branded  the 
rumor  as  without  foundation.  Mr.  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts, 
asked  Mr.  Bayly  if  a  correspondence  had  not  taken  place  be- 
tween Mr.  Brown  and  a  leading  Free-Soiler,  in  which  the  com 
mittees  were  pledged  to  suit  the  latter.  After  some  further 
denial,  Mr.  Brown  and  Mr.  Wilmot  denned  their  positions,  and 
two  notes  were  exposed  which  had  passed  between  them, — the 
latter  pledging  the  Free-Soil  vote  if  the  Committees  on  Territories, 
Judiciary,  and  District  of  Columbia  were  constituted  to  suit  him 
and  his  friends;  and  the  former,  in  reply,  accepting  the  propo- 
sition. Mr.  Brown  withdrew  his  name;  Mr.  Bayly,  thanking 
Messrs.  Stanly  and  Ashmun  for  leading  to  the  discovery  of  the 
correspondence,  declared  he  would  not  have  voted  as  he  did  had 
he  known  of  its  existence;  and  the  confusion  was  worse  con- 
founded than  ever.  The  ballotings  proceeded — Cobb  and  Win- 
throp  being  the  leading  men-— until  the  22d,  when,  a  resolution 
having  been  adopted  in  favor  of  the  plurality  rule,  Mr.  Cobb 
was  elected  on  the  63d  ballot,  having  102  votes;  Mr.  Win- 
throp,  99. 

At  the  period  at  which  Mr.  Cobb  was  elevated  to  the  Speaker- 
ship,  the  duties  of  the  position  were  calculated  to  test  the  nerve 
and  the  intellect  of  the  strongest  and  the  ablest.  That  first  ses- 
sion of  the  Thirty-First  Congress  was  the  longest  on  our  Con- 
gressional annals.*  It  was  also,  up  to  the  period,  the  most 
exciting.  In  the  Compromise  measures  Mr.  Cobb  took  a  deep 
and  earnest  interest;  and  it  is  claimed  for  him  that  to  none, 
living  or  dead,  is  the  country  more  indebted  for  their  adjustment. 
His  position  as  Speaker  precluded  the  possibility  of  his  taking 
eo  prominent  a  public  share  in  the  arrangement  as  others,  but  he 
vras  untiring,  as  he  was  instrumental,  in  bringing  about  the  final 
fjcttlement. 

In  nearly  every  Southern  State,  opposition  to  the  Compromise 
measures  was  manifested  by  the  organization  of  a  "Southern 
Rights"  party.  Georgia  was  an  especial  battle-ground  for 
"  Southern  Rights."  This  party  demanded  a  settlement  with 
a  wider  basis  than  had  been  conceded.  Mr.  Cobb,  having  with 

*  It  commenced  on  December  3,  1849,  and  continued  until  September  30, 
1850,— a  period  of  302  days. 


'no WELL  COBB.  123 

the  strongest  convictions  upheld  the  Compromise,  was  placed  in 
opposition  to  what  seemed  the  ruling  spirit  of  his  State.  Yet 
on  the  issue  he  was  run  for  Governor  at  the  conclusion  of  his 
Congressional  term.  His  competitor  was  the  Hon.  Charles  J. 
McDonald.  The  contest  was  bitter  and  acrimonious  beyond  pre- 
cedent; and  Mr.  Cobb  was  elected  as  a  Union  man  by  the  largest 
majority  that  was  ever  given  in  the  State  in  any  political  contest. 

As  Governor,  his  past  experience  was  of  exceeding  benefit  to 
Mr.  Cobb,  and  his  administration  is  admitted  to  have  been  able 
and  acceptable.  At  the  end  of  two  years  he  retired  from  the 
Gubernatorial  chair  to  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  the  dis- 
trict where  he  had  previously  resided. 

In  the  contest  which  resulted  in  the  election  of  Franklin  Pierce 
to  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Cobb  took  an  active  interest.  The  Balti- 
more Convention  endorsed  the  measures  of  1850 ;  old  antagonisms 
were  lost  sight  of  in  the  union  of  the  Democracy ;  and  Mr.  Cobb 
and  those  who  had  opposed  him  for  Governor  were  now  thrown 
shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the  same  party  organization  from  which 
the  causes  above  mentioned  had  dissevered  them. 

Mr.  Cobb  remained  in  retirement  from  the  election  of  Pierce 
until  1855,  when  his  old  constituency  again  demanded  his  pre- 
sence in  Congress.  He  served  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means  with  his  usual  ability,  and  was  one  of  the  most  prominent 
actors  and  leaders  on  the  side  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union. 
He  fully  endorsed  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  at 
various  places  addressed  the  people  on  the  issues  upon  which  the 
Democracy  carried  the  campaign.  At  West  Chester,  Pennsyl- 
vania, he  made  a  speech  in  September,  1856,  which  attracted 
much  attention,  as  defining  the  difference  between  what  was 
called  "  Southern  Doctrine"  and  "  Squatter  Sovereignty."  He 
held  to  the  principles  which  he  had  always  advocated, — the  right 
of  the  people  to  self-government, — and  avowed  that  he  would 
carry  them  out,  no  matter  how  they  would  operate  as  regarded 
the  incoming  of  Kansas  under  a  slave  or  free  State  Constitution. 
Principles  were  dearer  to  him  than  the  results  of  any  election. 
"  I  stand  upon  the  principle,"  he  said :  "  the  people  of  my  State 
decide  it  for  themselves ;  you  for  yourselves ;  the  people  of  Kansas 
for  themselves.  That  is  the  Constitution :  and  I  stand  by  the 
Constitution." 


124  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Here  a  gentleman  interrupted  Mr.  Cobb,  with  his  consent,  to 
inquire  whether  he  meant  that  the  people  of  the  Territory,  be- 
fore forming  their  Constitution,  should  have  the  power  to  exclude 
slavery,  or  that  they  should  have  the  power  to  pass  upon  it  when 
they  form  their  Constitution.  He  also  desired  that  Mr.  Cobb 
would  explain  not  only  his  view  of  the  subject,  but  also  the  view 
which  was  advocated  by  those  who  stood  with  him  in  the  Southern 
States  in  support  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  Mr.  Cobb,  resuming,  gave 
this  clear  and  direct  reply  : — 

"  Fellow-citizens,  there  never  has  been,  in  all  the  history  of  this  slavery 
matter,  a  more  purely  theoretical  issue  than  the  one  involved  in  the  ques- 
tion propounded  to  me  by  my  friend  ;  and  I  will  show  it  to  you.  I  will 
state  to  you  the  positions  of  the  advocates  of  this  doctrine  of  non-inter- 
vention, on  which  there  are  diiferent  opinions  held ;  but  I  will  show  you 
that  it  is  the  purest  abstraction,  in  a  practical  point  of  view,  that  ever 
was  proposed  for  political  discussion.  There  are  those  who  hold  that  the 
Constitution  carries  all  the  institutions  of  this  country  into  all  the  Terri- 
tories of  the  Union  ;  that  slavery,  being  one  of  the  institutions  recognised 
by  the  Constitution,  goes  with  the  Constitution  into  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States ;  and  that,  when  the  Territorial  Government  is  organized, 
the  people  have  no  right  to  prohibit  slavery  there  until  they  come  to  form 
a  State  Constitution.  That  is  what  my  friend  calls  '  Southern  Doctrine.' 
There  is  another  class  who  hold  that  the  people  of  the  Territories,  in  their 
Territorial  state,  and  while  acting  as  a  Territorial  Legislature,  have  a 
right  to  decide  upon  the  question  whether  slavery  shall  exist  there  during 
their  Territorial  state  ;  and  that  has  been  dubbed  '  Squatter  Sovereignty.' 
Now,  you  perceive  that  there  is  but  one  point  of  difference  between  the 
advocates  of  the  two  doctrines.  Each  holds  that  the  people  have  the  right 
to  decide  the  question  in  the  Territory :  one  holds  that  it  can  be  done 
through  the  Territorial  Legislature,  and  while  it  has  a  Territorial  exist- 
ence ;  the  other  holds  that  it  can  be  done  only  when  they  come  to  form  a 
State  Constitution.  But  those  who  hold  that  the  Territorial  Legislature 
cannot  pass  a  law  prohibiting  slavery  admit  that,  unless  the  Territorial 
Legislature  pass  laws  for  its  protection,  slavery  will  not  go  there.  There- 
fore, practically,  a  majority  of  the  people  represented  in  the  Territorial 
Legislature  decides  the  question.  Whether  they  decide  it  by  prohibiting 
it,  according  to  the  one  doctrine,  or  by  refusing  to  pass  laws  to  protect  it, 
as  contended  for  by  the  other  party,  is  immaterial.  The  majority  of  the 
people,  by  the  action  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  will  decide  the  ques- 
tion :  and  all  must  abide  the  decision  when  made.  (Great  applause.) 

"  My  friend,  you  observe  that — no  matter  what  the  issue  which  is  pre- 
sented— I  stand  upon  a  principle.  There  I  planted  myself  in  the  com- 
mencement of  this  argument, — the  right  of  the  people  to  self-government. 
I  intend  to  maintain  it,  to  stand  by  it,  to  carry  it  out,  to  enforce  it.  If 


IIOWELL    COBB.  125 

it  operate  to  the  exclusion  of  the  people  of  my  section  of  the  country  from 
these  Territories,  be  it  so  ;  it  is  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  and  they 
have  no  right  to  complain.  If  it  operate  in  their  behalf  and  for  their 
protection,  I  call  upon  you  to  say,  is  it  not  right  that  they  should  have 
the  benefit  of  it?" 

During  the  Presidential  canvass  Governor  Cobb  visited  several 
of  the  Northern  States,  where  he  forcibly  and  successfully  vindi- 
cated the  principles  and  policy  of  the  Democratic  party.  Long 
a  personal  and  political  admirer  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  advocacy 
of  his  election  was  an  agreeable  labor.  Upon  the  accession  of 
Mr.  Buchanan,  one  of  his  earliest  acts  was  to  tender  the  distin- 
guished Georgian  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The 
Democratic  party  throughout  the  country  approved  of  the  ap- 
pointment. 

During  the  financial  panic  in  1857,  a  writer  in  a  leading  Oppo- 
sition journal — the  New  York  Courier  and  Enquirer — says,  "I 
must  do  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the  justice  to  say  that  he 
is  doing  all  which  expediency  requires  and  the  law  permits  at 
his  hands  to  remove  or  mitigate  existing  evils.  He  is  paying 
out  money  as  fast  as  practicable  and  safe  under  the  appropriation 
acts ;  and  he  is  redeeming  stocks  with  a  promptitude  never  before 
exceeded." 

On  the  20th  of  April,  1858,  E.  Lafitte  &  Co.,  of  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  applied  to  the  collector  of  that  port  "to  clear  the  American 
ship  Richard  Cobden,  W.  F.  Black,  master,  burthen  750§i 
tons,  for  the  coast  of  Africa,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  on  board 
African  emigrants,  in  accordance  with  the  United  States  pas- 
senger laws,  and  returning  with  the  same  to  a  port  in  the  United 
States."  The  collector  requested  the  opinion  of  Secretary  Cobb; 
and  he,  considering  the  matter  important,  gave  the  matter  care- 
ful attention,  and  complied.  The  question  was  involved  in  some 
embarrassment  by  the  form  of  application.  The  applicants  de- 
sired either  to  import  Africans  to  be  sold  as  slaves  or  bound  to 
service;  or  else  bring  them  here  as  other  emigrants,  to  be  en- 
titled, on  arrival,  to  the  privileges  of  freemen. 

Secretary  Cobb  showed  that  the  statute-books  gave  conclusive 
evidence  of  general  opposition  to  the  continuance  of  the  slave- 
trade.  He  referred  to  and  quoted  from  the  Acts  of  1794  and 
1800,  both  of  which  contemplate  in  general  terms  the  prevention 
of  the  trade  in  slaves.  "When,"  he  writes,  in  continuation, — 


126  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"When,  however,  in  1807,  and  subsequent  thereto,  Congress  undertook 
to  prevent  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the  United  States,  the  language 
of  the  law  was  made  more  stringent  and  comprehensive.  The  first  section 
of  the  Act  of  1807  provides,  '  That  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  Janu- 
ary, one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to 
import  or  bring  into  the  United  States,  or  the  Territories  thereof,  from 
any  foreign  kingdom,  place,  or  country,  any  negro,  mulatto,  or  person 
of  color,  with  intent  to  hold,  sell,  or  dispose  of  such  negro,  mulatto,  or 
person  of  color,  as  a  slave,  or  to  be  held  to  service  or  labor.'  " 

Was  it  a  cargo  of  free  negroes  the  Messrs.  Lafitte  were  going 
to  import  ?  If  so,  they  could  not  bring  them  to  Charleston  or 
any  other  port  in  South  Carolina;  for  the  laws  were  stringent 
and  the  penalties  heavy  against  the  introduction  of  free  negroes 
into  that  State.  Where  were  they  to  be  landed,  and  what  were 
the  motives  of  the  enterprise  ? 

"It  cannot  be  the  profits  of  the  voyage.  There  are  no  African  emi- 
grants seeking  a  passage  to  this  country ;  and  if  there  were,  they  have 
no  means  of  remunerating  Messrs.  Lafitte  &  Co.  for  bringing  them. 
The  motive  cannot  be  mere  philanthropy ;  for  it  would  confer  no  benefit 
upon  these  negroes  to  bring  them  to  our  shores,  where,  if  permitted  to 
land  at  all,  it  would  only  be  to  occupy  our  pest-houses,  hospitals,  and 
prisons.  To  believe,  under  the  circumstances,  that  there  is  a  bona  fide 
purpose  on  the  part  of  Messrs.  Lafitte  &  Co.  to  bring  African  emigrants 
to  this  country  to  enjoy  the  rights  and  privileges  of  freemen,  would  re- 
quire an  amount  of  credulity  that  would  justly  subject  the  person  so 
believing  to  the  charge  of  mental  imbecility.  The  conviction  is  irresist- 
ible, that  the  object  of  the  proposed  enterprise  is  to  bring  these  African 
emigrants  into  the  country  with  the  view  either  of  making  slaves  of  them, 
or  of  holding  them  to  service  or  labor." 

Mr.  Cohb  concluded  by  refusing  a  clearance.  This  course 
received  the  unanimous  approval  of  the  country. 

It  has  been  aptly  remarked  that  the  national  record  exhibits 
a  galaxy  of  names  rendered  illustrious  as  heads  of  the  Treasury 
Department,  commencing  with  Alexander  Hamilton,  appointed 
by  President  Washington,  1789.  Jefferson  had  his  Gallatin  • 
Madison  his  Dallas;  Jackson  his  Taney  and  Woodbury;  and 
Polk  his  Robert  J.  Walker.  These  have  left  behind  them  great 
examples;  and  the  public  career  of  Secretary  Cobb  indicates  that 
"  at  the  end  of  his  term  of  service  he  will  leave  upon  the  record 
a  name  worthy  of  being  classed  as  an  equal  with  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  his  predecessors." 


HOWELL    COBB.  127 

In  September,  1859,  the  Secretary  made  an  official  visit  to 
New  York,  where  lie  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  leading  Demo- 
crats, and  received  the  honor  of  a  public  serenade,  which  he 
accepted  only  on  the  condition  that  he  would  not  be  requested 
to  speak.  This  visit  was  in  connection  with  Mr.  Cobb's  "re- 
trenchment" measure, — the  reduction  of  the  number  of  officials 
appointed  to  collect  the  public  revenues  there, — and  apropos  of 
which  the  Government  organ  says,  "The  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury has  already  done  enough  to  show  his  determination  to  pro- 
mote real  economy  in  every  branch  of  the  service  over  which  he 
can  exercise  any  control.  His  reforms  are  acknowledged  by 
those  who  at  first  doubted  their  efficacy  and  propriety  to  '  work 
well;'  and  he  is  among  the  last  men  in  the  nation  to  be  diverted 
from  what  he  regards  as  truly  the  public  interest  by '  interference' 
from  any  quarter." 


128  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 


JOHN  J.  CRITTENDEN, 

OF  KENTUCKY. 

IN  one  of  the  interesting  episodes  of  the  famous  Kansas- 
Lecompton  debate  of  March,  1858,  an  allusion  in  the  speech  of 
Senator  Green,  of  Missouri,  brought  to  his  feet  the  venerable 
Senator  who  occupied  a  seat  immediately  next  the  bar  of  the 
Chamber,  and  nearly  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Vice-President's 
chair.  A  man  of  medium  height,  and  rather  spare  figure,  his 
face  is  strongly  marked,  years  and  thoughtful  experience  com- 
pleting the  original  outlines  of  nature.  There  is  a  warm, 
healthy  flush  over  his  features,  as  though  a  strong  heart  contri- 
buted to  their  sedate  enthusiasm,  and  making  a  pleasant  and 
picturesque  contrast  with  the  white  hair  that  decorates  his  head. 
His  manner  is  as  marked  as  his  features,  disclosing  earnestness 
and  pathos ;  while  his  matter  is  presented  with  a  freshness,  vigor, 
and  copiousness  of  language  which  command  respectful  attention. 
Even  those  who  differ  from  the  Senator's  views  yield  to  his  elo- 
quence. But  it  is  when,  rising  above  the  sectionalities  of  debate, 
he  invokes  a  national  inspiration,  and  gives  voice  to  it,  that  he 
is  peculiarly  affecting  and  effective,  evoking  from  his  hearers  the 
tearful  solicitude  he  portrays  himself.  On  the  present  joccasiou, 
he  speaks  of  himself,  and  his  words  consequently  are  especially 
interesting.  The  eyes  of  the  Senators  of  all  sides  are  inquiringly 
turned  to  him.  The  full  galleries  are  expectant,  and  many  a 
political  enthusiast  who  slept  in  the  lobbies — for  it  is  the  day 
after  the  midnight  scene  of  splendor  when  Douglas  addressed  the 
Senate — is  thoroughly  awakened  by  the  voice  of  the  "old  man 
eloquent."  He  said  the  Senator  from  Missouri  was  surprised  at 
his  feelings,  and  intimated  that  he  had  had  bad  schooling.  Briefly 
reviewing  the  political  points  made  by  Senator  Green,  he  said  he 
knew  his  own  defects,  but  did  not  like  them  to  be  attributed  to 
the  school  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up. 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  129 

"If  niy  education  is  defective,"  he  said,  "it  is  on  account  of 
some  defect  in  me,  and  not  in  the  school.  The  gentleman  is  a 
young  man,  and  a  young  Senator.  I  hope  and  wish  for  him  a 
long  life  of  public  usefulness.  He  may  have  learned  much  more 
than  I  have  done;  and,  if  so,  it  only  shows  the  superiority  of  his 
capacity  to  learn,  for  I  am  sure  he  has  not  been  in  a  better  school. 
Sir,  this  is  the  school  in  which  I  was  taught.  I  took  lessons 
here  when  this  was  a  very  great  body  indeed.  I  will  make  no 
comparisons  of  what  it  is  now,  or  was  then  or  at  any  other  time ; 
but  I  learned  from  your  Clays  and  your  Websters,  your  Calhouns 
and  your  Prestons,  your  Bentons  and  your  Wrights,  and  such 
men.  I  am  a  scholar,  I  know,  not  likely  to  do  much  credit  to 
the  school  in  which  I  was  taught;  and  it  is  of  very  little  con- 
sequence to  the  world,  or  to  the  public,  whether  I  have  learned 
well  or  ill.  It  will  soon  be  of  no  importance  to  this  country  or 
to  anybody." 

This  proud  yet  modest  speech  creates  an  interest  in  the  speaker 
on  the  part  of  those  strangers  in  town  who  do  not  know  his 
person  or  career.  They  naturally  ask  who  he  is ;  and  a  dozen 
voices,  with  some  surprise  and  much  gratification,  reply,  "  Crit- 
tenden,  of  Kentucky." 

He  is  the  oldest  Senator  in  the  Chamber.  It  is  more  than 
forty  years  since  he  first  entered  it  in  a  representative  character. 
He  was  a  Senator  before  Webster,  Calhoun,  and  Benton,  long — 
many  years — before  Wright  and  Preston.  He  was  not  the  pupil, 
but  the  contemporary,  of  those  men.  He  learned  with,  and  not, 
as  he  modestly  says,  from,  them.  In  the  space  allotted  here,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  give  more  than  an  historical  outline  of  a 
career  so  extended,  and  embracing  so  many  topics  interesting  to 
Kentucky  and  the  Union.  Of  those  latter-day  measures,  how- 
ever, in  which  Senator  Crittenden  participated,  and  in  view  of 
which  the  positions  of  public  men  are  now  being  canvassed,  some 
detail  is  demanded. 

John  Jordan  Crittenden  was  born  in  Woodford  County,  Ken- 
tucky, in  September,  1786.  His  father  had  been  an  officer  in 
the  Revolutionary  Army,  and  was  accidentally  killed  by  the  fall 
of  a  tree,  about  the  year  1806,  while  the  subject  of  this  sketch 
was  still  a  student  of  law,  and  under  age.  The  elder  Crittenden 
was  an  early  settler  in  Kentucky,  and  continued  a  farmer  to  the 
I 


130  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN.. 

time  of  his  death.  He  had  acquired  a  large  estate  in  Kentucky 
lands,  but  it  availed  his  family  but  little,  and  his  children  were 
left  to  the  care  of  their  mother,  with  but  slender  means  of  sup- 
port. 

Soon  after  his  professional  education  was  completed,  J.  J. 
Crittenden  removed  from  Woodford  to  Russellville,  in  the  county 
of  Logan,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law. 

When,  at  the  call  of  General  Harrison,  Governor  Shelby  raised 
four  thousand  mounted  men  in  September,  1812,  John  J.  Crit- 
tenden was  among  the  volunteers.  He  soon  was  in  active  service. 
The  British  and  Indians  had  laid  siege  to  Fort  Wayne,  intending 
to  push  on  to  Fort  Harrison  and  Vincennes.  Crittenden  accom- 
panied General  Hopkins  in  his  expedition  on  the  Vi abash,  and 
returned  in  a  few  months,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign,  to 
his  profession.  In  the  following  year  he  was  among  the  Ken- 
tucky volunteers  who  marched  to  reinforce  General  Harrison  on 
the  Northwestern  frontier.  At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  (Octo- 
ber 5,)  Crittenden  served  as  aid-de-camp  to  Governor  Shelby, 
who  commanded  an  important  point,  and  who,  as  Harrison  wrote 
in  his  despatch  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  aat  the  age  of  sixty-six 
preserved  all  the  vigor  of  youth,  the  ardent  zeal  which  distin- 
guished him  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  the  undaunted  bra- 
very which  he  manifested  at  King's  Mountain."  In  the  same 
despatch,  the  services  of  Majors  Barry  and  Crittenden  are  com- 
mended to  the  President's  notice: — "The  activity  of  the  two 
latter  gentlemen  could  not  be  surpassed."* 

The  war  being  closed,  Major  Crittenden  returned  again  to  the 
practice  of  his  profession  in  Russellville  and  the  surrounding 
counties.  He  was  several  times  elected  to  the  State  Legislature 
from  the  county  of  Logan,  and  was  the  Speaker  of  its  House  of 
Representatives  when  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  which  he  took  his  seat  December  1,  1817,  his  term  com- 
mencing at  the  same  date  with  the  Presidency  of  James  Monroe, 
whom  he  supported.  He  served  through  that  Congress,  and,  re- 
signing his  seat,  removed  from  Russellville  to  Frankfort,  the  State 

*  General  Harrison  to  Hon.  J.  Armstrong,  Secretary  of  War.  "Official 
Letters  of  the  Military  and  Naval  Officers  of  the  United  States  during  the  War 
with  Great  Britain,"  &c.  &c.,  collected  and  arranged  by  John  Brannan,  Wash- 
ington City,  1823. 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  131 

Capital,  determined  to  devote  himself  to  his  profession.  During 
his  two  years  of  service  at  this  time,  he  moved  the  reimburse- 
ment of  tines  under  the  Sedition  Law  of  1798,  known  in  the 
days  of  opposition  to  it  as  the  "gag-law."  The  chief  provisions 
of  that  law  were,  it  made  punishable  "  the  defaming  or  bringing 
into  contempt  Congress  or  the  President;  exciting  public  hatred 
against  them;  stirring  up  'sedition;'  raising  unlawful  combina- 
tions for  resisting  the  laws  and  lawful  authorities;  aiding  and 
abetting  foreign  nations  against  the  people  or  Government  of  the 
United  States."  Senator  Crittendeu  denounced  the  Sedition  Law 
as  unconstitutional.  He  also  spoke  warmly  in  favor  of  a  bill 
introduced  by  Senator  Morrow,  of  Ohio,  the  design  of  which 
w;is  to  throw  open  the  public  lands  to  actual  settlers.  A  House 
bill,  putting  fugitives  from  labor  on  the  same  level  with  fugitives 
from  justice,  having  been  referred  to  a  committee  of  which  Mr. 
Crittenden  was  chairman,  he  reported  it  back  with  several  amend- 
ments, one  of  which  provided  that  the  identity  of  the  alleged  fugi- 
tive should  be  proved  by  other  evidence  than  that  of  the  claimant. 

Returning  to  Frankfort,  Mr.  Crittenden  filled  up  the  period 
from  1819  to  1835  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  occasionally 
representing  the  county  in  the  State  Legislature,  and  continually 
adding  to  his  repute.  In  1828,  he  was  nominated  by  Presi- 
dent John  Quincy  Adams  as  an  Associate  Judge  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  but,  failing  of  confirmation  in  the  Senate, 
Mr.  McLean  was  subsequently  appointed  to  that  position.  In 
1835,  he  was  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate.  With 
Webster,  Clay,  and  Benton,  he  opposed  Calhoun's  bill  author- 
izing anti-slavery  documents  to  be  taken  from  the  Southern  mail, 
was  in  favor  of  a  United  States  Bank,  was  against  the  Sub-Treasury 
system,  and  opposed  the  remission  of  the  fine  against  General 
Jackson  for  contempt  of  court  in  declaring  martial  law  in  New 
Orleans. 

The  extent  of  pre-emption  right  was  a  question  which  agitated 
Congress  toward  the  close  of  Van  Buren's  Administration.  A 
bill  came  up  in  favor  of  actual  settlers  on  the  public  lands,  to 
which  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  moved  an  amendment,  denying 
the  privileges  of  the  Act  to  aliens  who  had  not  made  a  declara- 
tion of  their  intention  to  become  citizens,  and  urged  his  views  in 
several  speeches. 


132  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Senator  Crittenden  was  re-elected,  Ibut  resigned  in  March, 
1841,  having  accepted  the  invitation  of  his  former  chief  in  the 
military  field,  General — now  President — Harrison,  to  take  the 
office  of  Attorney-General  in  his  Cabinet.  Having  convened 
the  Twenty-Seventh  Congress  for  the  31st  of  May,  1841,  to  con- 
sider matters  of  great  national  importance,  the  President  did  not 
live  to  see  it  meet.  He  died  April  4,  and  was  succeeded  in 
his  duties  by  Vice-President  Tyler.  In  September  of  the  same 
year,  Mr.  Crittenden,  with  the  rest  of  Harrison's  Cabinet,  except 
Daniel  Webster,  resigned,  and  retired  into  private  life;  from  which, 
however,  he  was  soon  recalled  to  fill  the  unexpired  period  of  Mr. 
Clay's  term,  that  statesman  having  resigned,  with  the  intention  of 
finally  retiring,  on  March  31,  1842,  after  the  passage  of  the 
Tariff  Act.  During  this  session,  (the  third  of  the  Twenty-Seventh 
Congress,)  Senator  Crittenden  argued  for  the  smallest  ratio  of 
Congressional  representation,  his  belief  being  that  with  more 
representatives  the  House  would  be  more  democratic. 

Crittenden  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  succeeding 
term,  from  March,  1843,  and  remained  until  1848,  when  he 
resigned,  having  received  the  Whig  nomination  for  Governor  of 
Kentucky,  to  which  office  he  was  elected  by  a  large  majority. 

During  this  term,  topics  of  great  importance  came  under  his 
consideration, — the  Oregon  question,  the  Texas  annexation,  the 
Mexican  War.  These  still  more  markedly  than  heretofore  de- 
fined party  lines,  and  excited  the  whole  Union.  Senator  Crit- 
tenden spoke  frequently.  On  the  Oregon  question  he  deprecated 
precipitation,  and  advocated  peace,  but  not  at  the  sacrifice  of  honor, 
and  favored  such  measures  as  he  thought  would  promote  it. 
In  his  speeches  on  the  annexation  of  Texas,  he  took  the  same 
ground,  so  far  as  national  honor  was  concerned,  but  opposed  the 
annexation  as  unconstitutional,  unnecessary,  and  unwise.  The 
Mexican  War  he  strove  to  bring  to  an  end  as  soon  as  compatible 
with  dignity.  In  1847  he  introduced,  and  supported  with  cha- 
racteristic eloquence  and  feeling,  the  bill  into  the  Senate,  author- 
izing the  purchase  of  food,  and  the  use  of  the  Government  ships 
to  carry  it  to  Ireland  and  Scotland,  to  relieve  those  suffering 
from  famine  and  fever.  The  next  year,  when  the  three  days  of 
February  had  lit  the  torch  of  revolution  in  Europe,  he  offered  a 
resolution  congratulating  the  French  Republic,  anticipating,  as 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  133 

almost  all  did,  the  establishment  of  a  lasting  republican  govern- 
ment in  that  country.  In  the  same  year,  he  opposed  Mr.  Hanne- 
gan's  bill  for  the  military  occupation  of  Yucatan. 

On  the  accession  of  Millard  Fillmore  to  the  duties  of  the  first 
magistracy,  on  the  death  of  President  Taylor,  Governor  Critten- 
den  became  a  member  of  the  new  Cabinet,  (July  20,  1850,)  as 
Attorney-General,  and  remained  in  that  office  until  the  close  of 
the  Fillmore  Administration,  March,  1853.  The  next  year,  he 
was  again  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  for  the  term 
ending  in  1861. 

With  the  Kansas  question  Senator  Crittenden's  name  is  inextri- 
cably interwoven.  He  opposed  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the 
Topeka  Constitution  in  1856,  recorded  his  vote  against  the  re- 
peal of  the  Territorial  laws,  and  was  in  favor  of  Senator  Toombs's 
Kansas  Bill.  It  was  far  from  being  unobjectionable  to  him,  but 
he  regarded  it  as  a  peace  measure.  In  March,  1858,  in  the 
famous  debate  in  which  he  occupied  so  prominent  a  position, 
he  opposed  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  The  scene  on  this  occasion,  as  well  as  the  views 
of  the  distinguished  Senator,  were  among  the  leading  topics  of 
the  day,  and  properly  belong  to  the  history  of  the  Congress  and 
the  country.  It  took  place  on  the  17th  of  March ;  and  in  a 
leading  journal  of  the  next  day  the  appearance  of  the  Senate- 
Chamber  and  the  pith  of  the  speech  were  prominently  given  in 
the  editorial  columns.  As  that  day's  doings  are  among  the  chief 
of  the  causes  which  brought  Senator  Crittenden's  name  promi- 
nently before  the  people  for  the  Presidency,  the  article  is  given 
almost  entire : — 

"  The  Senate  presented  the  most  brilliant  spectacle  on  the  occasion  of 
Senator  Crittenden's  speech  on  the  topic  of  the  day.  We  have  not  seen 
the  galleries  so  crowded  this  session.  We  have  not  seen  so  many  ladies 
in  them,  or  such  a  crowd  of  public  men  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  in  ad- 
dition to  a  full  attendance  of  Senators.  The  editorial  gallery  was  jammed, 
and,  we  honestly  believe,  with  editors  and  reporters,  which  is  not  always 
tfle  case,  though  it  is  usually  full.  In  the  ladies'  gallery  Mrs.  Crittenden 
commanded  particular  attention,  even  as  her  gifted  husband  was  the 
chief  object  of  attraction  in  the  chamber.  Among  the  number  of  ladies 
connected  with  the  political  notabilities  of  the  day,  Mrs.  Governor  Brown, 
Mrs.  Hale,  Mrs.  Chandler,  Miss  Wise,  and  Miss  Sally  Toombs  were  recog- 
nisable. On  the  floor  we  noticed,  among  the  crowd  of  visitors,  Baron 
Stceckl,  Lord  Napier,  Rev.  Dr.  Pyne,  Judge  Gilchrist,  Reverdy  Johnson, 

12 


134  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

J.  Watson  Webb,  Duff  Green,  E.  Whittlesey,  and  a  large  number  of  past 
or  present  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  including  Harris,  of 
Illinois,  Keitt  and  Boyce,  of  South  Carolina,  Haskin  and  Cochrane,  of  New 
York,  Barksdale,  of  Mississippi,  Davis  and  English,  of  Indiana,  Adrain,  of 
New  Jersey,  Underwood,  of  Kentucky,  Trippe,  of  Georgia,  Giddings,  of 
Ohio,  Burlingame,  of  Massachusetts,  Phillips,  of  Alabama,  Waterson,  of 
Tennessee,  Otero,  of  New  Mexico,  and  Kingsbury,  of  Minnesota.  Indeed, 
as  truthful  chroniclers  for  some  future  historian  of  Congress,  we  may  say 
that  the  crowd  was  of  the  most  intellectual,  elegant,  and  attentive  charac- 
ter yet  witnessed  this  session. 

"Senator  Crittenden  spoke  for  two  hours  and  a  half,  with  great  clear- 
ness and  force.  Pie  thought  the  consideration  of  the  rights  of  the  people 
to  govern  themselves  was  certainly  not  inapplicable  in  the  present  issue. 
The  President  had,  with  unusual  earnestness,  urged  the  acceptation  of 
the  Lecompton  Constitution.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky  differed  with 
this  view,  because  he  did  not  believe  the  Constitution  had  the  sanction  of 
the  people  of  Kansas.  Whatever  the  prim  a  facie  evidence  to  show  that  it 
was,  he  held  that,  on  examination,  it  was  clear  that  it  was  not  the  voice 
of  the  Kansas  people.  It  was  rather  against  the  overwhelming  majority 
of  the  people.  To  the  extent  of  some  six  thousand  votes  it  appears  to 
have  been  sanctioned,  but  out  of  these  six  thousand  votes  about  three 
thousand  were  proved  to  be  fictitious  and  fraudulent.  This  is  verified  by 
the  minority  reports  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  and  is  certified  by 
the  authorities  appointed  by  Mr.  Calhoun  in  Kansas  to  inspect  the  votes. 
This  vote  was  taken  on  the  21st  of  December.  Before  that  vote  was 
taken  the  Legislature,  elected  in  October  and  convened  by  Acting-Gover- 
nor Stanton,  passed  an  act  postponing  the  voting  on  the  Constitution  until 
January  4.  On  that  day  ten  thousand  majority  was  given  against  the 
Constitution,  and  the  Legislature  passed  a  resolution,  the  substance  of 
which  was  that  the  Constitution  was  a  fraud.  How,  then,  can  you  say 
that  this  Constitution  is  the  voice  of  the  people  ?  Unless  we  shut  our 
eyes  to  the  election  on  the  4th  of  January,  we  see  an  immense  popular 
vote  against  it.  We  also  have  the  solemn  act  of  the  Legislature. 

"You  will  accept  that  which  testifies  to  the  minority,  and  reject  that 
which  testifies  for  the  majority.  You  will  accept  the  first  expression  of 
opinion,  and  reject  the  last,  while  it  is  a  rule  in  law  that  the  last  enact- 
ment supersedes  all  others.  Why  is  not  the  evidence  of  the  4th  of  Janu- 
ary entitled  to  our  respect  and  confidence  ?  He  believed  the  President 
was  in  great  error.  He  had  expressed  himself  in  favor  of  submitting  the 
entire  Constitution  to  the  people,  and,  in  his  message,  regrets  that  it  w«,s 
not.  The  Governor,  carrying  out  the  then  policy  of  the  President,  pro- 
mised that  it  would  be  submitted  ;  and  the  act  of  the  Legislature,  which 
the  President  desires  to  regard  as  a  nullity,  was  actually  carrying  out  the 
expressed  will  and  desires  of  the  President  and  the  Governor."* 

*  "States,"  Washington,  March  18,  1858. 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  135 

The  distinguished  gentleman  proceeded  to  inquire  into  the 
benefit  that  was  expected  from  the  admission  of  Kansas,  and 
held  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained.  He  was  a  Southern  man, 
as  ready  to  defend  any  invasion  of  Southern  rights  as  any  man. 
But  the  same  feeling  which  inspired  him  to  defend  his  own 
rights  inspired  him  to  defend  the  rights  of  others.  He  believed 
that  slave-labor  could  not  be  profitably  employed  north  of  36°  30'. 
Experience  has  shown  the  wisdom  of  the  men  who  made  the  line 
of  demarcation.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  an 
evil  measure.  If  it  was  not  completely  .constitutional,  it  was 
hallowed,  in  his  estimation,  by  the  good  it  produced  and  the 
peace  it  entailed  on  the  country. 

During  the  debate  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  had  been  de- 
lighted with  the  display  made  by  Senators,  North  and  South,  of 
the  resources  of  their  sections.  He  heard  them  with  great  pride. 
One  showed  the  mighty  resources  in  product  of  the  South; 
another  exhibited  the  skill,  labor,  navigation,  and  commerce  of 
the  North.  If  a  man  might  be  proud  of  either  as  separate 
nations,  how  should  he  feel  at  their  union?  His  allegiance  was 
not  to  any  particular  section.  He  desired  to  be  ruled  by  a  spirit 
of  justice.  He  did  not  vote  on  this  matter  in  any  sectional 
sense.  He  was  anxious  to  aid  in  a  settlement  of  all  differences, 
and  he  would  go  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  on  the  condition 
that  the  Constitution  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  qualified 
voters ;  if  it  was  ratified,  the  President  should  proclaim  Kansas 
a  State;  and,  if  not,  that  a  new  constitutional  convention  be 
^authorized, — an  enabling  act,  in  fact,  be  passed  for  its  benefit. 

Senator  Crittenden's  speech  "created  a  marked  sensation,  and 
the  eloquent  Kentuckian  was  warmly  congratulated  by  Senators." 

On  the  next  day,  and  in  reply  to  some  remarks  on  this  speech 
by  Senator  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  Senator  Crittenden  took  occasion 
to  impress  still  further  on  the  South  that  she  had  nothing  to  gain 
by  the  passage  of  Lecompton.  He  held  that  slavery  was  not  in 
the  question.  If  the  South  could  look  at  the  question  as  he 
looked  at  it,  he  believed  it  would  be  for  her  benefit.  You  will 
[to  the  South]  have  two  Senators  immediately  here,  opposed  to 
you.  Are  you  in  a  hurry  to  precipitate  such  a  result?  Will 
you  gain  by  it  ?  No.  If  the  Southern  men  thought  with  him, 
they  would  place  no  estoppel  on  Kansas,  but  act  a  just  part;  and 


136  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

only  thus  could  they  benefit  the  section  of  the  country  of  which 
he,  with  others  here,  was  a  citizen  and  a  Senator.  He  regretted 
that  every  man  in  the  South  did  not  agree  with  him.  He  had 
not  enlisted  under  any  banner.  He  thought  he  had  grown  old 
enough  to  disrobe  himself  of  the  prejudices  of  the  partisan,  and 
act  the  patriot.  He  was  a  true  Senator,  a  true  citizen,  of  the 
South. 

A  loud  burst  of  applause  in  the  galleries  anticipated  the  death 
of  Lecompton.* 

Senator  Crittenden  offered  a  substitute  for  the  bill  admitting 
Kansas.  It  was  defeated  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  yeas  24, 
nays  34,  but  was  introduced  into  the  House  by  Mr.  Montgomery, 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  passed,  yeas  120,  nays  112.  The  "Crit- 
tenden-Montgomerv  Bill,"  as  it  was  called,  provided  for  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  the  vote  of  the  people 
of  Kansas.  If  it  had  a  majority,  the  President  was  to  be 
informed,  who  would,  by  proclamation,  declare  Kansas  admitted 
on  that  Constitution,  without  further  Congressional  interference. 
If  rejecte^  it  provided  for  a  convention,  to  be  called  at  an  early 
day,  u^nder  suitable  guards,  for  the  formation  of  another  Consti- 
tution, and  allowed  the  new  State  one  Representative  in  Con- 
gress until  the  next  census.  The  bill  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  the  Anti-Lecomptonites.  It  was  considered  a  national,  and 
not  a  party,  measure.  On  the  2d  of  April,  on  motion  of  Senator 
Green,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  disagreeing  with  the  House 
bill,  yeas  33,  nays  23 ;  and  on  the  8th,  the  House,  on  motion  of 
Mr.  Montgomery,  "adhered  to  its  amendment,"  by  yeas  119, 
nays  111.  Thus  there  was  direct  conflict  between  the  branches 
of  the  National  Legislature.  The  Washington  journal  already 
quoted  confronted  the  bills  thus: — "The  Senate  bill  dictates 
terms  to  a  portion  of  the  United  States.  The  House  bill  but 
recognises  the  rights  which  every  State  enjoys.  The  Senate  bill 
accepts,  after  altering,  the  Southern  clause  in  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  The  House  bill  admits  Kansas,  and  refers  the 
instrument,  untouched,  to  the  people.  The  Senate  bill  illegally 
perpetrates  a  cheat  on  the  South,  and  humbugs  the  North. 
The  House  bill  honestly  gives  the  whole  thing,  Southern  clause 

*  "  States,"  March  19,  1858. 


JOHN  J.  CRITTENDEN.  137 

and  all,  to  the  will  of  the  people."  April  13,  the  Senate  in- 
sisted on  its  disagreement,  and  asked  for  a  committee  of  confer- 
ence, by  a  vote  of  yeas  30,  nays  24;  and  the  presiding  officer 
pro  tempore  (Senator  Foot,  of  Vermont)  appointed  Messrs. 
Green,  Hunter,  and  Seward  as  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate.  On  the  next  day,  Mr.  Montgomery  moved  "  that  the 
House  insist  on  their  adherence/'  which,  after  an  excited  dis- 
cussion, was  negatived  by  108  to  107,  the  Speaker  voting  in  the 
negative.  Mr.  English,  of  Indiana,  who,  that  morning,  in  caucus 
of  Anti-Lecomptonites,  had  expressed  his  determination  to  accede 
to  the  Senate's  request,  moved  that  "  the  House  agree  to  the  con- 
ference," which  was  passed  by  108  to  108,  the  Speaker  voting 
in  the  affirmative.  This  result  was  received  by  the  galleries 
with  applause.  The  managers  on  the  part,  of  the  House  were 
Messrs.  W.  H.  English,  of  Indiana,  A.  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia, 
and  W.  A.  Howard,  of  Michigan.  On  the  23d,  Senator  Green 
reported  in  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  English,  in  the  House,  a  substi- 
tute agreed  to  by  the  majority  of  the  Committee  of  Conference. 
This  amendment  was  offered  by  Mr.  English,  and  is  now  known 
as  the  "English  Bill."  On  Friday,  April  30,  the  bill  passed 
both  branches.  In  the  House  the  vote  stood,  yeas  112,  nays  103. 
In  the  Senate,  yeas  31,  nays  22. 

Senator  Crittenden  voted  against  the  report.  He  agreed  with 
it  so  far  as  the  Senate  had  retreated  from  its  position  of  not  sub- 
mitting the  Constitution  to  the  people;  but  still  the  "EngHsh 
Bill"  did  not  submit  it  in  the  bold  arid  honest  manner  of  the 
House  bill.  The  Committee  referred  a  certain  ordinance,  and  if 
the  people  accept  the  land  therein  spoken  of,  they  accept  a  Con- 
stitution to  which  it  is  well  known  they  are  opposed.  Qn  the 
other  hand,  suppose  they  agree  with  the  Constitution,  but  do 
not  accept  the  land :  they  are  considered,  by  the  terms  of  the  new 
bill,  as  not  wishing  to  come  into  the  Union  under  the  said  Con- 
stitution. "Is  this,"  he  said,  "a  fair  submission  ~bf  the  Consti- 
tution ?  If  it  is  to  be  submitted,  the  people  are  entitled  to  it  by 
their  own  right,  without  any  proviso  whatever."  He  spoke  for  an 
hour,  and  was  listened  to  with  marked  attention, — the  galleries 
being  crowded,  and  a  large  number  of  members  of  the  House 
being  attracted  to  hear  "the  venerable  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky." 

12* 


138  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

During  this  session,  Senator  Crittenden  made  an  unavailing 
attempt  to  increase  the  duties  levied  under  the  Tariff  Act  of  the 
3d  of  March,  1857.  He  made  a  persistent  effort  to  have  General 
Shields  sworn  in  as  Senator  from  Minnesota,  in  February,  1858, 
that  gentleman  having  written  him  a  letter  arguing  that  there 
could  be  no  such  political  anomaly  as  a  State  out  of  the  Union, 
or  not  yet  in  the  Union.  He  referred  to  the  law  of  1857, 
authorizing,  in  an  absolute  manner,  the  people  of  Minnesota  to 
form  a  State  Government  and  to  come  into  the  Union  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  original  States.  The  people  performed 
their  engagements  in  good  faith,  and  expected  a  like  action 
on  the  part  of  Congress.  Minnesota  had  complied  with  every 
requirement;  and  her  representatives  were  in  a  dilemma,  not 
knowing  whether  they  represented  a  State  in  the  Union  or  out 
of  it.*  On  motion  of  Senator  Toombs,  the  matter  was  referred 
to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  which  reported  that  Minnesota  was 
not  a  State  under  the  Constitution  and  laws,f  (March  4,  1858.) 

On  the  resolutions  concerning  the  British  aggressions  of  1858, 
Senator  Crittenden  was  in  favor  of  demanding  reparation,  but 
doing  nothing  rashly.  England  had  done  us  wrong;  but  he 
would  not  have  the  world  believe  we  were  acting  passionately. 
In  like  manner,  in  the  debate  on  the  New  Regiments  Bill,  he 
was  for  giving  the  Government  any  men  it  demanded,  but  was 
opposed  to  Senator  Pugh's  amendment  for  the  raising  of  com- 
panies in  various  States.  They  should,  he  thought,  be  raised  in 
regiments. 

Inv  the  discussion  of  Senator  Doolittle's  proposal  to  present 
Commodore  Paulcling  with  a  gold  medal,  for  arresting  General 
William  Walker  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Nicaragua,  Senator 
Crittenden  took  a  brief  but  decided  share,  vindicating  the  legality 
of  Paulding's  conduct.  He  held  that  in  point  of  fact  the  sove- 
reignty of  Nicaragua  had  not  been  assailed  by  the  Commodore,  it 
having  been  already  nullified  and  suspended  at  the  place  in  ques- 
tion by  the  occupation  of  armed  invaders.  In  his  mind,  Paulding 

*  See  Letter  of  General  James  Shields  to  Senator  Crittenden.  Cong.  Globe, 
Part  1,  1st  session  of  35th  Congress. 

|  Minnesota  was  admitted  May  11,  1858,  and  Henry  M.  Rice  and  James 
Shields  sworn  in  as  Senators  from  that  State  on  the  12th,  and  William  W. 
Phelps  and  James  M.  Cavanaugh  as  Representatives  on  May  22. 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  139 

was  a  deliverer,  and  not  a  trespasser  j  and  in  the  eye  of  reason 
as  well  as  of  national  law,  no  violence  was  done  to  the  territorial 
sovereignty  of  Nicaragua  by  his  friendly  interposition. 

On  his  return  home,  after  his  labors  in  the  first  session  of  the 
Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  his  course  was  generously  impeded  by  a 
series  of  ovations  from  the  people. 

Senator  Crittenden  has  always  heen  an  ardent  advocate  of  the 
settlement  of  claims  of  American  citizens  on  foreign  Govern- 
ments, and  is  chairman  of  the  committee  to  which  the  French 
Spoliations  were  referred.  He  reported  a  bill  in  favor  of  claim- 
ants in  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  and  in  the 
second  session  reviewed  the  history  of  the  past  legislation  of 
Congress  in  favor  of  satisfying  the  claims  of  American  citizens 
for  the  spoliations  committed  by  the  Government  of  France 
prior  to  the  year  1801.  A  hill  for  this  purpose  had  been  several 
times  passed  by  the  Senate,  and  had  once  been  enacted  by 
hoth  Houses  of  Congress,  but  had  been  vetoed  by  President 
Polk  for  reasons  mainly  based  on  considerations  of  contempo- 
raneous expediency.  President  Washington  had  officially  recog- 
nised the  validity  of  the^e  claims,  whose  equity  was  also  supported 
by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  men  like  Lowndes,  Webster,  and 
Clay,  to  whose  names  might  be  added  that  of  Judge  Marshall, 
who  was  fully  apprized  of  the  foundation  on  which  they  rested. 
To  his  own  mind,  the  Evidence  in  favor  of  their  allowance  by  the 
Government  was  unimpeachable. 

Senator  Crittenden  opposed  Mr.  Slidell's  bill  to  facilitate  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba.  In  his  speech  on  the  subject,  (Feb.  15, 
1859,)  he  showed  how  unpropitious  the  time  was  for  the  pro- 
posed measure.  The  reference  to  the  subject  in  the  President's 
Message  had  resulted  in  dissent  from  Spain,  and  disfavor  from 
France  and  England.  He  argued  that  in  view  of  the  vexatious 
reclamations  held  by  us  on  nearly  all  the  South  American  States 
-  -with  a  Paraguayan  expedition  on  hand — and  with  a  proposal 
to  occupy  Sonora  and  Chihuahua,  for  the  security  of  Arizona — 
it  would  be  prudent  to  forego  the  immediate  acquisition  of  Cuba. 
He  thought  it  likely  that  Cuba  would  belong  to  us  in  time ;  and, 
while  he  would  not  deny  its  desirability,  he  most  decidedly  would 
not  admit  its  necessity  to  us.  He  was  too  proud  of  his  country 
to  admit  any  thing  so  humiliating.  The  domestic  aspect  of  the 


140  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

matter  also  led  him  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  the  time  and  the  mode 
for  accomplishing  the  object.  It  was  estimated  that  $200,000,000 
would  be  the  least  sum  Spain  would  accept  for  this  dependency, 
to  which  she  so  tenaciously  clings.  Last  year  our  annual  ex- 
penditures were  $81,000,000.  This  year  they  would  be  nearly 
$100,000,000.  He  doubted,  then,  if  this  was  a  time  to  go  two 
hundred  millions  in  debt.  Yet  the  Senator  was  willing  that 
President  Buchanan  should  undertake  negotiations  for  the  pur- 
chase of  Cuba;  and,  if  he  succeeded,  the  difficulties  of  the  task 
would  only  enhance  the  glory  of  the  achievement.  Upon  the 
treaty,  when  formed,  he  could  sit  in  candid  judgment;  but,  under 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he  did  riot  feel  authorized  to  place 
$30,000,000  of  the  public  money  in  the  hands  of  the  President 
merely  to  enable  him  to  commence  the  negotiation. 

Senator  Crittenden  has  expressed  himself  as  long  favorable  to 
liberal  grants  of  land  in  the  new  States  for  purposes  of  im- 
provement, especially  improvements  by  railroad,  in  which  the 
whole  community  have  an  interest.  He  has  all  his  life  advocated 
the  distribution,  on  some  terms  or  other,  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
sales  of  the  public  lands  among  all  the  States  for  the  purposes  of 
improvement. 

The  removal  of  the  Senate  from  the  old  to  the  new  chamber 
in  the  Capitol  was  a  very  impressive  sight, — and  was  rendered 
particularly  interesting  by  the  admission  of  ladies  on  the  floor, 
the  galleries  being  over-crowded.  On  this  occasion,  Senator 
Crittenden  made  a  short  but  touching  farewell  to  the' scene  of 
their  labors,  mingling  with  it  memories  of  the  great  men  who  had 
left  their  impress  on  the  very  walls,  and  many  hopes  that  the 
Senate  would  always  maintain  a  powerful  and  conservative  influ- 
ence for  its  own  dignity  and  the  glory  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Crittenden  attended  the  National  Agricultural  Fair  held 
at  Chicago,  on  the  loth  of  September,  and  was  received  with 
every  demonstration  of  welcome.  He  made  a  speech  advocating 
in  the  liveliest  and  most  impressive  manner  a  reliance  on  the 
Constitution  and  a  love  for  the  Union.  He  went  to  Chicago  to 
forget  that  such  a  thing  as  a  cloud  of  politics  hung  over  the 
country,  and  he  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  dragged  into  any 
political  or  party  discussion.  Party  politics  were  very  transitory 
affairs.  We  are  made  to  regard  them  as  of  great  importance, 


JOHN   J.  CRITTENDEN.  141 

when  to-morrow  will  bury  them  in  oblivion.  The  tone  of  the 
eminent  Senator's  excellent  remarks  may  be  gleaned  from  a  few 
sentences.  "I  am  at  "home  here/'  he  said,  "though  I  came  with 
very  few  acquaintances  and  friends  in  this  part  of  the  country;  yet 
the  whole  land  is  my  country.  The  Union  makes  us  one  people : 
may  God  preserve  that  Union  !"  The  impassioned  earnestness 
of  this  invocation  struck  a  chord  in  the  vast  assemblage,  and  the 
speaker  was  interrupted  by  loud  applause,  and  cries  of  "  Good ! 
good  !"  "  Preserve  the  Union,  and  the  Union  will  preserve  you, 
and  make  you  the  mightiest  people  in  the  world  I"  The  patriotic 
voice  of  the  Kentuckian  was  frequently  drowned  by  the  enthu- 
siasm his  sentiments  created. 

In  early  life  Mr.  Crittenden  was  a  Republican,  and  afterward 
a  Whig.  He  is  now  called  an  "American."  He  was  a  devoted 
friend  of  Henry  Clay,  on  the  occasion  of  whose  death  he  made 
one  of  his  greatest  efforts  ;  and  on  account  of  his  experience  and 
eloquence  he  always  catches  the  ear  of  the  Senate,  of  which  he 
is  sometimes  denominated  the  Patriarch. 

The  recent  distractions  of  political  parties  have  indicated  to 
many  leading  men  in  the  North  as  well  as  to  the  most  prominent 
members  of  the  u  South  American"  party  the  policy  of  com- 
bining, with  the  view  of  holding  the  balance  of  power  in  the 
coming  Presidential  election.  On  the  assembling  of  the  Thirty- 
Sixth  Congress,  measures  were  taken  to  form  an  organization,  and 
to  confer  with  the  Executive  Committees  of  the  "American"  and 
National  Whig  parties,  and  such  others  as  were  favorable  to  the 
formation  of  a  "  national  party  on  the  basis  of  the  Union,  the 
Constitution,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws."  The  American 
arid  National  Whig  Committees  having  fully  concurred  in  these 
movements,  it  was  resolved  to  hold  a  National  Union  Convention 
for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice- 
Presidency.  A  National  Union  Executive  Central  Committee 
was  also  formed,  and  the  greatest  activity  manifested  toward  the 
furtherance  of  the  objects  stated. 

The  first  meeting,  consisting  of  members  of  the  various  politi- 
cal parties,  Senators  and  Representatives,  journalists  from  the 
various  States  of  the  Union,  was  presided  over  by  Senator  Crit- 
tenden. In  the  subsequent  movements,  he  has,  by  the  unani- 
mous desire  of  the  representatives  of  all  parties,  been  accorded 


142  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  leading  position.  Among  those  members  of  Congress  who 
actively  participated  in  the  formation  of  the  new  party  were 
Senator  Kennedy,  and  Messrs.  H.  Winter  Davis,  J.  Morrison 
Harris,  and  E.  H.  Webster,  of  Maryland;  T.  Hardeman,  Jr., 
and  Joshua  Hill,  of  Georgia;  William  C.  Anderson,  F.  M. 
Bristow,  Laban.  T.  Moore,  Robert  Mallory,  and  Green  Adams, 
of  Kentucky ;  George  Briggs,  of  New  York ;  John  A.  Gilmer, 
J.  M.  Leach,  W.  N.  H.  Smith,  and  Z.  B.  Vance,  of  North  Caro- 
lina; H.  Maynard,  Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson,  R.  B.  Brabson,  William 
B.  Stokes,  Emerson  Etheridge,  James  M.  Quarles,  and  R.  Hat- 
ton,  of  Tennessee;  A.  R.  Boteler,  of  Virginia;  Edward  Bou- 
ligny,  of  Louisiana,  and  others. 

In  commencing  this  movement,  the  gentlemen  who  have  taken 
the  lead  disclaim  any  spirit  of  presumption.  Their  circular  takes 
the  ground  that  "  the  exigencies  of  the  country  seemed  to  require 
the  formation  of  a  new  party,  founded  on  national  and  conserva- 
tive principles.  They  have  reason  to  believe  that  such  is  the 
conviction,  of  a  great  and  patriotic  portion  of  the  people,  includ- 
ing very  many  members  of  the  present  dominant  and  contending 
parties,  who  have  been  made  sensible  of  the  dangerous  and  dis- 
turbing consequences  likely  to  result  from  the  further  pursuit  of 
their  party  controversies,  and  whom  it  is  in  the  highest  degree 
desirable  to  draw  together  into  fraternal  union  and  efficient 
political  co-operation.  In  answer,  therefore,  to  this  apparent 
demand,  the  movement  for  a  <  Union  party'  has  been  inau- 
gurated." 

Of  this  party  Senator  Crittenden  seems  to  be  the  central  figure, 
if  not  the  head. 


CALEB   GUSHING.  143 


CALEB  GUSHING, 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE  career  of  Caleb  Gushing,  as  a  scholar,  author,  lawyer, 
statesman,  diplomatist,  general,  and  judge,  has  been  remarkably 
eminent  for  one  who  is  still  not  past  the  meridian  of  life.  As  a 
man  of  industry  and  indomitable  perseverance  in  whatever  he 
undertakes  to  accomplish,  it  is  conceded  that  he  has  no  superior, 
if  indeed  an  equal,  among  the  leading  men  of  New  England. 
Nearly  all  of  his  peers — the  eminent  statesmen  and  orators  with 
whom  he  acted  or  contended  on  the  hustings  or  in  the  halls  of 
legislation  within  the  last  quarter  of  a  century — have  passed  into 
the  realms  of  death  or  immortality.  John  Quincy  Adams,  Isaac 
C.  Bates,  Levi  Lincoln,  John  Davis,  Levi  Woodbury,  Leverett 
Saltonstall,  Daniel  Webster,  and  Rufus  Choate  have  disappeared : 
of  the  brilliant  group,  Lincoln,  Everett,  and  Gushing  alone 
survive. 

"  Among  the  leading  men  of  New  England  who  have  flourished 
since  Mr.  Cushing's  appearance  on  the  public  stage,  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  any  one  has  exhibited  more  varied  and  profound  know- 
ledge of  the  science  of  our  own  Government  and  of  foreign 
Governments,  of  jurisprudence,  of  equity  and  maritime  laws,  of 
international  law,  of  commerce,  of  common  law,  of  art,  science, 
and  literature,  and  of  the  living  and  dead  languages,  than  he. 

In  foreign  countries  men  generally  become  distinguished  in 
some  specialty, — in  parliament,  on  the  bench,  at  the  bar,  as  poet, 
editor,  scholar,  or  general.  In  our  own  country  we  find  men 
eminent  in  many  walks ;  but  rarely  does  a  man  so  versatile  and 
so  unquestionably  able  on  all  points  as  is  Mr.  Gushing,  come 
before  the  public  in  any  country. 

Caleb  Gushing  was  born  at  Salisbury,  Massachusetts,  on  the 
17th  day  of  January,  1800.  He  early  evinced  fine  powers  of 
intellect,  and  great  fondness  for  study.  After  due  preparation, 


144          _  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

he  entered  Harvard  College  when  but  thirteen  years  of  age, 
and  was  graduated  in  1817.  His  collegiate  career  was  one  of 
uncommon  brilliancy.  The  opinion  which  the  government  of 
the  college  had  of  his  capacity  and  learning  was  best  exhibited 
in  1819,  when  he  was  appointed  a  tutor  in  Mathematics  and 
Natural  Philosophy  in  that  institution.  He  held  this  office 
two  years.  ^ 

The  two  years  that  elapsed  between  his  graduation  and  his 
appointment  to  the  tutorship  were  passed  by  Mr.  Gushing  as  a 
law  student  at  Harvard,  under  Asahel  Stearns,  first  Law  Professor. 
In  1821  he  entered  the  law  office  of  Ebenezer  Moseley,  Esq.,  at 
Newburyport,  where  he  studied  for  a  year,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  the  following  year.  In  1823  he  was  married  to  Caro- 
line Wilde,  daughter  of  Judge  Wilde,  of  the  Supreme  Judicial 
Court,  a  lady  of  rare  intellectual  endowments.  At  the  bar  he  at 
once  gave  evidence  of  great  abilities,  and  rose  rapidly  into  a 
lucrative  practice.  For  many  years  he  and  Rufus  Choate  were 
generally  considered  by  the  public  as  at  the  head  of  the  famous 
Essex  bar;  and  many  comparisons  were  made  by  their  respective 
friends  and  admirers  as  to  which  was  the  more  eloquent,  able, 
and  successful  lawyer. 

Mr.  Cushing's  political  life  began  early  in  the- year  1825,  when 
he  was  chosen  a  representative  from  Newburyport  to  the  State 
Legislature.  In  the  next  year  he  was  elected  a  Senator  from 
Essex  County,  and  displayed  powers  which  marked  him  at  once 
as  a  promising  man  for  the  future  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the 
Union. 

He  continued  in  the  successful  practice  of  law  till  1829,  when 
he  went  to  Europe  with  his  wife,  and  travelled  for  two  years. 
During  this  interval,  Mrs.  Gushing  wrote  a  series  of  "  Letters 
on  France  and  Spain,"  which  were  printed  for  private  circula- 
tion ;  while  her  husband  employed  himself  with  unceasing  in- 
dustry in  obtaining  a  knowledge  of  the  laws,  institutions,  sta- 
tistics, and  literature  of  the  countries  which  they  visited.  On 
his  return,  Mr.  Gushing  published  his  "  Review  of  the  Late 
Revolution  in  France/'  and  also  his  best  book,  "  Reminiscences 
of  Spain."  Like  others  of  our  best  writers, — Irving,  Prescott, 
Ticknor,  and  A.  H.  Everett, — Gushing  early  exhibited  a  taste 
for  Spanish  subjects,  and  has  done  his  part  in  paying  back  the 


CALEB   GUSHING.  145 

debt  which  the  New  World  owes  to  Castile  and  Leon*  He  also 
contributed  occasionally  to  the  "  North  American  Review."  In 
1832,  about  a  year  after  their  return  from  Europe,  Mrs.  Gushing 
died;  and  by  her  death  Mr.  Gushing  lost  a  companion  who  tho- 
roughly appreciated  his  superior  talents  and  active  genius,  sym- 
pathized with  his  objects,  and  encouraged  him  in  all  his  labors. 
She  left  no  child,  and  her  husband,  not  marrying  again,  devoted 
himself  entirely  to  literary  pursuits  and  public  affairs. 

In  1833  and  1834,  Mr.  Gushing  again  served  in  the  Legisla- 
ture for  Newburyport,  and  in  the  latter  year  was  elected  to  Con- 
gress, and  took  his  seat  in  that  body  in  December,  1835.  He 
was  thrice  re-elected,  and  sat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  until 
March,  1843.  He  made  his  first  effort  on  the  26th  of  January, 
1836,  in  a  prepared  argument  in  support  of  the  right  of  petition. 
He  avowed  that,  although  he  was,  and  had  ever  been,  utterly 
opposed  to  the  Abolitionists  and  their  mischievous  crusade  against 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South  in  regard  to  the  question 
of  slavery,  yet  he  held  to  the  sacred  right  of  petition.  He 
would  have  all  respectfully-worded  petitions  received,  referred, 
and  reported  upon. 

The  9th  of  February  following,  a  debate  occurred  on  the 
Naval  Appropriation  Bill,  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  which 
led  to  an  exciting  scene,  of  a  personal  nature,  between  Mr. 
Gushing  and  Mr.  Ben  Hardin,  of  Kentucky.  Mr.  Hardin,  an 
old  and  experienced  member,  a  radical  of  great  ability,  who  had 
the  reputation  of  being  "  the  terror  of  the  House,"  and  whose 
wit  was  once  declared  by  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  to  be 
like  a  butcher-knife  whetted  on  a  brick-bat,  had  addressed  the 
House  against  sundry  repairs  at  navy-yards  at  the  North,  in  a 
strain  of  emphatic  severity.  He  had  denounced  the  extrava- 
gance of  members,  who  were,  he  said,  forever  proposing  appro- 
priations for  fortifications  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  which  would 
require,  if  their  wishes  could  be  gratified,  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars  and  a  standing  army  of  eighty  thousand  men. 

Mr.  Gushing,  being  a  new  member,  and  ambitious,  no  doubt, 
to  distinguish  himself  in  an  impromptu  debate,  replied  to  the 
famous  and  much-feared  Kentuckian  in  very  decided  and  un- 
mistakable terms.  He  was  courteous  and  parliamentary,  but 
severe,  r  Witnesses  of  the  scene  say  that  the  House  was  elec- 
K  13 


146  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

trifled.  Members  on  all  sides  looked  up  in  sui  prise  to  see 
who  was  the  young  speaker  with  the  clear,  ringing  voice  and 
confident  manner.  Mr.  Hardin,  himself  looking  amazed  and 
surprised,  obtained  the  floor  after  Mr.  Gushing  had  concluded, 
and  commenced  a  reply.  At  first  he  seemed  in  doubt  where 
to  begin,  or  what  to  say;  but,  recovering  his  self-possession,  he 
proceeded  in  a  characteristic  strain  of  denunciation  and  ridi- 
cule of  the  Massachusetts  member  who  had  dared  to  cross  his 
path,  which  made  the  House  wonder  what  was  coming  next. 
He  sneefed  at  Mr.  Gushing  for  having  prepared  and  read  to  the 
House  his  maiden  speech.  He  accused  him  of  hailing  from  the 
land  of  the  Yankees,  where  the  soil  was  barren,  and  rocky,  and 
unproductive;  where  the  inhabitants  got  their  living  by  fishing, 
by  peddling  tin  ware,  wooden  clocks,  and  wooden  nutmegs,  and 
where  many  of  them  indulged  in  eating  pork,  molasses,  and 
codfish ;  where  blue-lights  were  held  out  to  the  enemy,  and  where 
the  Hartford  Convention  was  held,  during  the  war  with  Great 
Britain.  By  the  desire  of  a  host  of  members,  the  floor  was 
conceded  to  Mr.  Gushing,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  rejoinder. 
Mr.  Gushing,  cool,  collected,  self-poised,  and  resolute,  began 
by  alluding  to  the  parade  of  objections  raised  against  him.  He 
admitted  that  he  had  deliberately  prepared  his  first  speech.  He 
had  done  so  because  he  was  not  only  a  new  member,  but  one  of 
the  youngest  members  of  the  House,  and  could  not  assume  to 
address  the  assembled  representatives  and  law-makers  of  the 
nation,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  upon  a  question  of  great 
importance,  without  preparing  himself.  If  he  had  been  anx- 
ious to  imitate  the  habit  of  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, — • 
to  take  the  floor,  at  any  time,  or  upon  any  or  every  question 
under  discussion,  and  commence  speaking,  no  matter  where, 
not  knowing  what  to  say  or  where  to  leave  off",  but  running  on 
in  a  helter-skelter  style  until  he  might  exhaust  himself,  he 
doubted  not  that  he  could,  like  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky, 
at  least  amuse  if  he  could  not  instruct  the  House.  It  was  most 
true,  he  said,  that  he  had  come  from  New  England.  He  was 
proud  of  it.  The  soil  of  Massachusetts  was,  indeed,  rocky  and 
less  productive  than  that  of  more  favored  localities;  but  then  it 
was  peopled  by  a  hardy,  industrious,  and  intelligent  race  of  men, 
whose  industry  and  perseverance  had  made  it  blossom  *like  the 


CALEB    GUSHING.  147 

rose; — had  dotted  it  all  over  with  beautiful  cities,  towns,  and 
villages,  with  schoolhouses,  colleges,  and  churches, — all  denoting 
how  much  intelligence  and  Christianity  were  fostered  and  che- 
rished in  the  region  where  dwell  the  Yankees,  whom  the  gentle- 
man from  Kentucky  was  pleased  to  sneer  at.  He  maintained 
that  the  New  England  patriots  who  fought  at  Lexington,  Con- 
cord, and  Bunker  Hill,  and  others  of  the  same  character, 
were  the  equals  of  the  patriots  in  other  sections  of  the  country. 
And  as  for  the  last  war  against  Great  Britain,  he  said,  it  was  a 
historical  fact  that  the  bones  of  New  England  men  whitened  the 
plains  of  every  battle  fought  on  the  soil  of  the  whole  country; 
while  every  naval  battle,  on  the  ocean  or  on  the  lakes,  was  fought 
as  well  and  as  gloriously  by  the  hardy  sons  of  New  England  as 
by  those  of  any  other  portion  of  the  Union. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Gushing,  referring  to  Mr.  Hardin's  habit 
of  quoting  to  the  House  from  Homer,  begged  leave  to  refer  to 
that  celebrated  author  for  an  illustration  apropos  to  the  occasion. 
He  regretted  to  observe  upon  that  floor  a  disputant  who,  with 
neither  the  courage  of  Achilles  for  the  combat,  nor  the  wisdom 
of  Ulysses  for  the  council,  yet,  with  the  gray  hairs  of  Nestor  on 
his  head,  condescended  to  perpetually  play  the  part  of  the  snarl- 
ing Thersites !  The  whole  House  broke  out  in  a  burst  of  admi- 
ration at  this  closing  sally  of  the  young  orator,  while  the  galleries 
sent  up  a  loud  shout  of  applause,  accompanied  with  clapping  of 
hands  and  waving  of  handkerchiefs  by  the  ladies. 

A  motion  was  made  to  have  the  galleries  cleared.  The  Speaker, 
Mr.  James  K.  Polk,  was  called  from  his  room  to  resume  the 
chair  and  preserve  order.  The  committee  rose;  but,  the  men 
having  all  left  the  ladies'  gallery,  mean  time,  the  motion  to  clear 
the  galleries  was  lost. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  in  the  House  (in  1836)  on  the  bill 
to  admit  Michigan  and  Arkansas  into  the  Union,  some  objection 
was  made  by  leading  members  from  the  North  to  a  clause  in  the 
Constitution  of  Arkansas,  requiring  the  people  of  the  State  to 
refrain  forever  from  abolishing  slavery.  Mr.  Henry  A.  Wise 
warmly  advocated  the  clause,  while  Mr.  Gushing  as  warmly 
opposed  it.  As  a  Southern  man,  Mr.  Wise  felt  it  his  duty  to 
take  a  stand  for  the  institution  of  the  South.  In  like  manner, 
Mr.  Gushing  felt  it  his  duty,  as  a  Northern  man,  to  take  a 


148  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

counter-stand,  "  Not/'  in  his  own  words,  "  to  assail  slavery,  but 
to  defend  liberty."  On  the  first  introduction  of  the  subject, 
Wise  had  made  a  declaration  that  if  Northern  members  did  not 
hold  themselves  engaged  to  the  terms  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, Southern  members  would  likewise  disregard  it,  and  that 
if  the  North  sought  to  impose  restrictions  affecting  slave  pro- 
perty, the  South  might  be  impelled  to  introduce  slavery  into  the 
heart  of  the  North.  Mr.  Gushing  denied  that  Massachusetts 
was  a  party  to  the  Compromise;  and,  in  reply  to  the  alternative 
threatened  by  Wise,  he  protested  against  the  idea  of  restricting 
liberty  in  one  part  of  the  Union  in  retaliation  of  the  attempt  to 
limit  the  spread  of  slavery  in  another.  It  was  not  within  the 
rules  of  debate  to  pursue  the  subject  at  the  time;  but  in  alluding 
to  it  in  the  matter  of  the  Arkansas  Bill,  Mr.  Gushing  concluded 
with  this  fervid  burst  of  feeling: — 

"I  trust  it  was  but  a  hasty  thought,  struck  out  in  the  ardor  of  debate. 
To  introduce  slavery  into  the  heart  of  the  North  ?  Vain  idea !  Inva- 
sion, pestilence,  civil  war,  may  conspire  to  terminate  the  eight  millions 
of  free  spirits  who  now  dwell  there.  This,  in  the  long  lapse  of  ages  in- 
calculable, is  possible  to  happen.  You  may  raze  to  the  earth  the  thronged 
cities,  the  industrious  villages,  the  peaceful  hamlets,  of  the  North.  You 
may  lay  waste  its  fertile  valleys  and  verdant  hill-sides.  You  may  plant 
its  very  soil  with  salt,  and  consign  it  to  everlasting  desolation.  You 
may  transform  its  beautiful  fields  into  a  desert  as  bare  as  the  blank  face 
of  the  sands  of  Sahara.  You  may  reach  the  realization  of  the  infernal 
boast  with  which  AttUa  the  Hun  marched  his  barbaric  hosts  into  Italy, 
demolishing  whatever  there  is  of  civilization  or  prosperity  in  the  happy 
dwellings  of  the  North,  and  reducing  their  very  substance  to  powder,  so 
that  a  squadron  of  cavalry  shall  gallop  over  the  sites  of  populous  cities 
unimpeded  as  the  wild  steeds  on  the  savannas  of  the  West.  All  this  you 
may  do :  it  is  within  the  bounds  of  physical  possibility.  But  I  solemnly 
assure  every  gentleman  within  the  sound  of  my  voice,  I  proclaim  to  the 
country  and  to  the  world,  that,  until  all  this  be  fully  accomplished  to 
the  uttermost  extremity  of  the  letter,  you  cannot,  you  shall  not,  intro- 
duce slavei*y  into  the  heart  of  the  North." 

Mr.  Gushing  ably  and  elaborately  supported  the  right  of  the 
United  States  to  Oregon,  and,  in  moving  to  refer  President  Van 
Buren's  Message  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  (May  17, 
1838.)  addressed  the  House  at  length  on  the  subject.  He  went 
into  the  whole  history  of  right,  by  discovery,  purchase,  and 
treaty,  and  fully  exposed  the  illegality  and  inconsistency  of  the 


CALEB   GUSHING.  149 

claims  put  forth  by  Great  Britain  to  the  country  watered  by  the 
Columbia.  At  the  present  day,  a  portion  of  this  argument  will 
be  found  instructive  :  —  * 

"It  is  a  principle  adopted  by  European  nations  in  their  settlements 
on  this  Continent,  that  priority  of  discovery,  followed  in  a  reasonable 
time  by  actual  occupation,  confers  exclusive  territorial  jurisdiction  and 
"  sovereignty.  It  is  also  held  that  an  establishment,  once  made,  extends 
to  contiguity  into  the  neighboring  regions.  If  the  discovery  be  of  an 
island,  it  has,  in  most  cases,  been  regarded  as  giving  a  title  to  the  whole 
island  ;  if  on  the  coast  of  the  continent,  then  as  reaching  indefinitely 
along  the  coast  and  into  the  interior,  with  limits  to  be  decided  by  actual 
occupation,  by  compact,  by  conflicting  claimants,  or  by  force.  Whether 
this  be  just  or  not  as  regards  the  Indians  inhabiting  America,  is  another 
question.  I  speak  of  it  only  as  the  conventional  rule  recognised  in  the 
negotiations,  and  practised  upon  in  the  colonial  enterprises,  of  the  chief 
nations  of  Europe  ;  and  thus  constituting  a  part  of  that  somewhat  uncer- 
tain mixture  of  conventions  and  of  national  equity  which  is  called  the 
Law  of  Nations.  This  general  principle,  which  enters  into  the  present 
question  in  all  its  parts,  includes  a  particular  principle  which  is  more 
specifically  applicable  to  it.  The  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  a  great  river, 
or  the  exploration  of  it,  followed  in  a  reasonable  time  by  the  actual 
assertion  of  territorial  sovereignty,  gives  an  exclusive  right  to  all  the 
country  watered  by  that  river.  Without  referring  to  various  foreign 
cases  of  the  application  of  this  doctrine,  it  will  be  sufficient  for  the  satis- 
faction of  the  House  to  show  how  it  has  been  treated  by  the  United  States. 

"  In  the  letter  of  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinckney  to  Don  Pedro  Cavellos, 
April  21,  1805,  it  is  said,  'When  any  European  nation  takes  possession 
of  any  extent  of  sea-coast,  that  possession  is  understood  as  extending  into 
the  interior  country  to  the  sources  of  the  rivers  emptying  withia  that 
coast,  to  all  their  branches  and  the  country  they  cover,  and  to  give  it  a 
right,  in  exclusion  of  all  other  nations,  to  the  same.' 

"This  position  is  adopted  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  letter  to  Don  Luis  de 
Onis,  March  12,  1818,  and  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  discussion  of  the  pre- 
sent question.  (Executive  Docs.,  Twentieth  Congress,  1st  Session.) 

"  Now,  whatever  rights,  more  or  less,  are  derivable  from  discovery,  be- 
long to  the  United  States  alone.  The  river  Columbia  was  first  discovered 
in  1792,  (excepting  whether  it  may  have  been  previously  discovered  by 
the  old  Spanish  navigators,)  by  Captain  Robert  Gray,  of  the  American 
ship  Columbia,  fitted  out  in  Boston,  and  received  from  him  the  name  of 
the  ship  he  commanded.  In  the  same  year,  but  confessedly  subsequent 
to  this,  and  upon  information  derived  from  Captain  Gray,  it  was  visited 
by  Vancouver  in  behalf  of  Great  Britain.  Priority  of  discovery,  there- 

*  It  may  be  found  complete  Ln  the  Appendix  to  Cong.  Globe,  Twenty-Fifth 
Congress,  Secoivl  Session. 


150  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

fore,  is  clearly  with  the  United  States,  as  against  Great  Britain.  Indeed, 
Gray  had  previously,  in  1788,  explored  the  strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  north 
of  the  Columbia.  So  that,  leaving  out  of  j'iev?  the  rights  of  Spain  by  dis- 
covery, and  of  Spain  and  France  by  contiguity  and  extension,  the  United 
States  claim  the  Oregon  Territory  by  right  of  discovery." 

By  cession  from  France,  in  1803,  the  United  States  acquired 
Louisiana  and  all  the  rights  of  France  in  that  direction.  What 
are  the  northwest  limits  of  Louisiana?  Extension  by  contiguity 
would  carry  the  pretensions  of  France  to  the  Pacific.  By  Great 
Britain  herself,  the  possession  of  the  hody  of  the  continent  was 
always  treated  as  stretching  across  the  entire  breadth  of  the  con- 
tinent. Her  grants  to  Massachusetts,  and  to  other  colonies, 
reach  to  the  Pacific.  Conflicts  of  pretension  thus  grew  up  be- 
tween France  and  Great  Britain,  which  were  adjusted,  in  1763, 
by  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  by  which  Great  Britain  ceded  to 
France  all  claims  to  land  west  of  the  Mississippi;  prior  to  which, 
by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  concluded  in  1713,  France  and  Great 
Britain  agreed  to  appoint  commissioners  to  describe  and  settle 
the  boundaries  between  the  French  and  English  colonies  in  North 
America,  which  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the  parallel  of 
forty-nine  degrees  north  as  the  northern  limit  of  Louisiana.  As 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  then,  Louisiana  was  bounded 
east  by  the  Mississippi,  north  by  latitude  forty-nine  degrees  north, 
and  westward  by  the  Pacific;  and  by  the  Louisiana  Treaty  the 
United  States  added  to  her  own  rights  of  discovery  the  pre- 
existing rights  of  France.  Such  were  Mr.  Gushing' s  views  on 
this  important  subject. 

On  the  death  of  President  Harrison,  and  the  accession  of  the 
Vice-President,  Mr.  Tyler,  Mr.  Gushing,  notwithstanding  Mr. 
Tyler's  veto  of  the  bill  for  another  United  States  Bank,  could 
not  at  the  crisis  give  him  up  and  accept  the  dictatorship  of  any 
other  leader  of  the  Whig  party.  Wise  also  stood  by  Tyler,  and 
Webster  was  the  only  member  of  Harrison's  Gabinet  who  did 
not  resign.  These  gentlemen  saw  evidences  of  a  revolution  in 
the  Whig  party.  President  Tyler  was  read  out  of  that  party  by 
a  caucus  committee  of  Congress  in  a  Manifesto.  Through  the 
columns  of  the  "  National  Intelligencer"  Mr.  Gushing  replied  to 
the  Manifesto,  and  defended  Tyler  with  his  usual  force  and 
fervor.  He  also,  with  courteous  boldness,  confronted  Henry 


CALEB    GUSHING.  151 

Clay,  and  charged  him  with  pursuing  or  dictating  a  course  which 
would  inevitably  tend  to  destroy  the  Whig  party. 

In  return  for  these  great  services,  the  President  thrice 
nominated  Gushing  for  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  on  the 
3d  of  March,  1843,  the  Whigs  in  the  Senate  refused  to  con- 
firm him.  The  President  then  appointed  him  Commissioner  to 
China,  and  in  the  same  year  he  was  appointed  Envoy  Extraordi- 
nary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to^the  Celestial  Empire.  He 
sailed  in  July,  1843,  in  the  steam-frigate  Missouri.  At  Gibraltar, 
in  August,  that  vessel  was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  Mr.  Gushing, 
with  his  characteristic  energy,  and  without  waiting  for  instruc- 
tions from  his  Government,  forthwith  proceeded  by  way  of 
Egypt  and  India  to  China,  and  in  six  months  succeeded  in  nego- 
tiating a  treaty  and  establishing  regular  diplomatic  relations  with 
that  vast  empire.  Having  accomplished,  with  unexpected  expe- 
dition, the  great  object  of  his  mission,  he  returned  in  1844  to 
the  United  States  through  Mexico,  having  made  almost  a  com- 
plete circuit  of  the  globe  by  land  and  sea,  within  a  belt  of  forty 
degrees,  in  less  than  one  year.  In  1845  he  started  on  a  tour  to 
the  Northwest  Territories,  and  explored  them  in  every  direc- 
tion, particularly  in  the  regions  of  the  great  lakes,  He  endured 
all  the  exposure  and  hardships  incident  to  such  a  tour, — sleeping 
in  the  woods  week  after  week,  and  hunting  or  fishing  for  his 
daily  food,  far  from  all  vestiges  of  civilization.  Returning  to  his 
home  in  Newburyport  in  1846,  he  in  a  few  days  found  himself 
again  elected,  by  both  parties,  to  represent  that  town  in  the  Le- 
gislature. The  war  with  Mexico  had  broken  out  a  few  months 
previous,  and  Mr.  Gushing  proposed  that  a  regiment  of  volun- 
teers should  be  raised,  and  that  the  State  should  appropriate  the 
sum  of  twenty  thousand  dollars  to  aid  in  equipping  it.  The  men 
were  readily  found,  but,  notwithstanding  the  impassioned  ap- 
peals of  Gushing, — who  invoked  aid  in  uniform  as  colonel  of  the 
regiment, — the  Legislature,  under  a  strong  prejudice  against  the 
war,  refused  the  appropriation ;  upon  which  Mr.  Gushing  ad- 
vanced a  large  sum  of  money  from  his  own  funds,  and  with  the 
aid  of  friends  raised  the  rest.  He  led  the  regiment  to  the  thea- 
tre of  war.  President  Polk  soon  promoted  him  to  the  position 
of  brigadier-general,  and,  though  having  no  opportunity  to  lead 
his  command  into  battle,  he  served  with  firmness  and  ability,  and 


152  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

held  a  high  position  on  the  Court  of  Inquiry  ordered  for  the  ex- 
amination of  charges  against  Major-General  Scott. 

In  the  year  1847,  and  while  in  Mexico,  General  Gushing,  very 
unexpectedly  to  himself,  received  the  nomination  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  He 
received  the  largest  vote  that  had  been  cast  by  that  party  for 
several  years.  He  was  also  a  candidate  for  the  same  office  in  1848. 
In  1850,  he  was,  for  the  fifth  time,  chosen  a  member  of  the  State 
Legislature,  and  served  with  distinction  during  the  exciting  ses- 
sion of  1851.  He  was  elected  Mayoi  of  the  city  of  Newburyport 
in  1851  and  1852,  and  in  the  last-named  year  was  chosen  com- 
mander of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  of 
Massachusetts, — the  oldest  military  organization  in  the  United 
States.  The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  at  the  session  of 
1852,  having  created  the  office  of  additional  Justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court,  General  Cushing  was  appointed  to  fill  it.  From 
this  he  entered  the  Cabinet  of  President  Pierce  as  Attorney- 
General,  and  filled  the  station  with  eminent  ability.  His  deci- 
sions, numerous  as  they  are,  show  a  most  extensive  erudition. 
Among  the  important  cases  before  him  was  the  Enlistment  diffi- 
culty between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  which  arose 
in  the  fall  of  1855.  The  opponents  of  the  Administration  took 
exception  not  only  to  the  tone  of  the  Attorney-General's  official 
opinion,  but  to  what  they  called  his  interference  in  the  matter. 
In  reviewing  the  subject  at  the  time,  Mr.  E.  Kingman,  the  well- 
informed  and  experienced  Washington  adviser  of  several  leading 
journals,  said, — 

"The  instructions  of  the  Attorney-General  to  the  United  States  Dis- 
trict Attorney  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  commented  upon  by  the  British 
press,  and  perhaps  by  the  British  Government,  as  rather  irritating.  Our 
own  press  seems  to  consider  the  instructions  of  the  Attorney-General  as 
a  private  act,  for  which  he  alone  is  responsible;  and  it  has,  therefore,  in 
most  cases,  made  an  apology  to  the  British  Government  for  what  it  con- 
siders his  presumption.  It  so  happens,  however,  that  the  instructions 
were  the  act  of  the  Government.  They  were  not  '  diplomatic,'  that  is 
true,  for  they  are  intended  to  be  unambiguous.  They  were  a  matter  of 
deliberate  consideration,  and  were  issued  upon  consultation  and  decision 
of  the  Executive  Government,  and  were  deemed  necessary  to  call  the 
attention  not  only  of  this  country,  but  of  Great  Britain,  to  the  dangerous 
aggressions  of  the  latter  upon  our  rights,  and  the  apparent  determination 
of  Lord  Palmerston  to  drag  us  into  the  present  war." 


,    ,  CALEB   GUSHING.  153 

The  energetic  action  of  Mr.  Gushing  in  the  discharge  of  duties 
not  previously  performed  by  the  Attorney-General  occasioned 
much  comment ;  and  to  understand  the  reasons  why  these  duties 
had  devolved  upon  him,  it  is  perhaps  best  to  look  at  con- 
temporaneous views.  Mr.  Kingman  tells  us  that  the  labors  of 
Secretary  of  State  had  become  very  burdensome,  in  consequence 
of  the  complications  of  foreign  affairs,  while  the  office  of  Attor- 
ney-General had  become  almost  a  sinecure.  To  create  a  division 
of  labor,  the  judicial  appointments,  prosecution  of  offenders 
against  the  Neutrality  Laws,  extradition  cases,  and  all  cases 
coming  under  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  were  referred  to  Mr. 
Gushing;  and  the  consequence  was,  "the  business  was  efficiently 
done." 

After  he  assumed  the  duties  indicated,  foreign  ministers  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  extradition  treaties  were  a  dead  letter 
so  far  as  the  United  States  were  concerned. 

' 'The  late  (Fillmore)  Administration  did  not  break  up  any  filibustering 
projects,  nor  obtain  the  conviction  of  any  person  on  account  of  such  en- 
terprises. The  Neutrality  Laws  cannot  now  be  violated  with  impunity, 
and  every  project  of  the  sort  has  been  broken  up,  except  the  last  expe- 
dition of  Walker,  in  which  the  prosecution  failed  on  account  of  the  re- 
fusal of  the  French  Consul,  Dillon,  to  appear  as  a  witness  in  court.  So  in 
regard  to  the  bark  Maury.  The  Attorney-General  took  up  the  mutter 
upon  the  representation  which  was  made  to  Mr.  Marcy  by  Mr.  Crampton 
on  the  llth  of  October,  and  his  report  was  made  on  the  22d.  The  pro- 
secution of  Hertz,  Wagner,  and  others  was,  as  we  have  seen,  conducted 
under  the  direction  of  the  Attorney-General  with  esuch  efficiency  that 
some  persons  are  disposed  to  doubt  his  constitutional  power  on  the  sub- 
ject. But  it  will  be  understood,  from  the  above  statement,  that  he  has 
the  power  under  the  order  of  the  President,  and  of  course  this  power  is 
exercised  under  his  direction  ;  and  in  regard  to  the  Enlistment  cases  his 
proceedings,  as  is  well  known,  are  approved  by  the  whole  Adminis- 
tration."* 

At  the  close  of  the  Pierce  Administration,  General  Gushing 
retired  into  comparative  privacy  j  but  the  voice  of  his  ever-faith- 
ful constituency  again  and  again  pressed  him  into  their  service 
in  the  State  Legislature.  In  that  body  he  wields  unmistakable 
influence,  and  even  the  journals  politically  opposed  to  him  bear 
enthusiastic  testimony  to  his  being  the  legislator  and  orator.  In 

*  Letters  in  the  New  York  "Journal  of  Commerce,"  Nov.  1855. 


154  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

the  discussion  on  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  Massa- 
chusetts imposing  disabilities  on  naturalized  citizens,  he  greatly 
distinguished  himself  in  opposition.  It  is  impossible  to  condense 
his  several  efforts  on  this  subject,  but  the  point  and  force  of  his 
views  may  be  gleaned  from  two  brief  paragraphs. 

On  February  11,  1859,  he  said,  "  Mr.  Speaker,  I,  you,  we, 
gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  belong  to  that  ex- 
cellent white  race,  the  consummate  impersonation  of  intellect  in 
man  and  of  loveliness  in  woman ;  whose  power  and  whose  privi- 
lege it  is,  wherever  they  may  go  and  wherever  they  may  be,  to 
Christianize  and  to  civilize,  to  command  and  to  be  obeyed,  to 
conquer  and  to  reign.  I  admit  to  an  equality  with  me,  sir,  the 
white  man,  my  blood  and  my  race,  whether  he  be  the  Saxon  of 
England  or  the  Celt  of  Ireland.  But  I  do  not  admit  as  my 
equals  either  the  red  men  of  America,  or  the  yellow  men  of 
Asia,  or  the  black  men  of  Africa."  This  was  greeted  with 
tumultuous  applause  in  the  galleries. 

As  to  the  right  of  the  State  to  enact  such  a  law,  he  said,  "  The 
question  whether  the  State  has  the  power  to  enlarge  the  electoral 
basis  of  citizenship  of  the  United  States,  is  one  that  has  been 
most  earnestly  debated,  and  is  still  debated;  and  we  have  now 
and  here  the  reverse  of  that  proposition ;  and  that  reverse  comes 
in  the  odious  form  of  disfranchisement.  Can  a  State  deprive  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States  of  his  right  of  votership  ? — that  is, 
can  a  State  narrow  and  abridge  the  electoral  basis  in  its  relation 
to  citizenship  of  the  United  States  ?  I  am  free  to  say  that  I 
doubt  upon  both  these  propositions.  I  will  not  undertake  to 
speak  dogmatically  upon  the  question ;  but  I  doubt  the  right  of 
Massachusetts  thus  to  impose  disabilities,  at  least  in  respect  to 
the  election  of  Federal  officers,  upon  citizens  of  the  United 
States." 

In  view  of  the  disturbed  condition  of  public  sentiment  and 
"  the  dangers  which  threaten  our  Union,"  growing  out  of  the 
Harper's  Ferry  raid  and  the  sectional  discussion  to  which  it 
gave  rise,  great  "  Union  meetings"  were  called  in  the  chief  cities 
to  maintain  the  Constitution.  One  of  these,  held  in  Fanueil 
Hall,  Boston,  December  8,  was  a  powerful  and  gratifying  demon- 
stration. Letters  were  read  from  ex-President  Pierce,  Judge 
Curtis,  and  other  eminfit  persons,  and  the  assembly  was  ad- 


CALEB   GUSHING.  ]  55 

dressed  by  ex-Governor  Lincoln,  Edward  Everett,  and  Caleb 
Gushing.  Mr.  Gushing  vigorously  denounced  the  recent  "  inva- 
sion of  the  State  of  Virginia"  by  men  from  Northern  States. 
He  brought  the  case  home  to  Massachusetts,  and  asked  his 
hearers  what  would  they  say  if  there  were  organized  bands  of 
invaders  in  Virginia,  armed  by  subscription  societies  in  Rich- 
mond, and  inspired  by  sentiments  of  deadly  hatred  against  them? 
Would  they  not  say  open  war  was  better  than  war  in  disguise  ? 
It  was  unspeakably  mean  to  insist  on  enjoying  the  benefits  of  the 
Union  without  participating  in  its  burdens,  and  treacherous  to 
demand  the  execution  of  the  bond  of  Union  by  Virginia  and 
not  execute  it  in  Massachusetts.  "  I  say,"  continued  Mr.  Gush- 
ing, "  it  would  be  mean,  treacherous,  hypocritical,  to  pretend 
that  that  state  of  things  is  to  continue;  and  therefore  we  are 
here  assembled  to  discountenance  all  such  sentiments,  all  such 
passions,  and  all  such  criminal  enterprises  on  the  part  of  the 
people  of  the  Northern  States  against  those  of  the  Southern." 
The  speech  enchained  the  audience,  and  is  characterized  as 
"  clear,  forcible,  and  fairly  overwhelming  in  its  effect." 

The  above  outline  denotes  a  life  of  varied  action  and  power, 
crowned  with  unvarying  success.  Without  taking  into  account 
his  orations  and  occasional  addresses  before  literary  and  scientific 
societies,  his  writings  have  been  very  numerous.  Besides  the 
works  already  alluded  to,  and  a  translation  of  "Pothier  on  Mari- 
time Contracts,"  he  has  been  a  prolific  contributor  to  the  "  North 
American  Review,"  the  "United  States  Literary  Gazette,"  the 
"  Southern  Review,"  the  "American  Review,"  the  "Democratic 
Review,"  the  "Annual  Register,"  the  "Knickerbocker,"  and 
other  periodicals.  He  also  furnished  many  of  the  articles  in  the 
"  Encyclopedia  Americana"  on  the  geography,  history,  and  insti- 
tutions of  Spanish  America,  in  relation  to  which  no  writer  in 
either  hemisphere  has  displayed  more  accurate  or  comprehensive 
knowledge.  He  stands  in  the  foremost  rank  as  a  debater  and 
public  speaker,  prompt,  fluent,  vigorous,  and  self-possessed.  He 
possesses  an  intrepid  and  executive  genius ;  and  there  is  work, 
resolution,  and  endurance  in  him,  as  well  as  learning,  eloquence, 
and  facility  in  literary  composition. 


156  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 


GEORGE   M.  DALLAS, 

OS1  PENNSYLVANIA 

THIS  eminent  citizen  is  a  son  of  Alexander  James  Dallas,  a 
native  of  Jamaica,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  useful 
of  America's  adopted  sons.  a  Indeed,  in  but  few  families  have  so 
many  members  risen  to  distinction  and  eminent  public  usefulness 
as  in  that  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  His  grandfather,  who 
emigrated  from  Scotland*  to  Jamaica  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  professors  of 
the  particular  branch  of  science  to  which  his  energies  were  de- 
voted. Of  his  four  sons,  Robert  Charles  Dallas  became  one  of 
the  most  voluminous  and  useful  writers  of  his  age ;  and  Alexan- 
der James  Dallas,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  Secretary  of 
War  of  the  Federal  Republic,  deservedly  acquired  by  his  public 
services  a  commanding  position  in  the  eyes  of  the  American 
people.  Their  sister,  Miss  Dallas,  married  Captain  Byron,  of  the 
English  Navy,  and  was  mother  of  the  present  and  seventh  Lord 
Byron.  To  the  same  family  belonged  the  distinguished  brothers, 
Sir  George  Dallas,  whose  political  writings  were  so  warmly  ad- 
mired by  William  Pitt,  and  Sir  Robert  Dallas,  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  Nor  have  the  wisdom  of  the 
bench  and  the  deliberations  of  the  councils  only  been  indebted  to 
this  house ;  in  the  Church  it  is  ably  represented  by  those  excel- 
lent religious  instructors  through  the  pulpit  and  the  press,  the 
Rev.  Alexander  Robert  Charles  Dallas,  and  the  Rev.  Charles 
Dallas,  who,  after  gaining  military  laurels  in  the  Peninsula  and 
at  Waterloo,  under  Wellington,  are  now  zealously  engaged  in  the 
promotion  of  the  best  interests  of  the  human  race."f 

*  A  memoir  in  the  London  "  Illustrated  News  of  the  World,"  June  19, 1858, 
accompanying  a  portrait  for  which  Mr.  Dallas  sat  in  that  city,  opens  with  this 
sentence : — "  The  Honorable  George  Mifflin  Dallas,  the  Minister  of  the  United 
States  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  like  his  predecessor,  Mr.  Buchanan,  is  a  gen- 
tleman of  Irish  extraction  and  parentage." 

|  Allibone's  "  Critical  Dictionary  of  English  Literature  and  British  and  Ame- 
rican Authors/'  &c.,  vol.  i.,  Phila.,  1858. 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  157 

Alexander  James  Dallas,  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania  in  1791,  District  Attorney  of  Pennsylvania  under 
Jefferson,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Madison,  and  a  leader 
and  champion  of  the  old  Republican  party,  of  which  Jefferson  was 
the  head,  had  three  sons.  The  eldest  rose  to  the  rank  of  Com- 
modore in  the  United  States  Navy;  the  youngest  was  the  late 
Judge  Dallas,  of  Pittsburg;  and  the  second,  the  eminent  gentle- 
man the  leading  features  of  whose  prominent  career  I  shall  now 
group  together. 

George  Mifflin  Dallas  was  born  July  10,  1792,  in  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  around  which  cluster  so  many  glorious  memo- 
ries of  our  nationality.  Pursuing  his  educational  studies  under 
Mr.  DorfeuiDe,  at  Germantown,  and  under  Provost  Andrews,  at 
Philadelphia,  he  was  in  due  course  entered  at  Nassau  Hall, 
Princeton,  N.J.,  as  a  student  of  arts  and  sciences,  and,  after  a 
residence  of  three  years,  was  graduated  with  the  highest  honors 
of  his  class. 

His  academical  studies  completed,  young  Dallas  entered  upon 
the  study  of  the  law  under  the  superintendence  of  his  father. 
The  ardor  with  which  he  pursued  the  elementary  branches  of 
his  future  profession  was  suddenly  diverted  into  another  course 
by  the  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain,  made  by  Con- 
gress, June  18,  1812, — a  date  which,  if  it  initiated  a  great 
military  disgrace  to  England  from  America,  was  also  made 
memorable  three  years  after  by  the  victory  of  Waterloo.  Fired 
by  the  patriotism  which  the  action  of  Congress  excited,  Mr. 
Dallas  suspended  his  legal  studies,  and  entered  a  volunteer  com- 
pany. It  was  his  intention  to  temporarily  give  up  law,  and  fight 
for  justice.  But  fortune  decreed  that  his  fighting  should  be  of 
a  mental  instead  of  a  military  character.  In  1813,  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  offered  his  mediation  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain ;  and  Senator  J.  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  and 
Albert  Gallatin,  recently  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Jeffer- 
son and  Madison,  were  appointed  to  proceed  to  St.  Petersburg, 
to  negotiate.  Mr.  Gallatin  having  selected  young  Dallas  to  ac- 
company him  as  Secretary,  the  latter  of  course  accepted,  was 
released  from  his  military  engagements,  and  having  been  admitted 
to  the  bar,  April,  1813,  as  a  special  favor  in  view  of  the  circum- 

14 


158  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

stances,  three  months  before  he  was  of  age,  departed  on  his 
mission. 

Gallatinand  Bayard  remained  in  St.  Petersburg  for  six  months 
without  hearing  from  England.  Mr.  Dallas  was  despatched  by 
John  Quincy  Adams,  then  Minister  to  Russia,  to  London,  with 
despatches  to  Count  Lieven,  Russian  Ambassador  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James, — the  Emperor  of  course  concurring.  Bayard  and 
Grallatin  proceeded  to  Amsterdam,  and  arrived  there  in  March, 
1814,  where  they  were  informed  that  England  would  not  accept 
the  mediation  of  Russia,  but  had  no  objection  to  treat  for  peace 
with  the  United  States  direct.  The  overture  conveyed  by  Mr. 
Dallas  led  to  the  designation  of  Ghent  as  the  place  of  negotiation ; 
and,  commissioners  having  been  appointed  on  both  sides,  a  treaty 
was  effected  after  considerable  delay.*  During  his  residence  in 
Europe,  his  observations  in  Russia,  France,  England,  Holland, 
and  the  Netherlands,  as  well  as  his  constant  intercourse  with 
some  of  the  most  prominent  diplomats  and  statesmen,  tended 
greatly  to  enlarge  his  mind.  He  was  unexpectedly  sent  to  the 
United  States  with  confidential  despatches  to  President  Madison, 
and  arriving  in  New  York  in  October,  1814,  proceeded  imme- 
diately to  Washington,  and  delivered  his  trust  into  the  hands  of 
the  chief  magistrate. 

The  disgraceful  affair  at  Bladensburg,  a  couple  of  months 
previous,  had  opened  the  way  to  the  capital,  which,  then  a  mere 
village  of  nine  hundred  houses,  easily  fell  a  prey  to  the  British. 
Pillage,  plunder,  and  devastation  was  the  result.  The  Capitol, 
the  President's  house,  and  the  public  offices  were  destroyed. 
The  invaders,  desiring  to  silence  the  official  press,  had  even 
sacked  the  "National  Intelligencer"  office,  broken  the  types, 
and  burned  its  library  in  the  streets.^  Affairs  were  in  a  dilapi- 
dated state  when  the  bearer  of  the  celebrated  sine  qua  non  de- 
spatches arrived.  The  President  was  in  a  private  house,  weak, 
care-worn,  and  apparently  dejected.  Seizing  the  despatches,  he 

*  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  state  here  that  the  Commissioners  were:  for 
England,  Lord  Gambier,  Henry  Goulburn,  and  William  Adams ;  for  the  United 
States,  Messrs.  J.  Q.  Adams,  Gallatin,  Bayard,  Henry  Clay,  and  Jonathan 
Russell. 

f  See  Williams's  "Invasion  avl  Capture  of  Washington,"  New  York,  1857. 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  159 

broke  the  seal,  and  the  very  overbearing  character  of  the  contents 
immediately  changed  his  appearance. 

"These  will  do/'  said  he,  emphatically,  rising  with  animation. 

"I  hope  so,"  replied  Mr.  Dallas;  "for  I  know  their  contents." 

"Yes,  these  will  do,"  continued  Madison:  "they  will  unite  the 
American  people,  which  is  what  we  most  need.  No  patriotic  citi- 
zen of  any  party  will  hesitate  a  moment  to  reject  conditions  so 
extravagant  and  unjust." 

So  confident  was  the  President  of  the  result,  that  "  he  departed 
from  the  established  etiquette  of  diplomacy  pending  a  negotia- 
tion," and  at  once  published  the  British  proposition;  and  the 
result  proved  the  accuracy  of  his  conclusions. 

Mr.  Dallas  did  not  return  to  Ghent,  but  was  appointed  Remitter 
of  the  Treasury,  an  office  which  he  held  about  a  year  and  a  half, 
when  he  resigned  it,  and  returned  to  Philadelphia  to  follow  his 
profession.* 

The  exciting  events  through  which  he  had  passed,  and  the 
nature  of  his  recent  occupation  abroad,  at  a  time  when  youth  is 
moulding  its  course  to  manhood,  naturally  gave  Mr.  Dallas's 
mind  a  strong  bias  for  politics.  Cultivating  them  in  the  best 
society  abroad,  and  upon  the  basis  which  Jefferson  had  given  to 
his  disciples,  he  was  well  calculated  to  arrest  the  attention  of  his 
fellow-citizens.  Besides,  his  relation  to  a  leading  member  of 
Madison's  Cabinet,  the  divided  state  of  public  opinion,  and  the 
necessity  for  subduing  the  acrimonious  spirit  evoked  thereby, 
would  have  made  it  a  matter  of  great  difficulty  for  him  to  ab- 
stain from  politics,  even  had  Mr.  Dallas  been  inclined  so  to  do. 
Gifted  with  decided  talents  and  an  easy,  dignified,  and  copious 
eloquence,  his  associates  and  the  partisans  of  the  Administration 
found  in  him  an  able  and  efficient  mouth-piece. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1815,  he  made  his  first  appearance  as  a 
party  politician  in  an  oration,  delivered  by  invitation.  He  re- 
viewed the  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  and  vindicated  the  measures  and  policy  of  the  Federal 
Government.  This  effort  attracted  more  directly  the  favor  of 
the  Democratic  party,  and  in  1816  he  was  appointed  First  Solici- 
tor of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, — an  office  at  once  of  useful 

#  For  many  details  in  this  sketch  I  am  indebted  to  "  The  National  Portrait- 
Gallery,"  <fcc.,  Phila.,  1854. 


160  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

recommendation  to  him  in  a  professional  sense,  and  of  great  im- 
portance, when  the  national  character  of  the  institution  is  con- 
sidered. It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  favor  extended  to  it  by 
the  Democratic  party  then,  as  a  "post-war  measure/'  was  after- 
ward withdrawn. 

In  1817,  Mr.  Dallas  was  appointed  deputy  of  the  Attorney- 
General  in  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  same 
year  was  intrusted  by  Governor  Findlay  with  his  defence  before 
the  celebrated  Committee  of  Inquiry,  which  he  conducted  with 
great  ability.  For  several  years  hen  ceforward  he  was  engaged  in  his 
profession,  emerging  therefrom,  toward  the  close  of  Monroe's  Ad- 
ministration, into  active  prominence  on  behalf  of  General  Jackson 
for  the  succession.  Mr.  Dallas  was  a  great  admirer  of  Calhoun, 
who  was  pressed  in  various  influential  quarters  for  the  Presidency; 
but,  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  the  Democracy,  and  having  con- 
sulted the  great  Carolinian,  he  withdrew  his  name,  and,  at  a 
public  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  proposed  him  as  the  candidate  of 
Pennsylvania  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  This  was  enthusiastically 
seconded  by  the  party,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  was  elected  to  that  posi- 
tion, although  Jackson  did  not  at  that  time  attain  the  Presidency, 
— the  election  falling  into  the  House  of  Representatives  and  ter- 
minating in  the  choice  of  John  Quincy  Adams.* 

This  result  naturally  created  great  excitement,  and  consolidated 
the  popular  party,  which  at  the  next  election  left  no  misinter- 
pretation of  its  views  possible.  General  Jackson  was  elected  in 
1828;  and  to  the  great  and  able  exertions  of  Mr.  Dallas,  who 
had  taken  a  most  prominent  and  decided  part  in  the  discussions 
following  the  elevation  of  Adams,  the  result  in  Pennsylvania 
was  largely  attributable.  Reviewing  the  character  of  Jackson, 
Judge  Baldwin,  in  his  clever  book,f  says,  "  Defeated  in  the 
House  by  the  politicians,  he  turned  defeat  into  victory,  and 
established  upon  it  a  sure  and  lasting  ascendency."  This  is  true; 
but  to  men  like  Dallas  and  their  gallant  persistency  was  the 
power  ascribed.  To  the  enthusiasm  and  union  of  his  fellow-citi- 

*  Jackson  received  99  Electoral  votes;  Adams,  84;  Crawford,  47;  Clay,  31. 
One  hundred  and  thirty-one  votes  were  necessary  to  a  choice.  The  House  of 
Representatives  elected  Adams,  though  having  15  Electoral  votes  less  than 
Jackson. 

f  "Party  Leaders,"  &<!.,  by  Jo.  G.  Baldwin,    New  York,  1855. 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  161 

zens  on  this  point  was  Mr.  Dallas's  elevation  to  the  Mayoralty 
the  same  year  (1828)  chiefly  owing.  This  office  he  soon  after 
resigned,  upon  his  appointment  by  President  Jackson  to  the 
District- Attorneyship  of  the  United  States. 

Evidences  of  still  higher  appreciation  on  the  part  of  his  State 
soon  followed.  A  vacancy  occurring  in  1831,  Mr.  Dallas  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  Legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania. It  was  a  stormy  season  in  Congress,  and  he  was 
needed.  He  boldly  participated  in  the  war  then  waged  by 
Webster,  Clay,  and  others  against  the  President.  Impelled  by 
duty  to  the  State  he  represented,  and  in  obedience  to  repeated 
instructions  from  the  Legislature  to  introduce  the  memorial 
of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  for  a  renewal  of  its  charter, 
he  displeased  the  Directors  by  declaring  his  unwillingness  to 
be  its  advocate,  and  desired  that  its  affairs  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  a  careful  investigation.  Soon  after,  he  was  in  the 
foremost  ranks  against  it.  In  one  of  his  subsequent  letters, — 
written  in  1836, — lie  expressed  the  belief  that  "the  people 
of  America  can  neyer  again  incur  the  risk  of  a  National 
Bank." 

Mr.  Dallas  opposed  Webster's  movement  on  the  apportionment 
of  members  of  Congress  under  the  census  of  1830;  and  his 
speech — which  produced  the  desired  effect — was  much  spoken 
of  at  the  time.  Another  of  his  memorable  efforts  of  this  period 
was  his  defence  of  his  friend,  Edward  Livingston,  who  had  in 
days  gone  by  defended  General  Jackson  when  arraigned  before 
a  civil  tribunal  for  alleged  military  tyranny.  Jackson,  as  Presi- 
dent, sent  the  nomination  of  Livingston  for  the  office  of  Secre- 
tary of  State  to  the  Senate.  It  was  strongly  opposed  by  Clay 
and  Webster.  Dallas  came  to  the  rescue  of  his  friend,  and  with 
such  force  and  eloquence  that,  when  he  sat  down,  both  Clay  and 
Webster,  with  the  prompt  magnanimity  which  belongs  to  men 
of  superior  mould,  withdrew  their  opposition.  On  the  question 
of  the  Tariff  Mr.  Dallas  held  to  the  opinions  expressed  by 
Jackson.  In  the  discussions  on  Nullification,  he  advocated  the 
exercise  of  that  power  in  the  Union  which  he  believed  to  be 
essential  to  its  preservation  within  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution, 
but  disclaimed  all  proceedings  not  intrinsically  necessary  for  this 
object,  and  was  in  favor  of  such  measures  as  were  best  calculated 
L  14* 


162  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

to  protect  the  rights  and  exalt  the  dignity  of  each  State  and 
secure  the  harmony  of  the  whole.  As  a  Senator,  his  eloquence, 
the  diversity  of  his  knowledge  upon  all  political  subjects,  and  the 
manly  and  elevated  tone  in  which  he  took  part  in  the  debates, 
brought  his  name  conspicuously  before  the  nation. 

His  residence  in  Washington  at  that  time  rendered  his  per- 
sonal relations  and  intercourse  with  General  Jackson  of  a  most 
intimate  nature.  It  was  his  happiness  to  enjoy  the  fullest  confi- 
dence and  warmest  friendship  of  that  great  patriot  down  to  the 
day  of  his  death;  and  when  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  by 
appropriate  funeral  solemnities,  expressed  their  sorrow  at  the 
demise  of  the  hero,  Mr.  Dallas  was  at  once  selected  as  the 
orator  of  the  day.  In  his  discourse  on  that  occasion,  he 
touchingly  alluded  to  his  intimacy  with  the  departed,  and  said, 
"  From  those  who  knew  him  as  it  has  been  my  lot  to  know  him, 
the  frequent  tear  of  cherished  and  proud  remembrance  must 
fall." 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1833,  the  brief  buT  brilliant  Senatorial 
term  of  Mr.  Dallas  expired.  He  emphatically  declined  a  re- 
election, and,  in  proof  of  his  sincerity,  returned  immediately 
to  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He  accepted  the  office  of 
Attorney-General  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  tendered  to  him 
by  Governor  Wolf,  and  continued  to  occupy  that  congenial  posi- 
tion during  Wolf's  Administration. 

Upon  the  accession  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  to  the  Presidential 
office,  in  1837,  he  recalled  Mr.  Dallas  from  his  comparative 
retirement  into  the  service  of  the  National  Government.  He 
was  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg,  at  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
he  commenced  his  public  life,  under  Gallatin,  in  1813.  The 
selection  was  deemed  a  most  excellent  one,  as  the  republican 
simplicity  of  Mr.  Dallas,  heightened  by  the  personal  dignity  of 
his  manners,  was  well  calculated  to  sustain  the  democratic  cha- 
racter of  our  institutions  in  one  of  the  most  gorgeous  courts  of 
Europe.  It  is  stated  that  his  dignity  as  a  representative  Ameri- 
can citizen,  at  once  elevated  but  unobtrusive,  on  more  than 
one  occasion  elicited  the  courteous  Attention  of  the  Emperor 
of  Russia. 

Recalled  from  this  mission  at  his  own  request,  in  1839,  he 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  163 

was,  soon  after  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  offered  by  President 
Van  Buren  the  office  of  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States, 
— then  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Felix  Grundy.  The 
flattering  offer  was  declined,  and  Mr.  Dallas  once  more  sought 
refuge  from  public  life  amidst  his  law-books.  He  was  not  long 
allowed,  however,  to  remain  in  the  privacy  of  his  profession.  In 
1844  the  Democratic  party  placed  him  on  the  ticket  headed  by 
James  K.  Polk ;  and  in  that  year  he  was  elected  to  the  high 
position  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  took  the 
oath  of  office,  March  4,  1845. 

His  career  as  "  the  second  choice"  of  the  Democracy  was 
characterized  by  the  ability  which  had  led  to  his  elevation  to 
that  proud  position.  His  influence  did  much  to  guide  his  par- 
tisans in  the  management  of  the  exciting  topics  before  the  coun- 
try. In  the  Texas  question,  the  hostile  movements  of  Mexico, 
the  Oregon  Boundary  question,  and  the  Tariff,  his  course  was 
firm  and  patriotic.  He  was  in  favor  of  checking  the  aggres- 
sions of  Mexico,  of  vindicating  the  integrity  of  our  title  to  Ore- 
gon, and  of  the  establishment  of  the  Sub-Treasury. 

The  most  imposing  scene — says  a  graphic  biographer  of  Mr. 
Dallas — which  occurred  during  his  Presidency  of  the  Senate 
was  witnessed  in  July,  1846,  upon  the  final  passage  of  the  Tariff 
Act  of  that  year.  On  that  occasion,  to  employ  the  language  of 
the  historian  of  the  Polk  Administration,  "he  had  an  opportunity 
of  illustrating  his  moral  firmness  of  character  by  an  act  of  bold 
and  majestic  grandeur  which  stamped  him  as  one  of  the  distin- 
guished men  of  the  age."  This  bill,  drawn  up  in  accordance  with 
the  ideas  of  the  President,  and  upon  the  views  employed  in  the 
Presidential  canvass  of  1844,  had  passed  the  House  on  the  3d  of 
July  by  a  vote  of  114  to  95.  In  the  Senate,  it  appeared  that  the 
Senators  of  eleven  States  directly  favored,  and  those  from  eleven 
other  States  as  emphatically  opposed,  the  bill,  while  the  Senators 
of  the  remaining  eight  States  were  divided.  Thus  the  bill  was  put 
in  the  power  of  the  Vice-President.  The  interest  of  the  occasion 
was  the  greater  from  the  fact  that  his  opinions  upon  the  particu- 
lars of  the  bill  were,  up  to  the  moment  of  its  passage,  not  definitively 
or  widely  known.  The  suspense,  however,  was  soon  terminated. 

Before  deciding  the  fate  of  the  all-important  measure,  "  founded 
upon  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  diversified  interests  of  the 


164  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

Union,"  Mr.  Dallas  addressed  the  Senate  in  a  brief  but  well- 
considered  speech  in  explanation  and  justification  of  the  act  he 
was  about  to  perform.  He  voted  in  the  affirmative.  The  writer 
above  quoted,  who,  no  doubt,  was  present,  says,  "  The  scene  was 
one  of  the  most  imposing  that  ever  occurred  in  that  chamber. 
The  Representative  Hall  was  almost  deserted;  the  members 
crowded  into  the  Senate  to  witness  the  termination  of  the  strug- 
gle. The  galleries  were  crowded  with  beauty  and  fashion.  The 
manufacturers  were  assembled  in  strong  force.  The  reporters  bent 
eagerly  forward  to  catch  the  words  which  fell  from  his  lips.'  A 
solemn  silence  reigned.  All  eyes  were  turned  on  his  command- 
ing and  expressive  countenance,  and  each  ear  drank  in  the  lan- 
guage of  his  celebrated  address,  which  he  pronounced  with  an 
earnestness  and  impressiveness  of  tone  which  proved  his  sin- 
cerity."* Another  writer,  exulting  in  the  manner  in  which  the 
Vice-President  met  the  grave  responsibility  of  the  occasion,  says, 
tl  When  compelled  by  a  paltry  intrigue  to  give  the  casting  vote 
for  the  Tariif  of  1846,  he  exhibited  a  moral  firmness  worthy  the 
friend  of  Jackson."  He  closed  his  brief  address  by  this  decla- 
ration : — "  If,  by  thus  acting,  it  be  my  misfortune  to  offend  any 
portion  of  those  who  honored  me  with  their  suffrages,  I  have 
only  to  say  to  them,  and  to  my  whole  country,  that  I  prefer  the 
deepest  obscurity  of  private  life  with  an  unwounded  conscience, 
to  the  glare  of  official  eminence  spotted  by  a  sense  of  moral 
delinquency." 

Very  considerable  public  and  local  dissatisfaction  was  the  re- 
sult. The  Yice-President  was  burned  in  effigy  and  denounced 
in  the  most  violent  manner.  But  the  temporary  indignation  has 
vanished;  and  the  vote  which  created  it  is  now  as  highly  extolled 
for  statesmanlike  wisdom  and  foresight  as  he  who  gave  it  is  praised 
for  his  personal  firmness  and  self-sacrifice. 

"It  would  not,  perhaps,  be  extravagant  to  say  that  never,  at  any  other 
period  since  the  foundation  of  the  American  Union,  have  so  important  and 
diversified  interests  been  poised  upon  a  single  vote.  It  changed,  at  a 
breath,  a  policy  which  had  prevailed  more  than  thirty  years, — a  policy 
unequal  in  its  operation  both  upon  States  and  individuals,  and  for  that 
reason  fraught  with  danger.  It  established  a  revenue-system  more  repro- 
ductive to  the  National  Treasury,  less  burdensome  to  the  consumer,  ad- 

*  Chase's  "  History  of  the  Polk  Administration." 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  165 

mitting  of  all  necessary  and  just  discriminations,  yet  bearing  as  lightly 
and  equally  as  possible  on  every  branch  of  industry  in  all  parts  of  the 
country."* 

Mr.  Dallas,  during  his  Vice-Presidency,  directed  attention  to 
the  project  of  a  canal  from  the  southernmost  part  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  the  Tehuan  tepee  Gulf  on  the  Pacific  side,  in  a  published 
letter.  He  discussed  the  practicability  and  advantages  of  con- 
necting the  oceans.  President  Polk  was  impressed  with  the  im- 
portance of  the  subject,  and  gave  instructions  which,  had  they 
been  carried  out,  would  have  led,  years  ago,  to  the  acquisition 
by  the  United  States  of  a  transit-route  to  the  Pacific.  Mr.  Dal- 
las's  letter  drew  public  attention  to  the  matter ;  and  the  letter  of 
instructions  written  by  Mr.  Polk's  Secretary  of  State — the  pre- 
sent President  of  the  United  States — to  Mr.  N.  P.  Trist,  the 
American  Commissioner  to  negotiate  with  Mexico,  affords  strong 
evidence  of  the  importance  which  attached  to  the  project  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Government.  The  instructions  empowered  the 
Commissioner  to  increase  the  amount  ($15,000,000)  stipulated 
to  be  paid  by  the  fifth  article  "for  the  extension  of  our  boundary 
over  New  Mexico  and  Upper  and  Lower  California,  to  any  sum 
not  exceeding  $30,000,000,  payable  by  instalments  of  $3,000,000 
per  annum,  provided  the  right  of  passage  and  transit  across  the 
Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  secured  to  the  United  States  by  the 
eighth  article  of  the  project,  shall  form  a  part  of  the  treaty" 

During  the  year  1848,  when  the  revolutionary  movements  in 
Ireland  inspired  a  memorable  enthusiasm  in  the  adopted  citizens 
of  this  country,  the  Vice-President  addressed  a  note  (June  3) 
to  the  great  Irish  demonstration  in  New  York,  conveying  his 
sympathy,  and  fervent  hopes  that  the  managers  might  "succeed 
in  kindling  for  the  sacred  cause  of  Ireland — so  closely  akin  to 
that  of  Poland — the  most  effective  enthusiasm  of  our  country." 
After  the  expiration  of  his  official  term,  Mr.  Dallas  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  and  to  the  practice  of  the  law. 

Mr.  Dallas's  next  national  position  was  that  of  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to 
the  Court  of  St.  James.  He  succeeded  Mr.  Buchanan ;  and  to 
his  ability  the  English  journals  generally  credit  the  good  for- 


'  National  Portrait-Gallery,"  vol.  ii. 


166  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

tune  of  both  England  and  America  in  escaping  the  scourge  of 
war.  Mr.  Dallas  was  sent  to  settle  the  differences  growing  out 
of  the  assumption  by  Great  Britain  of  a  protectorate  over  the 
Mosquito  Territory,  and  the  enlistment  of  soldiers  on  American 
soil  by  Mr.  (now  Sir)  John  Crampton,  then  British  Minister  at 
Washington.  On  arriving  at  Liverpool,  and  in  reply  to  an 
address  from  the  American  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Mr.  Dallas 
predicted  that  "  the  causes  of  difference  which  had  arisen  between 
the  two  countries  could  soon  be  amicably  arranged,  and  that,  in 
his  own  opinion,  they  were  not  of  such  a  serious  character  as 
either  would  lead,  or  ought  to  lead,  to  any  disturbance  of  the 
relationship  existing  between  them." 

Mr.  Dallas  was  continued  in  his  mission  by  Mr.  Buchanan ; 
and  though  he  made  an  agreement  with  Lord  Clarendon,  then 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  known  as  the  Dallas-Clarendon 
Treaty,  the  Senate  refused  to  ratify  it ;  and  the  matter,  from  a 
combination  of  complications,  remains  unadjusted. 

Mr.  Dallas  is  greatly  endeared  to  his  State  and  his  party  by 
the  skill  and  integrity  with  which  he  has  conducted  the  State 
or  national  affairs  intrusted  to  him.  As  early  as  November,  1855, 
a  large  meeting  of  Democrats  of  Philadelphia  nominated  him  for 
the  Presidency  in  a  series  of  resolutions,  of  which  I  give  the  fol- 
lowing, as  a  suitable  summary  of  his  distinguished  career : — 

"Resolved,  That  in  our  fellow-citizen,  George  Miffiin  Dallas,  we  behold 
just  the  man  for  such  a  time.  Dwelling  in  our  midst  from  his  youth  up, 
he  presents  a  character  which,  whether  regarded  in  a  political,  profes- 
sional, social,  or  personal  point  of  view,  we  know  to  be  unstained  by  spot 
or  blemish.  The  son  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  this 
Commonwealth  and  of  the  nation,  he  illustrates  in  his  life  the  precepts 
imbibed  from  our  earlier  statesmen.  Enrolled  as  a  volunteer  in  the  War 
of  1812,  he  shrinks  not  in  his  youth  from  battle  for  his  country.  Wit- 
nessing the  administration  of  Jefferson,  honored  with  the  confidence  of 
Madison,  and  enjoying  the  friendship  of  Jackson,  his  republicanism  has 
been  derived  immediately  from  those  by  whom  republicanism  has  been 
best  exemplified.  Whether  we  contemplate  him  in  public  stations, — as  a 
Senator,  as  the  representative  of  Democracy  at  the  court  of  an  autocrat, 
as  a  champion  warring  against  a  vast  moneyed  corporation,  or  as  a  Vice- 
president  of  the  United  States,  with  the  prosperity  of  the  country  poised 
upon  his  single  vote, — or  whether,  on  the  other  hand,  we  recur  to  those 
lessons  of  patriotism,  union,  and  peace  which  his  daily  life  and  conversa- 
tion in  our  midst  so  unostentatiously  but  persuasively  inculcate, — we  find 


GEORGE    M.  DALLAS.  167 

everywhere  the  most  signal  attestations  that  his  principle  of  action,  in  its 
comprehensive  range,  is  determined  by  nothing  narrower  than  the  general 
welfare  of  the  whole  people. 

"Resolved,  That  in  the  purity  of  the  public  career  and  private  life  of 
Mr.  Dallas, — in  his  tried  Democracy,  which,  through  evil  report  and 
through  good  report,  from  first  to  last,  has  been  without  shadow  of 
change, — in  his  intellectual  strength  and  moral  worth, — in  his  steadfast- 
ness of  purpose  and  independence  of  action, — and,  above  all,  in  the  na- 
tional character  of  his  statesmanship  and  his  devoted  regard  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  and  the  union  of  the  States, — we  have  ample  assurance  that 
he  is,  to  an  eminent  degree,  practically  qualified,  in  the  present  critical 
condition  of  our  beloved  country,  to  fulfil  with  sincerity,  wisdom,  and 
boldness  the  responsibilities  of  the  chief  magistracy ;  and  we  do  there- 
fore, for  these  reasons,  proclaim  him  as  our  chosen  candidate,  and  recom- 
mend him  as  such  to  the  National  Democracy." 

Mr.  Dallas  has  sometimes  indulged  his  fine  literary  taste,  which 
has  lent  whatever  he  has  performed  in  the  way  of  orations  and 
pamphlets*  a  beauty  and  felicity  of  diction  which  indicate  at 
once  the  man  of  refinement  and  cultivated  endowments. 

*  Allibone's  "  Critical  Dictionary  of  Authors"  contains  a  list  of  thirty  publi- 
cations, extending  over  an  interval  of  forty  years,  commencing  with  "  An  Essay 
on  the  Expediency  of  Erecting  any  Monument  to  Washington  except  that  In- 
volved in  the  Preservation  of  the  American  Union,"  printed  in  1811,  and  ending 
with  "Speech  in  Maintenance  of  the  Legal  Right  of  the  Corporation  of  Phila- 
delphia to  Subscribe  to  the  North  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company/'  1853. 


168  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS, 

OF  MISSISSIPPI. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  son  of  Samuel  Davis,  a  planter  who 
served  during  the  Revolutionary  War  in  the  mounted  force  of 
Georgia,  was  born  June  3,  1808,  in  that  part  of  Christian 
County  which  now  forms  Todd  County,  Kentucky.  In  early 
childhood  he  was  removed  with  the  whole  family  to  the  Territory 
of  Mississippi, — his  father  settling  near  Woodville,  Wilkinson 
County.  After  an  academic  course  at  home,  young  Davis  entered 
Transylvania  University,  Kentucky,  and  remained  there  until  he 
was  appointed  a  cadet,  and  removed  to  the  Military  Academy  at 
West  Point,  in  1824.  He  was  graduated  in  June,  1828,  and  was 
appointed  brevet  second  lieutenant. 

He  followed  the  fife  and  drum  with  distinction  for  seven 
years,  and  served-  with  such  ability  as  an  infantry  and 
staff  officer  on  the  Northwest  frontier  in  1831-32,  that  on  the 
formation  of  the  new  regiment  of  dragoons  he  was  promoted  to 
a  first  lieutenancy,  March  4,  1833.  In  the  Black  Hawk  War 
he  was  often  detailed  upon  duties  of  an  important  and  dangerous 
character.  While  the  famous  Indian  warrior  Black  Hawk  was 
a  prisoner,  he  formed  an  attachment  for  the  gallant  young  officer 
which  only  terminated  with  the  life  of  the  red  chief.  As  a 
dragoon-officer,  Davis  was  employed  from  1833  to  1835  on  the 
Western  frontier,  and  actively  participated  in  the  expeditions 
against  the  Comanches,  Pawnees,  and  other  Indian  tribes  there. 
He  was  in  the  first  expedition  that  penetrated  their  mountain- 
fastnesses  and  reduced  them  into  the  desire  for  peace  on  any 
terms. 

Resigning  his  commission,  June  31,  1835,  Lieutenant  Davis 
returned  to  Mississippi  and  occupied  himself  on  another  field  of 
operations, — the  cultivation  of  cotton, — the  peaceful  occupation 
of  a  planter  allowing  him  sufficient  leisure  for  the  prosecution  of 


JEFFERSON    DAVIS.  169 

those  studies  in  political  history  and  economy  which  have  since  so 
largely  contributed  to  place  and  keep  his  name  prominently  before 
the  people,  not  only  of  his  own  State,  but  of  the  South.  Thus 
engaged  with  his  plantation  and  his  books,  he  lived  a  life  of  great 
quiet  for  several  years,  scarcely  known  beyond  his  immediate 
neighborhood.  Emerging  from  his  privacy  in  1843,  when  active 
preparations  were  being  initiated  for  the  ensuing  Presidential 
campaign,  he  enlisted  himself  publicly  under  the  Democratic 
banner,  served  it  effectively,  and  made  so  general  and  favorable 
an  impression  upon  the  people  that  he  was  chosen  a  Presidential 
Elector  in  1844,  on  the  Polk  and  Dallas  ticket. 

In  November  of  the  following  year,  Mr.  Davis  was  elected  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  took  his  seat  in  December,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  Twenty-Ninth  Congress.  Although 
circumstances  prevented  any  lengthy  participation  in  the  busi- 
ness of  legislation,  Mr.  Davis  was  prominent  in  the  debates  on 
the  Tariff,  the  Oregon  question,  military  affairs,  and  especially 
on  the  preparations  for  the  Mexican  War  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  militia  when  called  into  the  service  of  the  General 
Government.  While  engaged  in  these  discussions,  he  was  called 
to  give  the  benefit  of  his  experience  to  the  carrying  out  of  the 
plans  he  suggested.  In  July,  1846,  on  the  enrolment  of  the 
First  Regiment  of  Mississippi  Volunteers  for  the  war,  he  was 
unanimously  elected  colonel.  He  promptly  answered  the  appeal, 
resigned  his  seat,  and  procuring  for  his  regiment,  in  the  face  of 
much  opposition,  the  arms  which  were  used  with  such  deadly 
effect  and  made  the  name  of  the  "  Mississippi  Rifles"  so  famous, 
he  overtook  his  men  at  New  Orleans  en  route  for  the  theatre  of 
war,  and  soon  reinforced  General  Taylor  on  the  Rio  Grande. 

In  the  storming  of  Monterey  Colonel  Davis  and  his  riflemen 
played  a  most  gallant  part.  The  storming  of  one  of  its  strongest 
forts  (Teneria)  on  the  21st  of  September  was  a  desperate  and 
hard-fought  fight.  The  Mexicans  had  dealt  such  death  by  their 
cross-fires  that  they  ran  up  a  new  flag  in  exultation,  and  in  defi- 
ance of  the  assault  which,  at  this  time,  was  being  made  in  front 
and  rear.  The  Fourth  Infantry,  in  the  advance,  had  been  terri- 
bly cut  up,  but  the  Mississippians  and  Tennesseeans  steadily  pressed 
forward  under  a  galling  fire  of  copper  grape.  They  approached 
to  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  when  they  were  lost  in  a 

15 


170  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

volume  of  smoke.  McClung,  inciting  a  company  which  formerly 
had  been  under  his  command,  dashed  on,  followed  by  Captain 
Willis.  Anticipating  General  Quitman,  Colonel  Davis  about  the 
same  time  gave  the  order  to  charge.  With  wild  desperation  his 
men  followed  him.  The  escalade  was  made  with  the  fury  of  a 
tempest,  the  men  flinging  themselves  upon  the  guns  of  the  enemy. 
Sword  in  hand,  McClung  has  sprung  over  the  ditch.  After  him 
dashes  Davis,  cheering  on  the  Mississippians,  and  then  Campbell 
with  his  Tennesseeans  and  others,  brothers  in  the  fight  and  rivals 
for  its  honors.  Then  was  wild  work.  The  assault  was  irresistible. 
The  Mexicans,  terror-stricken,  fled  like  an  Alpine  village  from 
the  avalanche,  and,  taking  position  in  a  strongly-fortified  build- 
ing some  seventy-five  yards  in  the  rear,  opened  a  heavy  fire 
of  musketry.  But,  like  their  mighty  river,  nothing  could  stay 
the  Mississippians.  They  are  after  the  Mexicans.  Davis  and 
McClung  are  simultaneously  masters  of  the  fortification,  having 
got  in  by  different  entrances.  In  the  fervor  of  victory,  the  bri- 
gade does  not  halt,  but,  led  on  by  Colonel  Davis,  are  preparing 
to  charge  on  the  second  fort,  El  Diablo,  about  three  hundred 
yards  in  the  rear,  when  they  are  restrained  by  Quitman.  This 
desperate  conflict  lasted  over  two  hours.  The  charge  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi Rifle  Regiment,  without  bayonets,  upon  Fort  Teneria, 
gained  for  the  State  a  triumph  which  stands  unparalleled. 

Placed  in  possession  of  El  Diablo,  on  the  dawn  of  the  23d 
Colonel  Davis  was  exposed  to  a  sharp  fire  from  a  half-moon  re- 
doubt about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  distant,  which  was  con- 
nected with  heavy  stone  buildings  and  walls  adjoining  a  block 
of  the  city.  Returning  the  fire,  he  proceeded  with  eight  men  to 
reconnoitre  the  ground  in  advance.  Having  reported,  he  was 
ordered,  with  three  companies  of  his  regiment  and  one  of  Ten- 
nesseeans, to  advance  on  the  works. 

When  they  reached  the  half-moon  work,  a  tremendous  fire  was 
opened  from  the  stone  buildings  in  the  rear.  Taking  a  less 
exposed  position,  Davis  was  reinforced,  and,  the  balance  of  the 
Mississippians  coming  up,  the  engagement  became  general  in  the 
street,  while  from  the  house-tops  a  heavy  fire  was  kept  up  by  the 
Mexicans.  "  The  gallant  Davis,  leading  the  advance  with  de- 
tached parties,  was  rapidly  entering  the  city,  penetrating  into 
buildings,  and  gradually  driving  the  enemy  from  the  positions," 


JEFFERSON   DAVIS.  171 

when  General  Henderson  and  the  Texan  Rangers,  dismounted, 
entered  the  city,  and,  through  musketry  and  grape,  made  their 
way  to  the  advance.  The  conflict  increased,  and  still  Davis  con- 
tinued to  lead  his  command  through  the  streets  to  within  a  square 
of  the  Grand  Plaza,  when,  the  afternoon  being  far  advanced, 
General  Taylor  withdrew  the  Americans  to  the  captured  forts.* 

The  next  day — the  24th  of  September — General  Ampudia 
entered  into  negotiations  with  General  Taylor,  and  a  commission 
was  appointed  to  arrange  the  terms  of  capitulation.  Colonel 
Davis,  who  had  done  so  much  to  force  the  enemy  to  this  step, 
was  rewarded  by  an  appointment  on  this  commission. •j'  His 
memoranda  of  the  transactions  which  transpired  in  the  confe- 
rences are  part  of  the  history  of  the  war. 

Buena  Vista  added  "another  laurel  to  the  brow  of  Davis. 
Against  greatly  superior  force  he  held  his  ground  on  the  famous 
23d  of  February,  1847.  In  his  report  the  conimander-in-chief 
recommended  him  to  the  special  notice  of  the  Government  for 
his  distinguished  coolness  and  gallantry  at  the  head  of  his  regi- 
ment on  that  day.  Though  severely  wounded,  he  remained  in 
the  saddle  until  the  close  of  the  action.  Colonel  Davis's  gal- 
lantry and  capacity  at  Buena  Vista  derive  an  additional  inte- 
rest from  the  historical  parallel  drawn  by  the  Hon.  Caleb 
Gushing.  He  writes,  "  In  another  of  the  dramatic  incidents  of 
that  field  a  man  of  Celtic  race,  Jefferson  Davis,  at  the  head  of 
the  Rifles  of  Mississippi,  had  ventured  to  do  that  of  which  there 
is  perhaps  but  one  other  example  in  the  military  history  of  mo- 
dern times.  In  the  desperate  conflicts  of  the  Crimea,  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Inkermann,  in  one  of  those  desperate  charges,  there  was  a 
British  officer  who  ventured  to  receive  the  charge  of  the  enemy 
without  the  precaution  of  having  his  men  formed  in  a  hollow 
square.  They  were  drawn  up  in  two  lines,  meeting  at  a  point 
like  an  open  fan,  and  received  the  charge  of  the  Russians  at  the 


*For  an  extended  and  detailed  narration  of  the  movements  in  and  about  Mon- 
terey, see  the  admirable  account  given  in  "  Scouting  Expeditions  of  the  Texas 
Rangers,"  Ac.  <fcc.,  by  Samuel  C.  Reid,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  1848.  It  is  said  by 
distinguished  authorities  to  be  as  accurate  as  it  is  spirited. 

f  It  consisted  of  General  Worth,  General  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,  and  Colo- 
nel Jefferson  Davis,  on  the  part  of  General  Taylor,  and  J.  M.  Ortega,  T.  Re- 
quena,  and  Manuel  M.  Llano,  on  the  part  of  General  Ampudia, 


172  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

muzzles  of  their  guns,  and  repelled  it.  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  for 
this  feat  of  arms,  among  others,  was  selected  as  the  man  to  re- 
trieve the  fallen  fortunes  of  England  in  India.  He  did,  how- 
ever, but  imitate  what  Jefferson  Davis  had  previously  done  in 
Mexico,  who  in  that  trying  hour,  when,  with  one  last  desperate 
effort  to  break  the  lines  of  the  American  army,  the  cavalry  of 
Mexico  was  concentrated  in  one  charge  against  the  American 
line, — then,  I  say,  Jefferson  Davis  commanded  his  men  to  form 
in  two  lines,  extended  as  I  have  shown,  and  receive  that  charge 
of  the  Mexican  horse,  with  a  plunging  fire  from  the  right  and 
left  from  the  Mississippi  Rifles,  which  repelled,  and  repelled  for 
the  last  time,  the  charge  of  the  hosts  of  Mexico/'  * 

The  term  of  enlistment  of  the  handful  that  remained  of  the 
Mississippi  Regiment  expired  in  July,  1847,  and  Colonel  Davis 
was  ordered  home.  While  in  New  Orleans  he  received  from  the 
President  the  commission  of  Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers, 
but  declined  the  honor,  on  the  ground  that  neither  Congress  nor 
the  President  had  a  right  to  make  such  an  appointment.  The 
Constitution  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  the  appointment 
of  officers  of  the  militia,  and  consequently  the  assumption  of  this 
duty  by  the  Federal  Government  was  a  violation  of  the  rights  of 
the  States.  Being  an  ardent  State-Rights  man,  Colonel  Davis  con- 
sistently declined,  and  proceeded  home,  through  a  series  of  con- 
gratulatory receptions,  to  enjoy  domestic  quiet  and  recover  from 
the  wound  which,  though  it  threatened  to  maim  him  for  life,  did 
not  drive  him  from  the  field  where  he  received  it,  and  in  honor 
of  his  deeds  on  which  his  comrades  had  conferred  on  him  the 
sobriquet  of  "  Buena  Vista." 

He  was  almost  immediately  called  into  the  service  of  the 
country  by  his  appointment  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  fill  a 
vacancy,  to  which  position,  at  the  ensuing  session  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Legislature,  he  was  unanimously  elected  for  the  residue  of 
the  term  ending  March,  1851.  During  his  service  at  this  period 
.e  Senate,  Colonel  Davis  was  made  Chairman  of  the  Conmiit- 
Military  Affairs,  and  in  the  debates  on  the  Slavery  ques- 
tion took  a  leading  position  in  defence  of  the  institutions  and 


*  Lecture  on  "The  Expatriated  Irish  in  Europe  and  America,"  delivered 
Feb.  11,  1858,  Boston,  by  Hon.  Caleb  Gushing. 


JEFFERSON   DAVIS.  173' 

policy  of  the  slave  States,  and  as  the  mouth-piece  of  the  South- 
ern State-Rights  Democrats. 

In  the  discussions  on  the  Compromise  measures  Mr.  Davis  was 
conspicuous.  In  the  bill  reported  for  the  organization  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico  there  was  a  general  grant  of  legislative 
power,  with  a  reservation  that  no  law  should  be  passed  "  in  re- 
'spect  to  African  slavery."  Believing  that  this  was  an  inhibition 
against  the  enactment  by  the  Territorial  Legislature  of  any  law 
for  the  protection  of  that  species  of  property,  he  proposed  to 
amend  the  bill  by  striking  out  the  restraint  against  legislation 
"in  respect  to  African  slavery/'  and  inserting  a  prohibition 
of  the  enactment  of  any  law  which  would  interfere  "  with 
those  rights  of  property  growing  out  of  the  institution  of 
African  slavery  as  it  exists  in  any  of  the  States  of  this  Union.0 
In  conformity  with  the  views  and  wishes  of  some  Southern  Sena- 
tors, the  amendment  was  several  times  modified,  so  as  finally — 
in  the  words  of  Senator  Davis — "  to  present  the  general  proposi- 
tion that  the  Territorial  Legislature  should  not  be  prevented  from 
passing  the  laws  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  pro- 
perty of  every  kind  which  might  be  legally  and  constitutionally 
held  in  that  Territory."  In  this  general  form  the  proposition 
was  brought  to  a  vote  and  defeated. 

In  1850,  Davis  was  re-elected  for  the  succeeding  Senatorial 
term,  but  resigned  his  seat,  having  accepted  the  nomination  as 
candidate  for  Governor,  in  opposition  to  Henry  S.  Foote.  He 
was  defeated  in  this  contest ;  but  the  result  was  claimed  as  a 
victory  by  his  friends,  since  the  popularity  of  his  name  had  re- 
duced the  majority  of  7500,  which  the  Foote  party  had  exhi- 
bited only  two  months  previous  at  the  "  Convention  election," 
to  999.  Colonel  Davis  now  remained  in  retirement  until  the 
Presidential  contest  of  1852,  when  he  left  the  quiet  of  Brierfield 
and  rendered  great  service  to  the  Democratic  cause  in  Louisiana 
and  Tennessee,  as  well  as  in  his  own  State,  by  the  advocacy  of 
the  claims  of  General  Pierce. 

On  the  accession  of  the  latter  to  the  chief  magistracy,  the 
services  of  Davis  were  acknowledged  by  an  invitation  into  the 
Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War,  which  was  accepted.  The  adminis- 
tration of  this  Department  gave  general  satisfaction,  and  conferred 
great  credit  on  Secretary  Davis.  Many  measures  of  importance  were 

15* 


174  LIVINO  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

either  recommended  or  carried  out  by  him.  Among  these  were, 
the  revision  of  the  army  regulations  for  the  better  observance  of 
discipline  and  the  improvement  of  officers,  whereby  the  right  of 
command  should  follow  rank  by  one  certain  rule,  and  that  officers 
should  not  at  an  early  period  of  service  be  permanently  placed 
on  the  staff;  the  increase  of  the  medical  corps;  the  introduction 
of  camels  into  America;  the  introduction  of  the  light  infantry  or 
rifle  system  of  tactics,  rifled  muskets,  and  the  minie  ball ;  the  addi- 
tion of  four  regiments  to  the  army;  and  the  exploration  of  the 
Western  frontier.  He  constantly  urged  the  necessity  of  generous 
appropriations  for  new  forts,  improvements  in  small-arms,  and  the 
accumulation  of  munitions  of  war,  showing  that  under  the  usual 
Congressional  action  it  would  take  forty  years  to  supply  each 
mounted  piece  at  the  forts  with  one  hundred  rounds  of  ammuni- 
tion. He  condemned  the  system  of  small  forts  as  incomplete  for 
the  purposes  of  war  with  the  Indians.  Being  fixed  points  in  the 
route  of  the  emigrant,  these  forts  afford  the  Indians  an  opportu- 
nity to  reconnoitre  the  trains  and  determine  upon  their  plans. 
The  system  also  involved  the  frequent  construction  and  abandon- 
ment of  posts  when  they  were  just  made  sufficiently  comfortable 
for  the  soldier  to  live  in  them.  To  overcome,  to  some  extent, 
the  expense,  embarrassment,  and  comparative  uselessness  of 
locating  military  posts  in  advance  of  settlement,  Secretary 
Davis  suggested  that  within  the  fertile  regions  a  few  points 
accessible  by  steamboat  or  railway  should  be  selected,  where 
large  garrisons  could  be  maintained,  and  from  which  strong 
detachments  could  be  annually  supplied  for  the  Indian  coun- 
try, to  be  sent  out  where  grass  would  suffice  for  the  support 
of  beasts  of  draught  and  burden.  Secretary  Davis  has  strenu- 
ously advocated  an  increase  of  pay  for  army  officers,  and  the 
granting  of  pensions  to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  officers  and 
men,  as  in  the  Navy. 

Colonel  Davis  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  term  ending 
March  4,  1863,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress. 
Previous  to  going  to  Washington,  the  Democracy  of  Vicksburg, 
Jackson,  and  other  places  received  him,  and  he  delivered  some 
speeches  which  attracted  considerable  attention.  At  Pass 
Christian  he  spoke  clearly  and  with  his  usual  boldness  on  the 
state  of  public  affairs.  The  puritanical  intolerance  and  vio- 


JEFFERSON    DAVIS.  175 

lently  unconstitutional  character  of  the  North  would  tear  the 
Union  asunder,  if  a  better  feeling  North  did  not  restrain  it,  or  a 
united  South  did  not  put  it  down.  His  great  reliance  was  on  a 
united  South ;  and  he  could  not  believe  that  the  clap-trap  of 
Know-Nothingism  would  be  taken  up  in  the  South  "to  divide 
them."  He  earnestly  deprecated  interference  by  the  citizens  of 
one  State  with  the  rights  of  another  State,  and,  though  fully 
identified  with  the  South  in  any  emergency,  could  not  contem- 
plate the  possibility  of  disunion  without  deep  emotion.  Some 
of  his  most  endearing  reminiscences  had  grown  out  of  his  con- 
nection with  the  Federal  Government ;  and,  dwelling  on  them, 
he  told  his  hearers  that  while  yet  a  boy  he  had  been  called  to 
duty  in  its  military  service,  where  he  remained  up  to  mature 
manhood.  He  had  seen  its  flag  wave  its  graceful  folds  in  the 
peaceful  civic  pageant,  and  had  witnessed  it  borne  aloft  in  the 
clash  and  cannon-clouds  of  the  deadly  conflict;  he  had  seen  it 
in  the  East,  brightened  by  the  sun  at  its  rising,  and  in  the  West, 
gilded  by  his  declining  but  golden  rays ;  and  to  see  that  flag  sun- 
dered, to  see  one  star  torn  from  its  azure  field,  would,  he  felt, 
imbue  him  with  a  sorrow  such  as  only  a  parent  feels  for  a  lost 
and  beloved  child. 

At  the  close  of  this  passage,  he  was  greeted  with  prolonged 
applause. 

At  Mississippi  City  the  ex-Secretary  still  more  clearly  defined 
his  position.  As  Senator  from  Mississippi,  he  opposed  the  Com- 
promise measures  of  1850,  beholding  in  them  the  violation  of 
Southern  rights,  but  had  acquiesced  in  the  opinion  of  the  State, 
though  against  his  convictions;  and  he  regarded  the  disorders  in 
Kansas  as  the  bitter  fruit  of  the  substitution  of  expediency  for 
principle. 

In  obedience  to  the  will  of  Mississippi,  he  desired  the  measures 
of  1850  to  be  fairly  tried,  and  avowed  that  had  he  followed  his 
own  desires,  and  been  governed  by  his  own  interests,  he  would 
not  have  entered  the  Cabinet  of  President  Pierce.  The  argu- 
ment— used  at  Washington  as  well  as  in  Mississippi,  with  him — 
that  to  decline  might  be  injurious  to  the  State-Rights  party  of 
the  South,  prevailed  over  his  personal  pride  and  personal  interest. 
He  defended  President  Pierce,  his  vetoes  on  the  bills  "  for  inter- 
nal improvements  and  eleemosynary  purposes/'  his  adherence  to 


176  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  Constitution,  and  his  disregard  of  selfish  considerations,  in 
fervent  passages. 

Reviewing  the  Cuban  question,  Colonel  Davis  pictured  the 
Fillmore  Administration  as  responsible  for  the  execution  of  the 
fifty  gallant  Americans  at  Havana.  If  Congress  had  backed 
up  the  special  message  of  President  Pierce  on  the  Black  War- 
rior, it  was  his  opinion  that  we  would  now  have  Cuba.  The 
non-action  of  Congress  was  construed  into  disapproval  of  the 
Executive  desire ;  the  owners  of  the  Black  Warrior  compromised 
with  the  Spanish  Government,  and  Soule's  peremptory  diplomacy 
was  nonplussed. 

He  excused  the  suppression  of  "  unlawful  expeditions"  on  legal 
grounds.  "We  should  not/'  he  said,  "object  to  the  Executive, 
but  to  the  law  which  he  was  obliged  to  carry  out;"  but  he  held 
that  we  should  assume  the  controlling  power  on  the  continent, 
believing  it  was  time  there  should  be  an  American  policy,  and 
that  European  interference  with  American  republics  should 
cease.  He  would  rejoice  if  General  Walker  could  Americanize 
Nicaragua,  and  was  as  much  opposed  to  "  the  brainless  intemper- 
ance of  those  who  desired  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,"  as  to 
"the  slavish  submission  of  those  who,  like  the  victims  of  the 
Juggernaut,  unresistingly  prostrated  themselves  to  be  crushed." 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  although  suffering  from  ill  health 
during  a  portion  of  the  first  session,  Senator  Davis  took  a  promi- 
nent position.  In  the  debate  on  the  bill  to  authorize  the  issue 
of  $20,000,000  of  Treasury  notes,  which  he  voted  against,  Mr. 
Davis  expressed  himself  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  custom- 
houses, and  the  disbanding  of  the  army  of  retainers  of  the  Fede- 
ral Government  employed  to  collect  the  import-duties.  He  was 
in  favor  of  Free  Trade,  with  its  fraternizing  effect  on  the  nations, 
and  its  beneficial  results  to  the  laboring  classes,  and  held  that 
under  its  influence  we  should  be  rid  of  all  frauds  upon  the  Govern- 
ment. He  referred  to  the  commercial  dependence  on  New  York, 
whose  moneyed  embarrassments  in  1857  had,  in  his  opinion, 
brought  financial  distress  on  the  Southwest.  He  favored  the  bill 
authorizing  the  President,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  to 
restore  officers  dropped  by  the  Naval  Courts  of  Inquiry,  should  he 
disapprove  of  the  finding  of  the  court.  He  advocated  the  increase 
of  .the  army  on  the  system  propounded  by  Calhoun  when  Secre- 


JEFFERSON    DAVIS.  177 

tary  of  War, — to  have  a  skeleton  organization  in  time  of  peace, 
capable  of  efficient  expansion  in  time  of  war.  He  sustained  the 
bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  fishing-bounties,  believing  that  legisla- 
tion for  classes  ought  to  be  done  away  with.  On  the  demise  of 
his  old  companion  in  arms,  Senator  Pinckney  Henderson,  of 
Texas,  Davis  made  a  short  but  appropriate  speech  on  the  up- 
right character  of  the  deceased  as  a  soldier  and  a  man.  During 
a  part  of  the  exciting  debate  on  "  Lecompton"  and  the  Kansas 
"  Conference  Bill,"  Senator  Davis  was  suffering  from  an  affection 
of  the  eyes,  and  his  presence  on  more  than  one  occasion,  when 
he  expected  a  vote  to  take  place,  was  a  matter  of  surprise.  His 
high  sense  of  duty — the  same  which  at  Buena  Vista  kept  him, 
though  severely  wounded,  in  the  saddle  all  day — brought  him, 
with  weak  frame  and  bandaged  eyes,  to  give  his  vote  at  the  close 
of  the  debate. 

During  the  recess,  Senator  Davis  visited  the  North,  where  he  was 
received  with  great  courtesy  and  hospitality.  He  went  there  as 
an  invalid,  and  known  chiefly,  as  he  remarked  in  Maine,  "  by  the 
detraction  which  the  ardent  advocacy  of  the  rights  of  the  South 
had  brought  upon  him."  He  did  not  deem  his  going  or  coming- 
would  attract  attention;  but  he  was  mistaken.  "The  polite,  the 
manly,  the  elevated  men,  lifted  above  the  barbarism  which  makes 
stranger  and  enemy  convertible  terms,  had  chosen,  without  poli- 
tical distinction,  to  welcome  his  coming,  and,  by  constant  acts  of 
generous  hospitality,  to  make  his  sojourn  as  pleasant  as  his  phy- 
sical condition  would  permit."  In  the  speech  of  which  this  is 
the  opening  sentence,  Senator  Davis  denied  that  his  friends  and 
himself  were  Disunionists  and  Nullifiers,  and  declined  interfering 
in  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  State  of  Maine,  since  it  was  the 
right  of  the  people  of  Maine  to  settle  the  Slavery  question  for 
themselves.  He  visited  Massachusetts  and  New  lrork,  and  ad- 
dressed the  people  of  the  chief  cities  in  those  States.  He  spoke 
to  the  Bostonians  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  the  10th,  and  to  a  New 
York  Democratic  Ratification  meeting  on  the  19th,  of  October, 
1858.  The  gist  of  all  his  speeches  in  the  North  may  be  gleaned 
from  his  address  on  the  latter  occasion. 

"To  each  community,"  ho  said,  "belongs  the  right  to  decide  for  itself 
what  institutions  it  will   have, — to  caoh  people  sovereign  in  their  own 
sphere.     It  belongs  only  to  them  to  decide  what  shall  be  property.     You 
M 


178  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

have  decided  it  for  yourselves.  Mississippi  has  done  so.  Who  has  tho 
right  to  gainsay  it?  (Applause.)  It  was  the  assertion  of  the  right  of 
independence, — of  that  very  right  which  led  your  fathers  into  the  War  cf 
the  Revolution.  (Applause.)  It  is  that  which  constitutes  the  doctrine 
of  State-Rights,  on  which  it  is  my  pleasure  to  stand.  Congress  has  no 
power  to  determine  what  shall  be  property  anywhere.  Congress  has  only 
such  grants  as  are  contained  in  the  Constitution ;  and  it  conferred  no 
power  to  rule  with  despotic  hands  over  the  independence  of  the  Terri- 
tories." 

These  speeches  of  Senator  Davis  in  the  North  were  widely 
discussed. 

In  the  second  session  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  he  was  a 
prominent  and  very -influential  advocate  for  the  Pacific  Railroad 
by  the  Southern  route,  and  made  an  elaborate  argument  against 
the  French  Spoliation  Bill.  He  could  not  admit  that  the  founders 
of  the  American  Government  had,  by  their  failure  to  prosecute 
the  just  claims  of  our  citizens  on  the  Government  of  France, 
bequeathed  to  the  present  generation  the  duty  of  satisfying  the 
obligations  of  justice. 

In  illustration  of  Mr.  Davis's  Union  views,  it  will  not  be  out 
of  place  to  give  here  an  extract  from  a  letter  apologizing  for  his 
absence  from  the  Webster  Birthday  Festival,  held  in  Boston,  in 
January.  1859: — 

"  At  a  time  when  partisans  avow  the  pui-pose  to  obliterate  the  land- 
marks of  our  fathers,  and  fanaticism  assails  the  barriers  they  erected  for 
the  protection  of  rights  coeval  with  and  essential  to  the  existence  of  the 
Union, — when  Federal  offices  have  been  sought  by  inciting  constituencies 
to  hostile  aggressions,  and  exercised,  not  as  a  trust  for  the  common  wel- 
fare, but  as  the  means  of  disturbing  domestic  tranquillity, — when  oaths 
to  support  the  Constitution  have  been  taken  with  a  mental  reservation  to 
disregard  its  spirit  and  subvert  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  established, 
— surely  it  becomes  all  who  are  faithful  to  the  compact  of  our  Union,  and 
who  are  resolved  to  maintain  and  preserve  it,  to  compose  differences  on 
questions  of  mere  expediency,  and,  forming  deep  around  the  institutions 
we  inherited,  stand  united  to  uphold  with  unfaltering  intent  a  banner  on 
which  is  inscribed  the  constitutional  union  of  free,  equal,  and  independ- 
ent States. 

"May  the  vows  of  'love  and  allegiance'  which  you  propose  to  renew 
as  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  illustrious  statesman  whose  birth 
you  commemorate,  find  an  echo  in  the  heart  of  every  patriot  in  our  land, 
and  tend  to  the  revival  of  that  fraternity  which  bore  our  fathers  through 
the  Revolution  to  the  consummation  of  the  independence  they  transmitted 


JEFFERSON    DAVIS.  179 

to  us,  and  the  establishment  of  the   more  perfect  Union  which  their 
wisdom  devised  to  bless  their  posterity  forever! 

"Though  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  mingling  my  affectionate  memo- 
ries and  aspirations  with  yours,  I  send  you  my  cordial  greeting  to  the 
friends  of  the  Constitution,  and  ask  to  be  enrolled  among  those  whose 
mission  is,  by  fraternity  and  good  faith  to  every  constitutional  obliga- 
tion, to  insure  that,  from  the  Aroostook  to  San  Diego,  from  Key  West  to 
Puget'&  Sound,  the  grand  arch  of  our  political  temple  shall  stand  un- 
shaken." 

The  latest  exposition  of  Mr.  Davis's  views  is  to  be  found  in  a 
speech  delivered  before  the  Democratic  State  Convention  held  in 
Jackson  City,  Mississippi,  July  5, 1859.  After  reviewing  his  pre- 
vious action  on  the  Slavery  question,  he  comes  to  its  latest  phase, 
and  holds  that  whoever  appeals  to  the  legislation  of  1850  to  sus- 
tain the  modern  construction  which  denies  the  right  of  Congress 
to  do  any  thing  in  relation  to  slave-property,  stultifies  himself. 
The  Supreme  Court  has  affirmed  the  position  of  the  South :  that 
the  Constitution  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  as  it  recog- 
nised property  in  slaves,  so  it  authorized  their  introduction  into 
the  Territories :  therefore,  when  Mexican  territory  came  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  the  public,  not  municipal, 
law,  which  inhibited  slavery,  was  necessarily  repealed. 

"  But,"  said  he,  "  if  the  rules  of  proceeding  remained  unchanged,  then 
nil  the  remedies  of  the  civil  law  would  be  available  for  the  protection  of 
property  in  slaves;  or  if  the  language  of  the  organic  act,  by  specifying 
chancery  and  common-law  jurisdiction,  denies  to  us  the  more  ample 
remedies  of  the  civil  law,  then  those  known  to  the  common  law  are  cer- 
ta-inly  in  force;  and  these,  I  have  been  assured  by  the  highest  authority, 
will  be  found  sufficient.  If  this  be  so,  then  we  are  content.  If  it  should 
prove  otherwise,  then  we  but  ask  what  justice  cannot  deny, — the  legisla- 
tion needful  to  enable  the  General  Government  to  perform  its  legitimate 
functions :  and  in  the  mean  time  we  deny  the  power  of  Congress  to  abridge 
or  to  destroy  our  constitutional  rights,  or  of  the  Territorial  Legislature 
to  obstruct  the  remedies  known  to  the  common  law  of  the  United 
States." 

He  had  "witnessed  the  organization  of  a  party  seeking  the 
possession  of  the  Government,  not  for  the  common  good,  not 
for  their  own  particular  benefit,  but  as  the  means  of  executing  a 
hostile  purpose  against  a  portion  of  the  States." 

•'  The  success  of  such  a  party  would  indeed  produce  an  'irrepressible 
conflict.'  To  you,"  said  he,  "  would  be  presented  the  question,  Will  you 


180  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

allow  the  Constitutional  Union  to  be  changed  into  the  despotism  of  a  ma- 
jority ?  Will  you  become  the  subjects  of  a  hostile  Government?  or  will 
you,  outside  of  the  Union,  assert  the  equality,  the  liberty  and  sove- 
reignty to  which  you  were  born  ?  For  myself  I  say,  as  I  said  on  a 
former  occasion,  in  the  contingency  of  the  election  of  a  President  on  the 
platform  of  Mr.  Seward's  Rochester  speech,  let  the  Union  be  dissolved. 
Let  the  '  great,  but  not  the  greatest,  evil,'  come  ;  for,  as  did  the  great  and 
good  Calhoun,  from  whom  is  drawn  that  expression  of  value,  I  love  and 
venerate  the  Union  of  these  States,  but  I  love  liberty  and  Mississippi 
more." 

Regarding  the  Slave-Trade  question,  Senator  Davis  believes 
the  Act  of  1820  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution  and  a  departure 
from  the  earlier  and  wiser  policy  of  the  Government,  which  ab- 
stained from  interfering  in  the  affairs  or  policy  of  other  nations, 
and  an  abuse  of  the  power  to  define  and  punish  piracy.  But  he 
has  doubted,  and  still  doubts,  the  propriety  of  proposing  or  advo- 
cating the  reopening  of  the  slave-trade. 

When  Senator  Davis  arises  in  the  Chamber,  he  invariably 
commands  attention.  He  is  not  hazardous  in  debate :  conse- 
quently when  he  speaks  the  conclusion  is  that  he  knows  what  he 
speaks  about.  His  manner  is  easy,  and  there  is  a  precision  in  his 
phraseology  which  gives  a  vigor  and  force  to  his  speeches  that  ac- 
cord well  with  the  military  character  of  the  speaker.  His  lan- 
guage, as  well  as  his  manner,  is  orderly  rather  than  ornate.  John 
Quincy  Adams  had  a  habit  of  always  observing  new  members. 
He  would  sit  near  them  on  the  occasion  of  their  Congressional 
debut,  closely  eyeing  and  attentively  listening  if  the  speech 
pleased  him,  but  quickly  departing  if  it  did  not.  When  Davis 
first  arose  in  the  House,  the  ex-President  took  a  seat  close  by. 
Davis  proceeded,  and  Adams  did  not  move.  The  one  continued 
speaking,  and  the  other  listening;  and  those  who  knew  Mr. 
Adams's  habit  were  fully  aware  that  the  new  member  had  deeply 
impressed  him.  At  the  close  of  the  speech,  "the  old  man  elo- 
quent" crossed  over  to  some  friends,  and  said,  "  That  young 
man,  gentlemen,  is  no  ordinary  man.  He  will  make  his  mark 
yet,  mind  me."  And  "  that  young  man "  has  fulfilled  the 
promise. 


WILLIAM   L.  DAYTON.  181 


WILLIAM  L.  DAYTON, 

OF  NEW  JERSEY. 

WILLIAM  LEWIS  DAYTON  was  born  in  Somerset  County,  New 
Jersey,  on  the  17th  of  February,  1807.  His  ancestors  had  been 
Jerseymen  for  many  generations.  His  great-grandfather,  Jona- 
than Dayton,  settled  at  Elizabethtown  at  least  as  early  as  1725 ; 
and  about  the  same  time  his  mother's  grandfather  settled  at 
Baskingridge,  in  Somerset,  and  built  the  first  frame  dwelling- 
house  in  that  part  of  the  country.  His  family  are  conspicuous 
for  talents  and  patriotic  services,  both  civil  and  military.  On 
both  his  father's  and  mother's  side  they  bore  an  honorable  part 
in  the  Revolutionary  struggle.  Elias  Dayton,  grand-uncle  of  the 
subject  of  this  sketch,  was  a  brigadier-general,  and  Ms  son, 
Jonathan  Dayton,  became  eminent  as  a  member  of  the  Conven- 
tion which  formed  the  Federal  Constitution,  as  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  Fourth  Congress,  and  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  United  States  Senate.  His  maternal  grandfather, 
Edward  Lewis,  was  a  commissary  of  the  Revolutionary  Army, 
and  served  as  such  during  the  entire  war. 

Robert  Dayton,  the  grandfather  of  William,  removed  his  family 
during  the  war,  or  soon  after,  from  Elizabethtown  to  a  farm  near 
Baskingridge,  where  he  resided  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  and 
reared  a  large  family.  His  son  Joel,  a  man  of  intelligence  and 
probity,  lived  also  at  Baskingridge.  He  left  several  sons,  who 
were  liberally  educated.  William,  the  eldest  of  the  family,  was 
placed,  in  his  twelfth  year,  in  the  classical  academy  of  the  cele- 
brated Dr.  Brownlee,  then  of  Baskingridge,  but  now  of  the  city 
of  New  York.  After  preparing  himself  here  for  college,  he 
entered  Nassau  Hall,  and  was  graduated  in  1825. 

At  this  time  his  person  was  unusually  slender,  and  his  health 
feeble.  Soon  after  this,  he  was  placed  in  the  office  of  Peter  D. 
Vroom,  at  Somerville,  for  the  purpose  of  studying  law.  Mr. 

16 


182  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Vroom  was  at  that  time  a  leader  of  the  Jackson  party  in  New 
Jersey.  Upon  their  obtaining  the  ascendency  in  the  Legislature, 
in  1829,  they  appointed  him  Governor, — the  best  office  in  their 
gift.  He  was  afterward  their  most  conspicuous  man  in  the  great 
"Broad  Seal  War,"  and  a  few  years  ago  was  appointed  by  Presi- 
dent Pierce  Minister  to  Prussia.  His  pupil,  who  was  in  his 
office  when  first  appointed  Governor,  meanwhile,  has  occupied  a 
no  less  conspicuous  position  as  a  leader  of  the  Whig  party  in  the 
State.  Yet,  we  believe,  the  friendship  of  Mr.  Dayton  and  his 
preceptor  was  never  interrupted, — such  was  the  dignity  and  amia- 
bility of  their  characters  and  their  cherished  respect  for  each 
other. 

Mr.  Dayton  was  licensed  in  1880,  and  entered  upon  the  prac- 
tice of  the  law  at  Freehold.  Having  a  clear,  logical  mind  and 
a  lucid  method  of  argument,  he  at  once  made  himself  known 
as  a  young  lawyer  of  much  ability.  The  dignity  of  his  bearing, 
his  courteous  manners,  and,  above  all,  his  moderation,  caution, 
good  sense,  and  spotless  morals,  gave  him  weight  of  character, 
influence,  and  the  respect  of  the  county;  while  the  avowal  of  his 
sentiments  made  him  known  to  the  people  of  Monmouth  as  a 
firm  and  earnest  Whig. 

At  length  the  strength  of  the  Jackson  party  seemed  to  be 
waning  in  New  Jersey.  It  could  not  all  be  transferred  to  the 
support  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  He  failed,  in  1836,  to  obtain  the 
Electoral  vote  of  the  State,  which  was  cast  for  Harrison  and 
Granger.  Stimulated  by  this  success,  the  Whig  party  made  a 
vigorous  effort,  the  next  year,  to  carry  the  State.  It  was  no 
slight  indication  of  their  sanguine  enthusiasm  that  they  deter- 
mined to  contest  in  earnest  the  county  of  Monmouth, — a  strong- 
hold of  Jacjfsonism;  and,  in  order  to  be  enabled  to  do  this,  they 
demanded  of  Mr.  Dayton  that  he  should  give  to  the  effort  the  aid 
of  his  character  and  popularity  by  leading  the  ticket  as  candi- 
date for  the  Legislative  Council.  Their  whole  Legislative  ticket 
was  elected,  with  Mr.  Dayton  at  its  head.  The  Whigs  then  rea- 
lized that,  after  years  of  defeat,  they  had  regained  the  control  of 
the  State.  The  victory  was  sure,  and  not  only  sure,  but  brilliant. 

The  Legislature  met  in  the  same  month  of  October  in  which 
the  election  was  held.  Mr.  Dayton  took  rank  immediately  among 
the  leading  members  of  a  body  in  which  there  was  a  large  num- 


WILLIAM    L.  DAYTON.  183 

• 

her  of  able  and  distinguished  men.  From  that  time  his  life  has 
been  a 'part  of  the  history  of  New  Jersey;  and  his  name  soon 
became  a  household  word  in  the  State.  He  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  Judiciary  Committee,  the  most  responsible  and  honor- 
able post  in  the  body  of  which  he  was  a  member;  and  so  well 
did  he  discharge  his  duties,  both  on  that  committee  and  in  the 
Council,  that  the  enviable  reputation  he  had  gained  in  Mon- 
niouth  was  diffused  throughout  the  State. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  Governor  Penning- 
ton,  a  measure  was  passed  by  this  Legislature,  by  which  the 
character  and  usefulness  of  the  county  courts,  which  had  at  that 
time  greatly  degenerated,  were  raised,  almost  at  once,  to  a  con- 
dition in  which  they  have  ever  since  enjoyed  the  perfect  confi- 
dence of  the  people.  As  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee 
of  the  Senate,  the  preparation  of  the  necessary  law  became  the 
duty  of  Mr.  Dayton.  He  discharged  it  so  well  that  the  new 
measure  effected,  quietly,  noiselessly,  and  thoroughly,  the  reform 
proposed.  The  old  courts  which  were  reformed  away  had  for 
their  judges  an  almost  innumerable  multitude  of  the  most  active 
and  influential  politicians  in  every  county  of  the  State.  The  new 
courts  were  to  be  presided  over,  each,  by  a  single  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court;  and  yet,  without  excitement  or  opposition,  and 
against  this  great  preponderance  of  personal  influence  and  in- 
terest, the  new  courts  speedily  took  the  place  of  the  old  in  all 
suits  for  more  than  a  hundred  dollars. 

At  the  time  this  act  was  passed,  the  number  of  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  was  but  three.  The  additional  duties  imposed 
upon  them  rendered  it  necessary  to  increase  their  number  to  five. 
Under  the  Constitution  then  in  force,  these  judges  were  elected 
by  the  Legislature.  The  qualifications  of  Mr.  Daytop  for  a  seat 
upon  the  bench  were  by  this  time  obvious  to  all;  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the  opportu- 
nity to  elect  him.  His  dignified  and  courteous  manners  made 
him  very  popular;  while  his  opinions  commanded  more  than 
usual  respect.  His  charges  to  grand  jurors  were  also  remark- 
able for  the  useful  instruction  and  sensible  advice  they  con- 
tained. It  was  at  this  time  that  he  removed  from  Freehold  to 
Trenton,  where  he  has  ever  since  resided. 

The  reader  will  have  observed  that  within  a  few  days  of  the 


184  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

time  when  Mr.  Dayton  unexpectedly  found  himself  elected  to 
the  Legislative  Council,  Tie  was  obliged  to  take  his  seat  in  that 
body;  and  before  the  duties  thus  thrown  upon  him  were  dis- 
charged, he  was  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Certainly  it 
was  not  in  the  heart  of  one  of  so  refined  and  elevated  a  temper  to 
be  insensible  to  the  highest  honors  of  the  State,  conferred  with 
the  undivided  approval  of  its  intelligent  citizens.  Yet  even 
then  perhaps  the  question  occurred  to  him,  whether,  thus  early 
in  life,  the  enjoyment  by  him  of  these  honors  were  consistent 
with  the  interests  of  others,  whose  claims  upon  him  were  stronger 
and  more  sacred  than  even  those  of  a  high  and  honorable  ambi- 
tion. The  State  of  New  Jersey  pays  her  judges  no  munificent 
salaries.  Twenty  years  ago  she  paid  them  less  than  she  does 
now.  Judge  Dayton  had  to  consider  whether,  with  a  young  and 
increasing  family,  he  ought  to  remain  upon  the  bench,  while  as 
yet  he  had  never  enjoyed  that  lucrative  practice  to  which  his 
rare  talents  as  an  advocate  entitled  him.  For  these  or  for  other 
considerations,  he  determined,  after  having  been  upon  the  bench 
about  three  years,  to  return  to  the  bar.  He  resigned  his  seat^ 
and  resumed  the  practice  of  the  law.  His  reputation  and  abili- 
ties placed  him  at  once  in  the  front  rank  of  the  profession ;  and 
he  has  held  that  position  till  the  present  time.  No  man  is 
listened  to  with  more  respect  by  either  judge  or  juror. 

In  the  summer  of  1842,  Judge  Dayton  entered  upon  a  new 
career.  The  death  of  that  eloquent  and  eminent  Senator,  the 
lamented  Southard,  whose  memory  New  Jersey  still  cherishes 
with  pride  and  affection,  had  left  a  vacancy  in  the  representation 
of  the  State  in  the  United  States  Senate.  Two  years  before, 
when  Mr.  Miller  was  elected  Senator,  Judge  Dayton  had  been 
much  spoken  of,  and  Governor  Pennington  now  appointed  him 
to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  Mr.  Southard's  death.  He  took  his 
seat  on  the  6th  of  July ;  and  the  Legislature,  which  met  in  the 
following  October,  elected  him,  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Whig  members,  Senator  for  the  remainder  of  Mr.  Southard's 
term.  In  1845,  he  was  again,  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Whig  members,  elected  for  the  full  term  of  six  years.  Judge 
Dayton  thus  held  his  seat  in  the  Senate  from  July,  1842,  until 
March  4,  1851. 

At  the  time  he  entered  the  Senate  he  had  just  passed  the  age 


WILLIAM    L.  DAYTON.  185 

of  thirty-five,  and  was  probably  the  youngest  member  of  that 
body.  He  did  not  often  speak;  but  when  he  did,  it  was  because 
the  question  was  important  and  he  had  something  worthy  to  be 
said  upon  it.  Yet,  though  he  was  averse  to  frequent  speaking, 
he  permitted  no  measure  which  he  thought  wrong  to  pass  with- 
out an  earnest  effort  to  defeat  it.  Mr.  Tyler  was  then  acting 
President,  and  had  not  yet  separated  himself  openly  and  entirely 
from  the  party  which  had  elected  him.  He  had  recently  vetoed 
one  Tariff  bill,  and  the  Whig  members  of  Congress  were  doing 
their  best  to  pass  another,  which  should  at  once  be  efficient 
and  yet  unobjectionable  to  him.  They  succeeded  at  last;  and 
the  Tariff  of  1842  was  the  fruit  of  their  efforts.  Mr.  Dayton  had 
the  honor  of  voting  for  this  bill;  and  much  did  it  need  his  sup- 
port, for  it  passed  the  Senate  by  a  majority  of  one.  He  also,  in 
secret  session,  approved  of  the  treaty  negotiated  by  Mr.  Webster 
and  Lord  Ashburton  for  the  settlement  of  the  Northeastern 
Boundary  question.  Thus  did  he  indicate,  in  the  beginning  of 
his  political  life  in  the  Senate,  two  of  his  cardinal  principles  of 
public  policy, — "peace  abroad,  and  the  promotion  of  industry  at 
home." 

The  next  session  of  Congress  began  on  the  5th  of  December. 
The  estimation  in  which  he  was  already  held  by  the  Senate  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  he  was  placed  on  the  Judiciary  Com- 
mittee. He  continued  to  serve  on  this  committee  while  he  was 
in  the  Senate,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  session.  He  was 
an  active  member,  at  different  times,  of  various  other  important 
committees. 

His  first  speech — on  the  15th  of  February,  1843 — was  made 
in  defence  of  the  character  and  credit  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, then  suffering  much  in  Europe  from  the  failure  of  several 
of  the  States  to  pay  the  interest  on  their  public  debts.  To  such 
an  extent  did  European  capitalists  distrust  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, that  President  Tyler  stated,  in  one  of  his  messages  to  Con- 
gress, that  an  attempt  to  negotiate  a  loan  in  Europe,  made  by  the 
Executive,  had  entirely  failed.  The  evil  was  made  worse  by  the 
conduct  of  some  of  the  States,  which  openly  avowed  their  inten- 
tion to  repudiate  their  public  debts.  Mr.  Evans,  the  able  Sena- 
tor from  Maine,  anxious  to  make  manifest  to  the  world  the  fact 
that  the  Federal  Government  entertained  no  such  dishonest 

16* 


186  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

sentiments,  offered  to  the  Senate  an  amendment  to  some  resolu- 
tions of  Mr.  McDuffie's,  which  amendment  declared  that  the 
debts  of  the  States  are  obligatory  and  binding  on  said  States, 
and  cannot  be  by  them  annulled  or  repudiated.  Judge  Dayton, 
believing  that  the  amendment  countenanced  the  mistaken  idea 
that  the  Federal  Government  was  in  some  degree  responsible  for 
the  good  faith  of  the  States,  proposed,  as  a  substitute,  a  resolu- 
tion declaring  that  "the  distrust  and  obloquy  cast  upon  the 
Federal  Government,  by  reason  of  the  failure  of  certain  States  to 
make  prompt  payment  of  their  debts,  was  an  unjust  and  un- 
founded imputation  upon  its  credit  and  good  faith ;  that,  while 
this  Government  deplored  the  misguided  policy  of  those  States, 
it  disclaimed  all  liability  for  such  delinquency;  and,  in  vindica- 
tion of  its  own  unblemished  faith  and  honor,  it  appealed  with 
confidence  to  its  history."  We  can  hardly  realize,  at  this  day, 
the  necessity  of  such  a  resolution  •  but  there  was  great  confusion 
of  ideas  at  that  time,  not  only  abroad,  but  at  home,  as  to  the 
responsibility  of  the  Federal  Government  for  the  debts  of  the 
States.  Payment  of  these  debts  by  Congress  was  demanded  by 
not  a  few  impatient  creditors ;  and  the  Whig  party  was  charged 
very  freely  with  a  secret  design  to  assume  them. 

Senator  Dayton's  object  was — 1st:  To  get  rid  of  that  part  of 
the  resolution  in  which  Congress  assumed  to  declare  what  con- 
tracts are  or  are  not  binding  upon  the  States.  He  asked  by 
what  authority  the  legislative  branch  could  decide  such  a  ques- 
tion. Is  it  one  of  the  powers  expressly  granted,  or  an  incident 
to  any  such  power?  It  was  alleged  that  Congress  had  the  right 
to  make  such  declaration,  because  the  delinquencies  of  the  States 
affected  the  national  character  and  credit.  But  surely  the  Federal 
Government  had  no  powers  originating  in  any  such  doubtful  source. 
And,  aside  from  the  absence  of  power  in  Congress  to  make  such 
a  declaration,  he  considered  it  very  impolitic  thus  to  mix  up  the 
national  character  with  that  of  the  States,  or  to  give  any  coun- 
tenance to  the  idea  that  the  Federal  Government  had  any  thing 
to  do  with  the  State  debts. 

His  second  object  was  to  vindicate  the  faith  and  credit  of  the 
Federal  Government.  A  great  deal  too  much  was  said  in  Con- 
gress— in  the  resolutions  before  the  Senate,  and  in  the  Executive 
messages — of  the  loss  of  our  national  credit:  all  of  which  counte- 


WILLIAM   L.  DAYTON.  187 

nanced  the  idea  of  the  General  Government's  being  involved  in 
the  individual  delinquency  of  the  States.  As  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  neither  of  which 
Governments  had  ever  made  default  to  the  amount  of  a  dollar, 
Senator  Dayton  repelled  any  such  imputation.  On  the  contrary, 
he  showed  that  the  faith  and  credit  of  the  Federal  Government 
had  been  preserved  without  a  spot,  and  far  more  carefully  than 
those  of  the  European  Governments.  He  then  gave  to  the  people 
of  Great  Britain,  whose  capitalists  had  recently  refused  a  loan  to 
our  Government,  and  whose  public  speakers  and  writers  were  then 
abundant  in  aspersions  upon  our  national  character,  a  catalogue 
of  instances,  coming  down  as  late  as  1811,  in  which  their  own 
Government  had  compelled  her  creditors  to  take  partial  payment 
in  full  satisfaction  of  their  just  claims  upon  her.  "  Sir,"  said  he, 
"there  is  no  Government  in  the  world  whose  credit  ought  to 
stand  higher  than  that  of  these  United  States.  There  has  none — 
no,  not  one — acted  with  a  faith  more  pure.  Not  a  man  of  the 
Old  World,  or  the  New,  has  lost  a  dollar  by  its  promises."  After 
recapitulating  the  immense  debts  of  the  different  European 
Governments,  he  said,  "  With  these  budgets  of  iniquity  on  their 
backs,  (the  fruits  of  rapine  and  war,)  they  stagger  along  like  the 
old  sinner  of  Bunyan's  allegory, — reading  homilies  to  us,  doubt- 
ing whether  we  can  follow!  We,  in  lusty  youth,  carrying  the 
weight  of  a  thistle-down,  and  with  an  inheritance  stretching  from 
sea  to  sea  I" 

The  President  had  proposed,  in  order  "to  vindicate  the  Govern- 
ment from  all  suspicion  of  bad  faith,"  that  "the  land-fund  be 
mortgaged  for  the  principal  and  interest"  of  the  proposed  loan. 
Judge  Dayton  condemned  the  proposition  as  humiliating,  and  as 
indicating  a  disposition  to  submit  to  aspersions  which  ought,  on 
the  contrary,  to  be  proudly  repelled.  His  -speech  on  the  whole 
subject  was  highly  commended  at  the  time  by  the  commercial 
press  and  by  the  country.  It  was  felt  that  such  a  vindication 
of  our  national  character  was  very  opportune. 

In  the  session  of  1843-44,  Mr.  Dayton  voted  for  the  bill  to 
reduce  the  rates  of  postage.  He  offered  an  amendment  directing 
the  officers  of  the  two  Houses  to  send  copies  of  the  annual  mes- 
sages and  documents,  printed  by  order  of  Congress,  to  all  the 
editors  and  publishers  of  newspapers  in  the  United  States.  Ho 


188  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

urged  this  as  an  important  amendment.  At  present,  he  said,  the 
more  prominent  editors  receive  many  copies  of  these  documents, 
while  many  others  are  wholly  neglected.  The  amendment  was 
rejected;  but  it  is  likely  that  it  will  yet  be  adopted. 

During  this  session,  he  took  occasion  to  repudiate,  in  very 
frank  and  decided  terms,  the  doctrine  of  instructions,  and  re- 
ferred to  the  fact  that,  while  he  was  in  the  New  Jersey  Legisla- 
ture, and  the  Whigs  had  the  ascendency  in  both  Houses,  he  had 
refused  to  vote  for  resolutions  instructing  General  Wall,  then  a 
Democratic  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  from  New  Jersey. 
While  he  placed  a  high  estimate  upon  the  opinions  of  his  Legis- 
lature, he  utterly  denied  the  binding  force  of  their  instructions. 

"If,"  said  he,  "  the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey  go  farther  than  to  advise 
me  of  their  wishes, — to  communicate  what  they  believe  to  be  the  senti- 
ments of  our  common  constituents, — they  usurp  a  power  which  does  not 
belong  to  them.  Firmly,  and  yet  respectfully,  I  shall  repel  every  at- 
tempt to  encroach,  in  this  or  any  other  form,  upon  my  constitutional 
rights." 

He  subsequently  treated  resolutions  from  a  Legislature  of  his 
own  party  (where  they  conflicted  with  his  own  judgment)  in 
the  same  way. 

He  opposed  the  resolution  giving  notice  to  Great  Britain  of 
the  termination  of  the  joint  possession  of  Oregon.  He  examined 
carefully  the  whole  question,  and  recommended  that  we  should 
insist  upon  retaining  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River ;  but  as 
for  the  extreme  northern  part  of  the  Territory,  he  considered  it 
a  sterile  and  comparatively  worthless  region,  and  avowed,  so  far 
as  that  was  concerned,  his  willingness  to  compromise  with  Great 
Britain.  We  all  know  the  result.  The  Democratic  party  elected 
Mr.  Polk  under  the  cry  of  "  54°  40'  or  fight/'  defeated  the  great 
patriot  and  statesman  of  Kentucky,  and  then  Mr.  Folk's  Admi- 
nistration negotiated  a  treaty  settling  the  Oregon  question  in  the 
very  terms  recommended  by  Judge  Dayton  and  those  with  whom 
he  acted ! 

During  this  session  an  effort  was  made  to  repeal  the  Tariff  Act 
of  the  preceding  Congress.  The  Senator  from  New  Jersey  was 
one  of  the  most  earnest  and  efficient  defenders  of  that  measure, 
for  which  he  had  voted.  On  the  29th  of  April,  he  delivered  an 
elaborate  argument  in  favor  of  the  Protective  system,  showing 


WILLIAM    L.  DAYTON.  189 

particularly  how  it  operated  to  the  advantage  of  agriculture  and 
of  labor.  The  Tariff  of  1842  imposed  duties  on  agricultural 
products,  which  were  not  merely  protective,  but  so  high  that,  in 
all  ordinary  states  of  the  market,  they  were  prohibitory.  Demo- 
cratic Senators  had  ridiculed  the  idea  that  such  protection 
could  be  of  any  benefit  to  the  farmers,  inasmuch  as  agricultural 
products  could  never  be  imported  into  this  country  ]  in  short, 
that  such  duties  were  as  useless  as  would  be  a  duty  on  granite  in 
New  Hampshire  or  on  ice  in  Maine.  Senator  Dayton  combated 
this  by  showing  that  the  prices  of  wheat  in  some  European  ports 
were  much  lower  than  in  this  country,  and,  in  fact,  that  in  the 
years  1835,  1836,  1837,  and  1838  more  than  five  and  a  half 
millions  of  bushels  had  been  imported,  although  paying  a  duty 
of  twenty-five  cents  a  bushel.  He  inquired  what  the  amount  of 
importations  would  have  been  if  there  had  been  no  such  duty. 
He  contended  that  the  farmers  would  have  been  subject  to  con- 
stant foreign  competition.  Of  ten  leading  agricultural  articles 
there  had  been  imported  in  1840  to  the  amount  of  $71,547, 
which  the  Democratic  Senators  ridiculed  as  a  very  trifling 
amount;  but,  said  Senator  Dayton,  if  so  much  is  imported  under 
a  heavy  duty,  who  can  tell  how  great  the  importations  would  be 
if  they  were  admitted  duty  free  ? 

But  of  course  the  indirect  protection  afforded  to  the  farmer  by 
protecting  domestic  manufactures,  and  thus  making  a  home-mar- 
ket for  his  products,  was  the  most  important  benefit  conferred 
upon  him  by  the  Tariff  of  '42.  On  this  part  of  the  general  ar- 
gument Mr.  Woodbury  had  made  an  elaborate  speech,  supported 
by  several  tables  of  statistics  prepared  by  himself  for  the  pur- 
pose. Mr.  Dayton  followed,  step  by  step,  the  argument  of  this 
thoroughly-trained  and  very  able  advocate  of  Free  Trade,  point- 
ing out  the  mutual  dependence  of  agriculture  and  manufactures. 
He  showed,  particularly,  that  New  Jersey  yielded  agricultural 
products  to  the  value  of  $285.88,  and  Pennsylvania  to  the  value 
of  $328.53,  for  each  person  engaged  in  farming,- — an  amount 
far  exceeding  that  of  any  other  of  the  farming  States.  This 
result  he  attributed  not  to  the  greater  productiveness  of  their 
soil,  but  to  their  proximity  to  a  home  market,  which  had  been 
created  by  the  protection  of  domestic  manufactures.  By  reference 
to  the  statutes  of  Parliament  he  combated  the  argument  of  Silas 


190  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Wright,  the  distinguished  Senator  from  New  York,  who  had 
maintained  that  the  increase  of  manufactures  in  England  had 
degraded  labor  and  produced  pauperism.  He  showed,  by  nume- 
rous references  to  the  history  of  England,  that  the  condition  of 
her  laborers  had  been  elevated  in  the  constant  ratio  of  the  pro- 
tection and  growth  of  her  manufactures.  He  concluded  his  elo- 
quent speech  with  an  appeal  to  Mr.  Buchanan  to  stand  by  the 
Tariff  for  the  sake  of  the  interests  of  Pennsylvania. 

During  the  session  of  1845,  he  delivered  a  very  able  speech 
against  the  annexation  of  Texas,  which,  he  believed,  was  pressed 
chiefly  with  sectional  motives,  and  to  enable  one  portion  of  the 
Union  to  dominate,  against  the  equities  of  the  Constitution, 
over  another.  He  foresaw  and  foretold  how  the  demands  of  the 
propagandists  of  slavery  would  grow  if  they  were  yielded  to.  In 
answer  to  the  question  whether  the  South  would  be  satisfied  with 
that  concession,  he  answered,  as  if  with  prophetic  spirit,  "  No, 
sir,  no.  So  soon  as  one  single  free  State  asks  admission,  where  there 
is  no  slave  territory  to  balance  it,  all  prior  compromise  will  be  dis- 
regarded, as  it  is  disregarded  now."  "  Sir,  if  this  country  hold 
together,  I  put  this  prophecy  on  record, — I  stake  my  reputation 
with  posterity, — that  our  Southern  friends  will  walk  by  us,  step 
by  step  arid  side  by  side,  to  the  Pacific  Ocean/' 

"  The  Mexican  War  for  the  sake  of  Southern  conquests  to  the 
Pacific,  the  threats  to  dissolve  the  Union  if  California  were  ad- 
mitted as  a  free  State,  the  violation  of  the  .Missouri  Compromise, 
and  the  civil  war  in  Kansas  in  order  that  slavery  might  there 
walk  side  by  side  with  freedom  toward  the  Pacific,"  are  claimed 
by  his  admirers  as  distinct  fulfilments  of  this  prophecy. 

In  the  session  of  1845-46,  true  to  his  conservative  character, 
he  opposed  again,  in  an  able  speech,  the  counsels  of  those  who 
insisted  upon  the  whole  of  Oregon  or  war  with  England.  The 
Presidential  election  was  now  over,  and  the  Administration 
abandoned  the  ultra  ground  the  party  had  occupied,  and  the 
question  was  settled  on  the  line  of  49°. 

Mr.  Secretary  Walker's  memorable  bill — the  non-protective 
Tariff  of  1846 — was  now  before  Congress,  and  the  Administra- 
tion was  urging  its  passage,  as  a  sort  of  Free-Trade  or  revenue 
measure,  to  supersede  the  Tariff  of  1842.  Senator  Dayton 
took  an  early  opportunity  to  oppose  this  bill.  He  proved  that 


WILLIAM   L.  DAYTON.  191 

before  the  Tariff  of  '42  the  prices  of  glass  were  higher  than  they 
were  then,  and  yet  before  1842  the  glass-manufacture  at  home 
was  prostrate.  Now  the  glass-blowers  were  fully  employed,  at 
good  wages,  and  yet  the  prices  of  glass  were  lower  than  in  1840. 
By  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Dallas,  however,  the  Tariff  of  1842 
was  superseded  by  the  act  of  1846. 

Though  disapproving  of  the  conduct  of  the  Administration  in 
provoking  the  Mexican  War,  Senator  Dayton  voted  for  such 
supplies  of  men  and  money  as  the  President  asked  for,  without 
speaking  on  the  subject.  During  the  next  session,  the  bill  for 
ten  additional  regiments  being  under  consideration,  he  addressed 
the  Senate,  still  declaring  his  intention  to  support  the  Executive 
with  such  appropriations  as  he  had  asked  for,  but  at  the  same 
time  exposing  what  he  believed  to  be  the  "  gross  unconstitution- 
al ity  of  his  conduct  in  making  war  upon  Mexico  without  the 
consent  of  Congress,  which  is,  by  the  Constitution,  the  war- 
making  power."  The  President  had  also  recommended  the 
issuing  of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal.  He  reprobated  this  in 
unmeasured  terms  as  an  attempt  to  resort  to  a  system  of  legalized 
piracy,  the  relic  of  a  barbarous  age,  unworthy  of  a  civilized  and 
Christian  nation.  He  said,  "  The  rules  of  civilized  warfare  now 
protect  private  property  on  land  :  the  property  of  the  merchant 
on  the  sea  should  be  as  sacred.  Commerce  is  a  humanizing 
agent  among  mankind.  It  has  hazards  enough  of  its  own  :  it 
should  not  be  made  the  victim  of  legalized  piracy." 

The  Administration  soon  after  introduced  a  bill  to  appropriate 
three  millions  to  enable  the  Government  to  secure  a  peace  with 
Mexico.  In  all  the  free  States  the  war  had  been  regarded  with 
great  disfavor,  because  it  was  believed  to  have  been  brought  about 
mainly  to  increase  the  number  of  the  slave  States.  The  House 
of  Representatives  had  passed  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  to  prevent 
the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory ;  and  many  of  the 
Legislatures  of  the  free  States  had,  with  great  unanimity,  and  by 
the  votes  of  both  Whigs  and  Democrats,  requested  their  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress  to  sustain  this  restriction.  The 
Legislature  of  New  Jersey,  by  a  nearly  unanimous  vote,  had 
passed  such  resolutions.  Mr.  Dayton  advocated  this  restriction. 
He  contended  that  Congress  had  the  right,  and  that  it  was  its 
duty,  to  pass  it.  But,  while  he  thus  resisted  the  extension  of 


192  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

slavery,  he  declared  that  the  Government  had  no  right  to  inter 
fere  with  it  in  the  States.  For  himself  and  his  constituents,  he 
disclaimed  any  intention  or  desire  to  question  or  impair  the  rights 
of  the  South.  But 

"is  it  not  time,"  he  asked,  "when  a  slaveholding  President  has  in- 
volved the  country  in  war, — when  the  acknowledged  object  is  the  ac- 
quisition of  further  territory — of  territory  now  free, — is  it  not  time  for  the 
free  States  to  speak  out  ?  And  yet  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  (Mr. 
Calhoun)  calls  this  an  '  aggressive  policy'  toward  the  South.  Aggressive 
upon  what?  We  have  not  the  territory:  the  South  has  it  not:  we  only 
ask,  if  it  is  to  be  acquired,  that  it  remain  as  it  is,  free.  Sir,  aggression 
consists  in  attack, — an  effort  to  change,  to  violate,  an  existing  state  of 
things.  It  is  the  South  which  is  the  aggressor, — which  seeks  to  change 
the  institutions  of  Mexican  territory,  which  are  now  free,  to  such  as  are 
slave.  If  we  had  a  right  to  annex  Texas,  a  slave  country,  as  it  was,  have 
we  not  the  right  to  annex  a  free  country  as  it  is  ?" 

Senator  Dayton,  while  expressing  his  sympathy  with  the 
French  Provisional  Government  in  1848,  suggested  that  it  did 
not  become  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  pass  the  resolu- 
tions of  congratulation  which  had  been  introduced.  He  thought, 
as  Mr.  Calhoun  did,  that  it  was  wisest  to  wait  and  see  the  result 
of  the  Revolution  of  February. 

It  was  during  this  session  (the  first  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress) 
that  Senator  Dayton  rendered  what  his  friends  think  a  conspi- 
cuous and  valuable  public  service,  by  voting,  in  secret  session, 
for  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Mexico,  and  on  the  side  of 
the  Administration.  Mr.  Webster  took  an  early  opportunity  to  de- 
nounce the  treaty  in  open  Senate,  and  Judge  Dayton  felt  himself 
called  upon  to  reply,  which  he  did  in  a  bold  and  gallant  manner. 
He,  for  one,  was  prepared  to  meet  the  responsibility  involved  in 
the  ratification  of  that  treaty : — 

"I  now  and  here  declare,"  said  he,  "to  my  constituents,  and  to  the 
world,  as  I  understand  I  have  a  right  to  declare,  that  in  this  Chamber 
and  out  of  it,  in  official  debate  and  by  private  appeal,  in  every  mode  and 
by  every  legitimate  means  that  I  could  bring  to  bear,  I  endeavored  to 
sustain  and  enforce  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  And  I  say,  further- 
more, if  it  be  of  the  slightest  interest  to  my  constituents  to  know  it, 
that,  while  its  fate  was  yet  in  doubt,  I  first  broke  ground  in  its  favor  on 
this  side  of  the  Chamber." 

His  great  object  was  to  attain  peace.     He  avowed  that  he  did 


WILLIAM  L.  DAYTON.  193 

not  like  the  treaty,  but  he  liked  still  less  continued  war,  to  be 
concluded,  perhaps,  at  last,  by  a  treaty  worse  still.  The  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  objected  to  the  treaty  because  it  made  acqui- 
sitions of  Mexican  territory.  Would  not  a  longer  war  result  in 
still  greater  territorial  acquisitions  ?  He  believed  it  would.  As 
for  rejecting  the  treaty  on  that  account,  and  going  before  the 
country  declaring  that  we  would  not  have  peace  unless  we  could 
have  it  without  territory,  that,  he  contended,  would  be  a  course 
utterly  suicidal  to  the  Whig  party.  "  I  hold,"  said  he,  "  that 
upon  this  issue  the  Whig  party  could  not  survive  the  year.  It 
will  go  down  to  the  grave,  and  all  its  conservative  principles 
with  it.  Its  enemies  will  give  it  a  kingly  epitaph  : — 

"'It  never  said  a  foolish  thing, 
And  never  did  a  wise  one.' 

"  I  take  no  such  issue.  I  seize  upon  the  first  legitimate  means 
to  make  peace." 

Time  soon  manifested  the  wisdom  of  Judge  Dayton's  counsels. 
The  Whig  party,  in  the  ensuing  fall,  carried  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion by  large  majorities,  electing  General  Taylor  over  General 
Cass.  It  was  his  lot  afterward  to  differ  with  the  great  leaders  of 
the  Whig  party  on  other  questions.  He  believed  that  he  was 
right  ]  and  the  right  was  the  only  policy  in  which  he  ever  placed 
his  confidence.  The  bill  known  as  the  Clayton  Compromise  was 
before  the  Senate  during  this  session.  It  proposed  to  organize  Ter- 
ritorial Governments  in  California,  Oregon,  and  Texas,  without 
touching  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  it  being  the  design  to  refer  to 
the  Supreme  Court  the  question  whether  slavery  did  or  did  not 
exist  there,  by  virtue  either  of  the  old  Mexican  laws  or  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  In  discussing  this  bill,  Senator 
Dayton  put  himself  distinctly  on  these  grounds :  slavery  is  an 
evil  calculated  to  retard  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  any  coun- 
try where  it  may  exist ;  Congress  has  the  right  to  inhibit  its 
introduction  into  the  Territories.  There  was  not  an  adjudicated 
case,  a  judicial  opinion,  a  dictum,  or  a  precedent,  to  the  contrary, 
or  in  favor  of  the  novel  position  of  Mr.  Calhoun, — that  slaveholders 
had  a  right  to  carry  slaves  into  the  Territories  and  have  them 
protected  there.  He  declared  his  aversion  to  throwing  the  deci- 
sion of  the  question,  upon  the  Supreme  Court  and  dragging  it. 
N  17 


194  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

into  the  political  arena,  the  certain  consequence  of  which  would 
be  that  appointments  to  that  bench  would  be  made  with  reference 
to  this  question,  and  that  thus  the  people  would  lose  their  respect 
for  that  high  tribunal.  A  Senator  had  declared,  in  this  debate, 
that  if  the  knife  were  at  the  throats  of  the  people  of  the  South, 
in  the  hands  of  insurgent  slaves,  no  help  would  be  rendered  them 
by  the  North.  "  This  sentiment,"  said  Mr.  Dayton,  "  shocked 
me  beyond  measure.  With  my  whole  soul,  I  repudiate  it.  Tho 
people  of  the  South  are  our  brethren,  and,  however  we  may 
complain  of  some  of  their  conduct,  yet  in  the  day  of  their  adver- 
sity, if  it  should  ever  come,  we  will  never  forsake  them." 

In  the  next  session,  he  made  a  speech  against  an  appropriation 
in  aid  of  what  he  considered  the  ill-advised  project  for  a  railroad 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuan tepee;  in  the  course  of  which  he 
declared  that  we  were  ultimately  to  have  a  grand  route  from  our 
own  rivers  to  the  Pacific  coast. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty-First  Congress,  a  petition 
having  been  presented  to  the  Senate,  praying  Congress  to  take 
steps  to  bring  about  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Dayton,  in 
a  few  perspicuous  remarks,  discriminated  between  the  right  of 
petition  and  the  abuse  of  it.  There  was  a  constitutional  right  to 
petition  "  for  redress  of  grievances ;"  but  the  present  was  not 
such  a  petition.  It  did  not  ask  for  a  redress  of  grievances  under 
the  Government,  but  for  the  abolition  of  the  Government  itself. 
It  petitioned  the  Senate  to  do  a  thing  both  treasonable  and 
suicidal, — to  destroy  the  Government,  and  thereby  destroy  itself. 
It  asked  Senators,  in  effect,  to  commit  perjury, — to  violate  their 
oaths  to  support  the  Government.  Such  a  request  was  disre- 
spectful, no  matter  how  respectful  the  language  in  which  it  was 
expressed.  He  therefore  voted  for  its  rejection. 

He  spoke  in  favor  of  the  resolution  authorizing  the  President 
to  receive  from  Henry  Grinnell  two  vessels  offered  by  him  to 
prosecute  the  search  for  Sir  John  Franklin.  Some  Senators 
thought  it  beneath  the  dignity  of  the  Government  to  co-operate 
with  a  private  individual  •  but  Senator  Dayton  contended  that  in 
so  humane  an  enterprise  it  would  be  much  more  beneath  the 
dignity  of  the  Government  to  refuse  its  co-operation  when  it  was 
invited  by  an  offer  so  truly  magnanimous. 

The  first  session  of  the  Thirty-First  Congress  was  made  memo- 


WILLIAM   L.  DAYTON.  195 

rable  by  the  intense  excitement  produced  by  the  questions  of  the 
admission  of  California  and  the  prohibition  or  permission  of 
slavery  in  the  territories  conquered  from  Mexico.  It  was  the 
first  session  under  the  Administration  of  President  Taylor.  In 
advance  of  the  opening  of  the  session,  a  number  of  the  leading 
Southern  members  of  Congress  issued  a  sort  of  manifesto  against 
the  admission  of  California.  While  opposing  the  admission  of 
the  new  State,  the  South  demanded  that  slavery  should  be  per- 
mitted in  the  territories  acquired  from  Mexico.  The  State  of 
Texas  claimed  that  a  portion  of  New  Mexico  belonged  to  her, 
and  was  about  to  take  possession  of  it ;  and  the  pro-slavery  party 
sustained  her  in  her  claim.  A  new  and  more  rigid  fugitive-slave 
law  was  also  introduced  by  one  of  the  Southern  members.  Pre- 
sident Taylor,  although  a  Southern  man  and  a  slaveholder,  was 
not  an  extremist.  He  recommended  to  Congress  in  his  message 
the  admission  of  California  as  a  State,  and  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  people  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  many  of  whom  had 
been  until  lately  citizens  of  Mexico,  did  not  require  and  were 
not  prepared  for  Territorial  Governments.  The  question  of  the 
Texan  boundary  he  referred  entirely  to  the  determination  of 
Congress. 

On  the  29th  of  January,  Mr.  Clay  brought  forward  what  are 
known  as  the  Compromise  resolutions,  proposing  to  admit  Cali- 
fornia ;  to  concede  to  Texas  the  territory  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and 

pay  her  millions  of  dollars ;  to  pass  a  new  fugitive-slave 

act ;  to  organize  Territorial  Governments  in  New  Mexico  and 
Texas,  without  any  restriction  upon  slavery,  but  with  a  declara- 
tion that  slavery  did  not  legally  exist  there ;  to  abolish  the  slave- 
trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  and  to  declare  that  Congress 
had  no  right  to  abolish  the  slave-trade  between  the  States. 
These  resolutions,  together  with  another  series  offered  by  Mr. 
Bell,  Mr.  Foote,  of  Mississippi,  moved  to  refer  to  a  committee 
of  thirteen  Senators,  to  report  by  bill.  On  the  19th  of  April 
this  was  agreed  to.  The  committee  appointed  under  this  motion 
reported,  on  the  8th  of  May,  three  bills ;  one,  called  the  "  Omni- 
bus Bill,"  to  admit  California,  organize  the  Territories  of  New 
Mexico  and  Utah,  without  any  restriction  upon  slavery,  and  to 
concede  to  Texas  the  territory  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  pay  her 
millions  of  dollars ;  another,  the  Fugitive-Slave  Bill :  and 


196  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

a  third,  to  abolish  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
The  session  of  Congress  was  protracted  till  the  last  day  of  Sep- 
tember ;  and,  after  a  very  animated  discussion  running  through 
all  these  months,  these  measures  were  ultimately  passed, — the 
"  Omnibus  Bill"  having  first  been  defeated  and  afterward  passed 
in  three  separate  bills. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  while  Mr.  Foote's  motion  was  pending, 
Senator  Dayton  addressed  the  Senate  in  opposition  chiefly  to  the 
proposed  submission  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  its  author- 
ity and  dignity  to  the  claims  and  threats  of  Texas  and  to  the 
harsh  provisions  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law.  On  the  llth  and 
12th  of  June,  the  committee  having  then  reported  their  bills, 
he  made  a  more  elaborate  argument  on  the  same  portions  of  these 
measures. 

He  denied,  in  the  first  place,  that  in  the  admission  of  Califor- 
nia any  thing  was  yielded  by  the  South,  or  any  claim  established 
for  concessions  from  the  North.  It  was  the  North  that  yielded 
what  she  had  claimed, — a  Congressional  restriction  upon  slavery. 
To  make  this  admission,  therefore,  the  ground  of  a  claim  upon 
the  North  for  concessions  was  grossly  unjust.  The  very  exist- 
ence of  California  as  a  State  was,  he  said,  the  first  fruit  of  the 
recent  grand  scheme  of  Southern  aggrandizement.  It  was  pre- 
posterous to  demand  concessions  from  the  North  because  South- 
ern policy  had  brought  about  this  application.  He  argued  that 
for  forty  years  the  South  had  pursued  a  sectional  policy,  per- 
mitting no  free  State  during  that  long  term  to  be  admitted  to 
the  Union,  no  matter  what  her  qualifications,  until  the  South 
had  first  obtained  the  admission  of  a  slave  State,  generally  with 
a  smaller  population,  and,  of  course,  with  less  claim  to  admission. 
And  now  that  California,  through  their  own  policy,  is  an  appli- 
cant for  admission,  because  they  have  no  slave  State  to  bring  in 
with  her,  they  declare  she  shall  not  be  admitted,  or  that,  if  she 
is,  the  South  will  secede. 

"  Sir,"  said  he,  "if  they  mean  to  make  the  issue  on  this  point,  let  the 
trial  come !  Never  can  it  be  made  on  a  point  weaker  for  the  South,  or 
stronger  for  the  North.  But  this  is  a  useless  anticipation.  Such  a  crisis 
3an  never  arise  from  such  a  cause.  The  just  feeling  of  the  South  will 
revolt  against  it." 

Judge  Dayton  opposed  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law  with  earnest- 


WILLIAM   L.  DAYTON.  197 

ness,  but  with  a  strict  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution. He  insisted  that  the  master  should  prove  his  right  to 
the  slave  before  a  respectable  judge  and  jury,  and  contended 
that  the  citizens  of  the  free  States  would  not  fail  to  award  him 
his  rights,  and,  however  repugnant  to  their  feelings,  the  people 
would  submit  quietly  to  the  decision.  He  concluded  by  chal- 
"  lenging  Southern  Senators  to  produce  a  single  instance  in  which 
a  Northern  jury  had  failed  to  give  the  owner  of  a  slave  a  fair 
verdict ;  and  the  challenge  remained  unanswered. 

Some  time  after  Senator  Dayton's  argument  on  this  question 
of  trial  by  jury,  in  his  speech  in  March,  Daniel  Webster  ex- 
hibited an  amendment  to  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  proposing  to 
substitute  a  trial  before  a  jury  for  the  examination  before  a  Com- 
missioner; which  amendment,  he  said,  had  been  prepared  care- 
fully, with  the  aid  of  eminent  lawyers  and  high  judicial  author- 
ity. In  his  speech  in  June,  Mr.  Dayton  declared  the  amendment 
obviated  the  several  difficulties  he  had  pointed  out,  and  fully  en- 
dorsed all  the  principles  for  which  he  had  contended.  He  was 
willing  to  stand  on  it.  The  offer,  however,  was  never  accepted 
by  Mr.  Webster,  that  distinguished  Senator  having  entered  Mr. 
Fillmore's  Cabinet  while  the  discussion  of  the  Compromise  mea- 
sures was  still  occupying  the  Chamber,  and  without  having  moved 
the  amendment.  Nor  was  it  moved  afterward  by  any  of  the 
advocates  of  the  Compromise. 

On  the  question  whether  the  Constitution  carries  slavery  with 
it  into  the  Territories,  Mr.  Dayton  maintained  that  slavery  exists 
only  by  municipal  law,  and  that  the  Constitution  could  not  carry  it 
where  it  did  not  previously  exist.  He  also  declared  that  the  sen- 
timent of  the  North  was  settled  unalterably  in  opposition  to  the 
extension  of  slavery.  He  held  that  new  States  and  Territories 
"  should  not  be  sacrificed  to  the  selfish  interests  of  a  few  old 
States."  "  We  are  laying,"  said  he,  "  the  foundation  of  empires : 
let  us  not  subject  them  to  the  dead  weight  of  that  institution 
which,  as  any  one  can  see  by  comparing  the  slave  States  with 
the  free,  has  retarded  their  progress  and  paralyzed  their 
energies." 

As  to  the  proposed  establishment  of  Territorial  Governments 
in  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  he  doubted  whether  the  measure 
was  not  premature.  He  was  especially  doubtful  as  to  Utah,  and 

17* 


198  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

thought  the  Mormons  little  qualified  for  a  Territorial  Govern- 
ment. He  was  inflexibly  opposed  to  a  concession  of  territory  to 
the  demands  of  Texas.  In  the  whole  of  the  discussion,  his  con- 
stant argument  was  a  reference  to  the  Constitution.  That,  he 
declared,  was  his  compromise,  and  he  was  willing  that  all  ques- 
tions should  be  settled  in  strict  accordance  with  its  principles. 
His  last  speech  on  these  questions— that  of  the  llth  of  June — 
at  once  provoked  the  opposition  and  extorted  the  commendation 
of  the  advocates  of  the  Compromise  measures.  "  They  made," 
writes  a  correspondent,  «  many  efforts  to  meet  his  arguments 
and  to  dispute  the  pregnant  and  pointed  facts  he  adduced  from 
the  history  of  the  country,  but  they  met  with  little  success."- 

In  the  next  session — the  short  one — nothing  occurred  worthy 
to  be  noticed  here.  His  term  expired  on  the  4th  of  March. 
The  Democratic  party  then  having  a  majority  in  the  New  Jersey 
Legislature,  Judge  Dayton  returned  home,  and  devoted  himself  to 
the  practice  of  the  law,  in  which  he  is  actively  engaged. 

In  June,  1856,  he  was  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency  by 
the  Kepublican  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia,  by  529  out 
of  560  votes.  He  did  not  know  that  this  nomination  was  thought 
of,  until  he  was  advised  that  it  had  been  made.  In  February, 
1857,  he  was  appointed  Attorney-General  of  New  Jersey,  which 
office  he  now  holds. 

In  November,  1858,  the  Opposition  party  in  New  Jersey 
having  elected  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature,  and 
the  term  of  the  Hon.  William  Wright  as  United  States  Senator 
being  about  to  expire,  the  public  mind  was  turned  at  once  to 
Judge  Dayton  as  the  proper  person  to  succeed  him ;  but,  before 
the  Legislature  met,  he  publicly  declined  the  appointment. 

In  the  State  elections  of  1858  and  1859,  the  two  parties  in 
New  Jersey  which  had  supported  Messrs.  Fremont  and  Fillmore 
in  1856  acted  together  as  the  Opposition  party.  The  great  mass 
of  these  two  parties  have  always  entertained  those  doctrines  as  to 
the  impolicy  of  the  extension  of  slavery  and  the  constitutional 
right  and  duty  of  Congress  to  restrain  it,  which  were  adopted  at 
the  formation  of  the  Government,  and  had  been  adhered  to  until 
recently.  The  people  of  New  Jersey  knew  Mr.  Dayton's  entire 
devotion  to  these  as  well  as  all  other  long-established  constitu- 
tional doctrines.  Separated  in  1856  by  differences  as  to  men, 


WILLIAM    L.  DAYTON.  199 

their  general  agreement  as  to  those  principles  has  since  drawn 
them  together  under  the  name  of  the  Opposition  party;  and  that 
party,  in  the  campaigns  of  1858  and  1859,  called  on  Mr.  Day- 
ton, with  great  unanimity,  for  his  efficient  and  influential  aid. 
With  the  generosity  and  patriotism  of  his  nature,  he  responded 
promptly  to  the  call]  and  his  most  zealous  efforts  were  exerted 
often  in  special  support  of  candidates  who  had  voted  and  worked 
against  him  and  for  Mr.  Fillmore  in  1856.  He  knew  their 
patriotism  and  general  correctness  of  principles,  and  no  personal 
feeling  rose  in  his  breast  to  prevent  him,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
from  laboring  for  their  election  with  all  his  energy  and  eloquence. 

His  example  in  thus  ignoring  the  past  had  its  influence  upon 
many  of  his  friends,  some  of  whom  remembered  with  chagrin,  if 
not  with  bitterness,  the  division  of  1856, — a  division  which  gave 
the  Electoral  vote  of  the  State  to  Mr.  Buchanan.  During  these 
campaigns  he  insisted  upon  the  propriety  of  discussing  national 
questions  as  a  means  of  properly  indoctrinating  the  public  mind 
and  cementing  the  parts  of  the  Opposition  more  firmly  together. 
He  repeatedly  urged  upon  large  assemblies  his  well-known  views 
as  to  the  protection  of  American  labor  and  the  non-extension  of 
slavery.  On  these  great  issues,  he  said,  all  branches  of  the  Op- 
position in  New  Jersey— Republicans,  Americans,  and  Old-Line 
Whigs — concurred  in  sentiment  and  stood  on  the  same  plat- 
form. As  a  means  of  doing  justice  to  all  and  bringing  all  parts 
of  the  country  to  a  common  view  on  these  great  questions,  he 
advocated  the  Homestead  Bill  of  the  last  Congress,  which  offered, 
he  said,  only  a  fair  equivalent  to  the  Western  emigrant  for  the 
great  sacrifices  he  endured  while  opening  and  settling  our  new 
territories.  This  bill  was,  in  effect,  but  another  mode  of  giving 
protection  and  encouragement  to  American  labor :  the  laboring 
man,  wherever  and  however  employed,  was  entitled  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Government,  and  all  were  entitled  to  it  equally  and 
alike. 

On  various  occasions  Judge  Dayton  has  delivered  literary  ad- 
dresses with  much  credit  to  himself.  One  of  these  was  before 
the  Literary  Societies  of  Princeton  College  at  the  annual  com- 
mencement. That  college  some  years  ago  signified  their  appre- 
ciation of  his  acquirements  and  learning  by  conferring  upon  him 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws. 


200  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


DANIEL  S.  DICKINSON, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 

THIS  distinguished  statesman  was  born  in  Goshen,  Litchfield 
County,  in  the  State  of  Connecticut,  September  11,  1800.  His 
father  was  a  plain  farmer,  a  man  of  integrity  and  intelligence, 
proud  of  the  soil  from  which  he  sprung  and  which  he  cultivated. 
A  Jeffersonian  by  conviction  and  sympathy,  he  gloried  in  the 
personal  independence  of  a  farmer's  life,  and  through  the  early 
political  excitements  and  changes  of  the  country  was  a  firm  and 
disinterested  supporter  of  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. When  Jefferson's  ideas  of  Democratic  Republicanism 
were  held  by  little  more  than  a  "  corporal's  guard"  in  the  town 
where  the  elder  Dickinson  lived,  he  was  not  afraid  nor  ashamed 
to  be  the  corporal. 

Such  being  the  character  of  the  father,  we  are  prepared  to 
learn  that  the  political  examples  before  young  Daniel  Stevens 
Dickinson  were  of  a  healthy  and  a  strengthening  nature.  Not 
being  born  in  the  midst  of  wealth,  his  childhood  was  not  luxu- 
rious nor  surrounded  by  many  advantages.  In  1806,  his  father 
removed  to  the  beautiful  Valley  of  the  Chenango,  New  York,  and 
settled  in  what  is  now  called  the  town  of  Gruilford.  Here  the  boy 
went  to  the  common  school  betimes,  and  became  inured  to  the 
hardy  duties  of  a  struggling  farmer's  son.  For  a  time  he  also 
worked  at  a  mechanical  trade,  but,  feeling  the  promptings  of  a 
higher  destiny,  improved  the  slender  advantages  presented  by  the 
common  schools  of  those  days  by  devoting  his  leisure  to  reading 
and  developing  himself  in  the  pursuit  of  sundry  branches  of  lite- 
rature and  science.  Having  an  eager  and  a  quick  intellect,  he 
rapidly  accumulated  knowledge,  and  in  time  became  possessed  of 
a  very  respectable  and  useful  stock  of  accomplishments. 

Choosing  the  law  for  a  profession,  he  applied  himself  in  that 
direction,  being  employed,  at  the  same  time,  teaching  in  the 


DANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  201 

common  and  select  schools  of  the  neighborhood.  In  1826,  Mr. 
Dickinson  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  soon  became  distin- 
guished throughout  the  Chenango  Valley  for  the  readiness  and 
point  of  his  manner;  his  literary  resources,  as  well  as  a  rich 
vein  of  humor,  standing  his  clients  in  good  need  before  the 
justices  of  the  peace.  Of  course,  his  business  increased.  In 
December,  1831,  he  removed  to  the  thriving  village  of  Bing- 
hamton,  where  he  has  ever  since  resided.  Politics  had  early 
attracted  his  disquisitions  and  illustrative  powers,  and  he  made 
himself  felt  not  less  effectively  and  successfully  as  a  Democratic 
politician  than  as  a  ready  lawyer.  On  his  removal  to  Bing- 
hamton,  his  talents  gave  him  almost  at  once  a  high  position  in 
the  little  world  of  politics  and  law  of  which  the  village  was  the 
centre.  Thus  he  worked  his  way  steadily  upward  to  an  undis- 
puted professional  elevation,  and  enjoyed  a  comfortable  practice 
at  the  highest  tribunals. 

In  1836,  Mr.  Dickinson  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  of 
New  York  for  four  years.  During  his  service  here,  he  was  pro- 
minent in  the  discussions  growing  out  of  the  topics  of  that  event- 
ful period.  The  General-Banking  Law,  the  Small-Bill  Law,  the 
Bank-Suspension  Law,  and  the  exciting  financial  measures  result- 
ing from  the  overthrow  of  the  United  States  Bank  and  the  esta- 
blishment of  the  Independent  Treasury,  as  well  as  questions 
touching  internal  improvements — the  construction  of  the  Erie 
Railroad,  the  extension  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and  other  measures 
having  to  some  extent  national  as  well  as  local  importance — • 
were  before  the  New  York  Senate,  and  brought  Mr.  Dickinson 
prominently  forward.  The  State  Senate  was  then  the  highest 
judicial  body  in  the  State;  and  frequent  demand  was  made  upon 
him  for  opinions  relative  to  grave  legal  questions  brought  before 
that  body  as  a  court  for  the  correction  of  errors. 

So  ably  did  he  fill  the  term  of  his  Senatorial  office  that,  at 
its  close,  the  Democratic  party  nominated  him  for  Lieutenant- 
Governor  on  the  same  ticket  with  the  veteran  William  C. 
Bouck.  He  shared,  however,  in  the  general  defeat  of  his 
party.  It  was  the  time  of  the  "  Hard-Cider"  campaign, 
when  log-cabins  and  coon-skins  were  political  Meccas,  and 
General  Harrison  the  Mohammed  of  them  all.  It  was  a  time 
of  unusual  excitement,  when  the  Whig  party  captivated  the 


202  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

people  as  much  by  songs  and  cider  as  by  teaching  or  speaking. 
At  the  next  election, — in  1842, — he  was  nominated  for  the 
same  position  under  the  same  leader,  and  the  ticket  was 
elected.  This  position  called  forth  fresh  powers.  Mr.  Dick- 
inson, as  Lieutenant-Governor,  was  ex-officio  President  of  the 
State  Senate  and  of  the  Court  of  Errors  and  the  Canal  Board. 
The  manner  in  which  he  discharged  the  arduous  duties  of  these 
offices — duties  which  demand  a  clear  perception  of  the  niceties 
of  debate  as  well  as  a  knowledge  of  the  simple  rules  which 
govern  it,  and  the  strictest  impartiality — endeared  him  to  his 
party-friends  and  the  public;  and  he  was  in  1844  appointed 
a  member  of  the  Democratic  Convention  that  nominated  James 
K.  Polk  for  the  Presidency.  Subsequently,  Mr.  Dickinson  has 
been  an  Elector-at-large  for  the  State  of  New  York. 

Such  was  the  affection  and  trust  entertained  for  him  by  the 
New  York  Democracy,  that  in  December,  1844,  he  was  elevated 
to  the  Senate  of  the  United'  States.  Governor  Bouck  selected 
him  to  fill  the  vacancy  created  by  Mr.  N.  P.  Tallmadge's  appoint- 
ment to  the  Governorship  of  Wisconsin  Territory.  When  the 
Legislature  met,  he  was  confirmed  in  his  high  position,  and 
elected  for  the  succeeding  term. 

During  the  seven  sessions  subsequent  to  Senator  Dickinson's 
appearance  in  the  Chamber  of  the  upper  House  of  Congress,  his 
name  became  thoroughly  national  from  his  prominence  in  the 
great  questions  brought  forward.  The  Senate  held  a  conclave  of 
great  and  able  men  then, — Clay,  Calhoun,  Webster,  Clayton, 
Benton,  Cass,  Crittenden,  and,  during  the  most  exciting  period, 
Foote  and  Douglas;  and  others  were  there  of  almost  equal 
power.  Yet,  among  those,  men  of  might,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson 
made  his  mark, — broad,  national,  and  distinct. 

On  the  Texas  Annexation,  the  Oregon  question,'  the  Mexican 
War,  the  admission  of  California,  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  he  distinguished  himself  in  an 
enviable  degree,  especially  in  the  debates  on  the  latter,  the  suc- 
cess of  which  was  largely  owing  to  his  powerful  exertions.  Even 
his  opponents  admit  that  "if  he  ever  labored  harder  at  one  time 
than  another,  it  was  when  his  voice  and  vote  could  help  to  place 
the  Compromise  measures — so  called — upon  our  statute-books." 
On  the  question  as  to  the  power  and  duty  of  Congress  to  pro- 


DANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  203 

hibit  slavery  in  the  Territories,  he  differed  as  widely  from  his 
colleague,  General  John  A.  Dix,  as  he  subsequently  did  with 
Senator's  Dix's  successor,  Governor  Seward. 

On  the  14th  of  December,  1847,  Senator  Dickinson  submitted 
two  resolutions  respecting  Territorial  Government,  and  embody- 
ing the  doctrine  of  the  so-called  "  popular  sovereignty,"  giving 
him  a  priority  in  the  propounding  of  that  doctrine  over  Gene- 
ral Cass  in  the  Nicholson  letter,  which  appeared  at  a  later  date, 
and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  of  Senator  Douglas,  which  was 
several  years  subsequent.  Senator  Dickinson  believed  that  the 
question  of  territorial  acquisition  could  not  be  avoided, — espe- 
cially at  that  time,  when  Mexico  could  indemnify  us  only  by 
ceding  to  us  some  of  her  territory.  In  this  belief,  and  chiefly 
in  view  of  the  exigencies  of  the  times  and  the  prevailing  senti- 
ment of  the  American  people,  it  was  necessary  to  have  some 
understanding  as  to  the  policy  of  Territorial  Government  to  be 
adopted.  Had  we  remained  at  peace  with  Mexico,  the  case  would 
not  have  been  altered,  only  postponed.  The  same  policy  of  acqui- 
sition would  sooner  or  later  have  been  presented  to  strengthen 
our  political  and  commercial  relations  on  the  continent.  The 
following  are  the  resolutions  : — 

"Resolved,  That  true  policy  requires  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  to  strengthen  its  political  and  commercial  relations  upon  this  con- 
tinent, by  the  annexation  of  such  contiguous  territory  as  may  conduce  to 
that  end  and  can  be  justly  obtained ;  and  that  neither  in  such  acquisi- 
tion, nor  in  the  territorial  organization  thereof,  can  any  conditions  be 
constitutionally  imposed,  or  institutions  be  provided  for  or  established, 
inconsistent  with  the  right  of  the  people  thereof  to  form  a  free  sovereign 
State,  with  the  powers  and  privileges  of  the  original  members  of  the  Con- 
federacy. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  organizing  a  Territorial  Government  for  Territories 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  the  principle  of  self-government  upon 
which  our  federative  system  rests  will  be  best  promoted,  the  true  spirit 
and  meaning  of  the  Constitution  be  observed,  and  the  Confederacy 
strengthened,  by  leaving  all  questions  concerning  the  domestic  policy 
therein  to  the  Legislatures  chosen  by  the  people  thereof." 

They  came  up  on  the  12th  of  January,  1848,  and  Senator 
Dickinson  supported  them  in  a  speech.  They  were  introduced, 
not  to  bring  up  the  vexed  question  of  slavery, — it  was  there  be- 
fore them, — but  to  transfer  it  hence,  and  leave,  said  the  Senator 


204  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

from  New  York,  "under  the  Constitution  all  questions  concerning 
the  erection  or  prohibition  of  this  institution  in  the  Territories 
to  the  inhabitants  thereof,  that  its  intrusion  may  not  hereafter 
arrest  the  policy,  defeat  the  measures,  or  disturb  the  councils  of 
the  nation/'  They  were  oifered  in  the  hope  that  all  who  believed 
in  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-government  would  unite  and  har- 
monize on  the  common  ground  of  justice  and  equality.  So  much 
for  the  Senator's  design  in  bringing  forward  his  resolutions. 

As  to  the  first  resolution,  relative  to  acquisition,  he  showed 
that  although  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  which  gave  place  to 
the  Constitution,  provided  for  the  admission  of  Canada  into  the 
Union,  and  although  the  comprehensive  terms  employed  to  ex- 
plain the  objects  of  the  Constitution  proved  that  no  narrow  ter- 
ritorial boundaries  were  contemplated,  it  was  apparent  that  few 
statesmen  at  that  early  period  foresaw  the  growth  we  were  soon 
destined  to  attain.  The  wisest  and  ablest  timidly  negotiated  for 
years  for  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  proposed  to  make 
that  river  the  western  boundary  forever.  We  sought  only  a 
portion  of  Louisiana,  and  took  the  greatest  share  "  virtually  upon 
compulsion."  The  policy  which  gained  the  acquisition  was  then 
violently  denounced,  with  threats  of  disunion,  which  Dickinson 
thought  might  be  profitably  consulted  rather  than  copied  by 
those  who  were  alarmed  by  the  cry  of  territorial  aggrandizement. 
Cities  have  sprung  up  on  the  Pacific,  and  the  river  we  once 
thought  of  making  our  western  now  passes  nearest  to  our  eastern 
boundary.  We  have  not  yet  fulfilled  our  destiny.  We  have 
new  territory  to  fertilize,  new  races  to  civilize  and  absorb.  He 
argued  that  our  form  of  government  is  admirably  adapted  for  ex- 
tension. Founded  in  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  people, 
and  deriving  its  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  its 
influences  are  as  powerful  for  good  at  the  remotest  limits  as  at 
the  political  centre.  Acquisition  being,  then,  the  true  policy  of 
the  Government,  it  ought  to  be  pursued  with  a  fixed  purpose, 
and  guided  by  the  sternest  principles  of  national  justice. 

Mexico,  in  the  opinion  of  Senator  Dickinson,  was  doomed.  If 
we  are  not  to  absorb  Canada,  Mexico,  at  least,  cannot  help  herself. 
"  What  was  her  progress  ?"  he  asked.  "  When  our  population 
was  three  millions,  hers  was  five,  and  when  ours  is  twenty,  hers 
is  eight;  and  while  we  have  attained  the  highest  rank  among  the 


DANIEL    S.  DICKINSON.  205 

nations  of  the  earth,  she  has  fallen  so  low  that  there  is  little  left 
to  wound  her  feelings  or  degrade  her  character.  She  has 
national  antipathies  and  resentments,  but  neither  national  spirit 
nor  national  virtue.  Her  mines,  agricultural  regions,  and  Pacific 
harbors  must  tempt  Europe  to  revive  upon  this  continent  the 
execrable  proposal  to  regulate  the  balance  of  power;" — in  further- 
ance of  which  he  instanced  the  fact  that  England  had  already 
commenced  seizing  upon  South  American  possessions.  At  all 
events,  whatever  might  be  the  policy  touching  Mexican  con- 
quests, he  said  we  could  not,  if  we  would,  restore  New  Mexico 
and  California.  He  was  for  extending  humanity  and  peace  over 
them. 

The  principle  declared  by  the  last  clause  of  the  first  resolution — 
that  no  conditions  can  be  constitutionally  imposed  upon  any  ter- 
ritorial acquisition  inconsistent  with  the  right  of  the  people 
thereof  to  form  a  free,  sovereign  State,  with  the  powers  and 
privileges  of  the  original  members  of  the  Confederacy — Senator 
Dickinson  deemed  too  obvious  for  serious  argument.  He  held 
that  if  a  State  is  admitted  with  a  Constitution  authorizing  domestic 
slavery,  it  may  change  the  Constitution  so  as  to  prohibit  slavery 
at  its  pleasure.  If  the  Constitution,  at  the  time  of  admission,  pro- 
hibits slavery,  it  may  be  changed  so  as  to  authorize  it;  and  this, 
too,  regardless  of  any  legislation  upon  the  subject  by  Congress,  or 
otherwise,  before  its  admission  into  the  Union.  In  other  words, 
every  State,  after  its  admission,  may,  in  virtue  of  its  own  sove- 
reign power,  establish  or  abolish  this  institution,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  conditions  imposed,  or  attempted  to  be  imposed, 
upon  it  during  its  Territorial  existence.* 

As  to  the  second  resolution,  it  declares  that  the  domestic 
policy  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  should  be  left  with  them;  and 
if  that  power  resides  in  Congress,  as  is  contended,  it  should  be 
delegated  to  the  people  of  the  Territory  and  be  exercised  by 
them, — the  proposer  arguing  that  the  republican  theory  teaches 
that  sovereignty  resides  with  the  people  of  a  State,  and  not  in 
its  political  organization,  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
recognises  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  and  recon- 
struct their  Government.  If  sovereignty  resides  with  the  people 


See  speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  January  12,  1848. 
18 


206  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

and  not  with  the  organization,  it  rests  as  well  with  the  people  of 
a  Territory,  in  all  that  concerns  their  internal  condition,  as  with 
the  people  of  an  organized  State.  And  if  it  is  the  right  of  the 
people,  by  virtue  of  their  innate  sovereignty,  to  "alter  or  abolish" 
and  reconstruct  their  Government,  it  is  the  right  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Territories,  by  virtue  of  the  same  inborn  attribute,  in  all 
that  appertains  to  their  domestic  concerns,  to  fashion  one  suited 
to  their  condition.  Although  the  Government  of  a  Territory 
has  not  the  same  sovereign  power  as  the  Government  of  a  State 
in  its  political  relations,  the  people  of  a  Territory  have,  in  all  that 
appertains  to  their  internal  condition,  the  same  sovereign  rights 
as  the  people  of  a  State.  While  Congress  may  exercise  its  legis- 
lation over  territory  so  far  as  is  necessary  to  protect  the  interests 
of  the  United  States,  the  legislation  for  the  people  should  be 
exercised  by  them  under  the  Constitution. 

Toward  the  conclusion  of  his  striking  speech  on  this  occa- 
sion, the  Senator  said  it  mattered  naught  to  him  how  various, 
crude,  or  inconsistent  were  the  speculations  upon  the  principles 
which  these  resolutions  contain  and  what  would  be  their  effect 
if  established.  They  stood  upon  the  immutable  basis  of  self- 
government,  and  would  ultimately  be  vindicated  and  sustained  by 
the  American  people  in  every  section  of  the  Union. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  House  bill  to  establish  Terri- 
torial Governments  in  Oregon,  California,  and  New  Mexico, 
Senator  Dickinson  had  occasion  to  refer  again  to  these  resolu- 
tions. After  a  very  irritating  debate  of  many  days,  and  which 
gave  at  the  time  no  promise  of  termination,  Senator  Clayton,  from 
Delaware,  proposed  to  refer  the  matter  to  a  select  committee. 
The  discussion  took  a  peculiarly  sectional  turn.  Senator  Niles, 
from  Connecticut,  would  not  listen  to  any  thing  that  might  tend 
to  a  compromise  of  the  feelings  which  characterized  the  debate, 
and  declared  that  Senators  who  facilitated  any  such  compromise 
would  be  burned  in  effigy  in  some  sections  of  the  Union. 

Senator  Dickinson  hailed  Senator  Clayton's  motion  with  plea- 
sure, and  announced  his  belief  that  it  would  tend  toward  peace. 
The  select  committee  of  eight  was  appointed  by  a  vote  of  three 
to  one,  and  the-  members  entered  upon  their  labors  with  every 
disposition  to  discharge  the  duties, — made  arduous  by  the  causes 
which  led  to  the  formation  of  the  committee.  Having  concluded 


DANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  207 

their  labors  and  reported,  Senator  Dickinson  made  a  brief  speech 
of  explanation.  He  said  the  bill  was  presented  as  the  best  and 
most  acceptable  that  could  be  offered  with  any  hope  of  unanimity 
in  the  Senate.  "  If  the  South  asked  too  much  and  the  North 
was  willing  to  concede  too  little,  they  have  neither  given  to  the 
one  nor  taken  from  the  other.  They  have  encroached  upon  the 
rights  of  neither.  They  have  left  the  question  of  Slavery  where 
they  found  it, — subject  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  they  have  placed  the 
Territories  on  their  way  to  the  Union  by  the  organization  of  a 
provisional  Government  which  is  restrained  from  any  legislation 
that  can  embarrass  this  difficult  subject."  The  bill  did  not  suit 
him  in  all  respects,  but  it  was  the  best  that  could  be  produced 
by  agreement.  In  reply  to  the  charge  of  inconsistency,  Senator 
Dickinson  reproduced  the  second  of  his  resolutions  of  December 
14,  1847,  and  held  that  the  Oregon  Bill  recognised,  to  the  very 
letter,  the  principle  he  contended  for,  and  that,  if  the  entire 
arrangement  of  all  did  not  fully  come  up  to  his  resolution,  the 
spirit  of  it  was  thoroughly  carried  out.  He  concluded  by  a 
graceful  testimony  to  the  action  of  Calhoun  on  the  committee. 

At  the  close  of  the  debate,  at  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the 
29th  of  July,  1848,  after  a  continuous  session  of  twenty-one 
hours,  Senator  Dickinson,  exhausted  as  he  was  with  careful 
watching  and  anxious  nervousness  for  the  honor  and  safety  of 
the  principles  he  so  patriotically  and  energetically  labored  to 
perpetuate,  desired  briefly  to  review  the  history  of  the  affair. 
Knowing  how  severely  the  patience  and  endurance  of  the  Senate 
had  been  put  to  the  test  during  the  feverish  hours  past,  he  said 
he  would  cheerfully  forego  any  remarks,  and  allow  the  vote  to  be 
taken  at  once,  if  any  friend  of  the  measure  objected  to  him.  The 
Chamber  seemed  refreshed  under  the  influence  of  his  earnest 
devotion,  and  from  all  parts  the  rather  unusual  cry  of  "  Go  on !" 
"  Go  on !"  greeted  and  cheered  him. 

He  thanked  Heaven  it  had  been  his  lot  to  play  an  humble  part 
in  the  mission  of  peace  which  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  com- 
mittee to  perform,  and  gave  a  fervid  and  forcible  review  of  the 
duties  of  the  committee, — the  opposition  that  had  to  be  met  from 
demagogues  and  people  willing  to  traffic  in  the  peace  of  the  Union 
for  Presidential  purposes, — and,  replying  to  the  positions  taken 


208  LIVING   EEPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

by  Senators,  paid  a  merited  tribute  to  Senator  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  as  standing  out  in  honorable  contrast  with  some  of 
those  who  united  with  him  in  opposition  to  the  bill.  "  He" — 
said  Dickinson — "takes  the  responsibility  of  his  independent 
position  manfully,  and  does  not  attempt  to  accomplish  his  ends 
under  cover  of  pretences  and  disguises." 

Again,  on  the  final  close  of  the  debate,  August  13,  he  boasted 
that  he  had  devoted  his  best  energies  to  the  work,  and,  as  one 
of  the  select  committee,  yielded  individual  wishes  and  opinions 
to  secure  unanimity.  The  House  of  Representatives,  however, 
had  laid  the  bill  on  the  table  for  the  remainder  of  the  session, 
and  sent  a  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Territorial  Government 
of  Oregon  alone.  Referred  to  the  Senate  Committee  on  Terri- 
tories, as  is  usual,  Senator  Douglas,  the  chairman,  reported  in 
favor  of  its  passage,  with  an  amendment  extending  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line — the  parallel  of  36°  30'  north  latitude — to  the 
Pacific  Ocean.  Though  opposed,  as  a  principle,  to  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  Dickinson  voted  for  the  amendment,  "believing  it 
would  do  little  harm  and  little  good,"  and  hoping  that,  if  accepted 
by  the  House,  there  could  be  no  further  objection  to  the  organiza- 
tion of  Governments  for  New  Mexico  and  California.  The  House 
refused  to  concur,  and  the  Senate  passed  its  bill  on  the  10th. 
The  bills  to  organize  New  Mexico  and  California,  though  brought 
up  the  next  session,  did  not  succeed,  and  were  turned  over  into  the 
Administration  of  Fillniore. 

The  views  and  passages  given  illustrate  Senator  Dickinson's 
ideas  upon  Territorial  Government  and  the  Slavery  question.  A 
couple  of  short  extracts  from  his  able  and  sustained  effort  on 
establishing  a  Government  for  California  will  fully  present  the 
tenor  of  the  distinguished  gentleman's  arguments  on  these  still — 
and  probably  now  more  than  ever — interesting  subjects. 

"When  a  portion  of  these  States  were  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  that 
Government  insisted  upon  abolishing  the  Colonial  Legislatures,  and  sub- 
jecting our  people,  in  matters  that  concerned  their  domestic  condition,  to 
the  legislation  of  Parliament;  and  the  controversy  which  arose  over  this 
question,  more  than  any  other,  produced  that  Revolution  which  resulted 
in  declaring  the  colonies  to  be  free  and  independent  States.  Not  only 
were  they  free  and  independent  of  other  Governments,  but  as  independ- 
ent of  each  other  as  they  were  of  the  gigantic  Power  whose  acknowledg- 
ment of  independence  they  had  conquered.  Although  they  had  success- 


DANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  209 

fully  struggled  for  liberty  by  a  united  effort  in  a  common  cause,  and  were 
bound  together  by  a  feeling  of  sympathy  and  of  interest,  they  were  united 
by  no  political  bonds  whatsoever,  and  no  single  State  nor  any  number 
had  the  right,  in  either  a  moral  or  political  sense,  to  interfere  with  or 
question  the  institutions  of  any  other.  Slavery  then  existed  in  all  the 
States,  and  it  was  easily  seen  that,  while  it  would  speedily  be  abolished 
in  some  from  natural  causes,  it  would  long  continue  in  others,  whether 
or  not  a  union  of  the  States  was  formed ;  and,  as  slavery  must  exist,  it 
was  wisely  deemed  better  to  have  a  Union  with  slavery  than  slavery  with- 
out a  Union." 

And,  again,  touching  the  question  of  the  power  of  Congress 
over  the  people  of  a  Territory  : — 

"  I  have  urged,  for  the  government  of  the  Territories,  when  a  sufficient 
number  of  American  citizens,  or  others  who  can  appreciate  the  obligations 
of  freemen,  shall  be  there,  a  free  Territorial  Government.;  not  that  kind 
of  freedom  which,  with  liberty  on  its  lips,  distrusts  the  capacity  of  man 
for  self-government,  and  seeks  to  hedge  him  about  with  provisos  and 
restrictions ;  nor  that  freedom  which  must  be  kept  in  leading-strings, 
held  by  some  master-power  three  thousand  miles  distant,  lest  man  shall 
care  less  for  himself  than  his  distant  fellows  shall  care  for  him,  and  be 
less  wise  in  governing  himself  than  others  would  be  in  acting  as  his 
governor;  but  that  freedom  which  springs  from  the  best  instincts  of  the 
heart  and  believes  that  man  is  better  qualified  to  rule  himself  than  to 
govern  his  neighbor.  The  Constitution  has  given  no  authority  to  Con- 
gress to  legislate  for  the  people  of  a  Territory,  and  consequently  it  has 
no  such  right ;  and  Mr.  Madison  has  pronounced  any  such  attempt  to  be 
without  the  shadow  of  constitutional  law."* 

As  a  Northern  man,  Dickinson  declared  he  would  never  cross 
the  portals  of  a  Government  brought  into  power  upon  a  Southern 
sectional  issue.  He  would  animate  his  countrymen  to  flee  it  as 
a  contagion ;  and  were  he  a  Southern  man  he  would  never  recog- 
nise a  Government  brought  into  power  upon  a  Northern  sectional 
issue, — never.  His  colleague,  he  said,  told  them  he  was  not  a 
free  agent,  having  been  instructed,  though  the  instructions  agreed 
with  his  judgment.  There  he  differed  from  Senator  Dix,  "  for," 
said  Senator  Dickinson,  "  I  belong  to  the  school  of  a  statesman 
venerated  by  every  friend  of  liberty,  who  believed  in  '  taking  the 
responsibility/  I  am  a  free  agent  to  do  asvduty  may  require,  and 
am  ready  to  count  personal  consequences  afterward."  He  be- 

*  See  speech  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Feb.  28,  1849. 
0  18* 


210  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

lieved  that  New  York  would  stand  by  the  principles  of  non-inter- 
ference and  the  Constitution. 

On  January  17,  1850,  a  discussion  occurred  on  Senator  Cle- 
mens's  resolution  calling  on  the  President  for  information  rela- 
tive to  his  action  in  regard  to  the  government  of  California. 
Senators  Clemens  and  King,  of  Alabama,  Smith,  of  Connecticut, 
Douglas  and  Shields,  of  Illinois,  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  Davis  and 
Foote,  of  Mississippi,  Dodge,  of  Iowa,  Whitcomb,  of  Indiana, 
Downs,  of  Louisiana,  and  Dickinson,  of  New  York,  participated 
in  the  discussion,  which  grew  quite  warm.  Personal  explana- 
tions were  made  by  Douglas  and  Clemens,  again  by  Shields  and 
Clemens,  and  yet  again  by  Clemens  and  Davis.  King,  Foote, 
Butler,  Dodge,  Downs,  and  Whitcomb  interposed  at  various 
points,  and  finally  Clemens  apologized  to  Douglas;  and  the 
resolution  was  passed,  although  the  original  proposer  desired  to 
withdraw  it. 

The  impetus  given  to  the  discussion  grew  out  of  the  unplea- 
sant personal  and  sectional  turn  it  took.  Senator  Clemens  made 
an  onslaught  on  the  Northern  Democracy  generally,  preferring 
Northern  Whigs,  as  having  commenced  their  antagonism  to  the 
South  earlier  and  not  carried  it  so  far.  This  attack  on  the  De- 
mocrats of  the  North,  as  being  unfounded,  did  not  receive  the 
sanction  of  leading  Southern  Senators  present.  Foote  and 
Downs  disclaimed  any  sympathy  with  it.  Dickinson  presented 
himself  in  the  breach,  and  made  a  telling  speech.  He  and  other 
Northern  Democrats  had  stood  up  there,  not  for  the  South  alone, 
but  for  the  rights  of  all.  Regardless  of  personal  consequence 
and  of  the  chances  of  popularity  and  place,  he  and  others  had 
rolled  back  the  bitter  waters  of  sectional  strife;  and  now  they 
were  denounced  as  even  less  worthy  of  reliance  than  their  politi- 
cal opponents.  He  proudly  and  boldly  repelled  the  wholesale  and 
unjust  denunciation,  and  reviled  the  evils  of  sectional  agitation. 
After  he  had  concluded,  Senator  Davis  paid  a  tribute  to  North- 
ern Democrats,  and  especially  to  Senator  Dickinson,  who  had 
"  come  out  more  boldly  in  the  expression  of  his  opinion  than 
ever  before."  "I  admire  him  the  more,"  said  Davis,  "that  his 
courage  rises  the  higher  the  greater  the  danger  which  surrounds 
him." 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Dickinson  had  great  power  and  influence, 


DANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  211 

from  his  readiness  in  debate.  His  speeches  were  seldom  lengthy, 
but  always  pithy,  bold,  and  to  the  point.  Among  other  measures 
which  commanded  his  ardent  advocacy  in  the  Senate  were  the 
establishment  of  a  branch  mint  in  the  city  of  New  York,  the 
coinage  of  three-cent  pieces,  and  the  free  circulation  of  weekly 
newspapers  through  the  mails  within  the  counties  where  they 
were  published. 

Senator  Dickinson's  course  on  the  Slavery  question  raised  him 
to  the  leadership  of  the  conservative  Democracy  of  New  York, 
and  attracted  to  him  numerous  friends  and  adherents  all  over  the 
Union.  This  was  exceedingly  gratifying  to  the  party  in  his  own 
State;  and,  on  his  return  to  New  York,  a  public  banquet  was 
given  in  his  honor  at  Tammany  Hall,  June  17,  1850.  Charles 
O'Connor  presided,  and  with  a  suitable  speech  introduced  the 
toast  of  the  evening,  "  Our  Guest. — By  unwavering  fidelity  to 
the  Union  he  truly  represents  the  Empire  State ;  by  according 
justice  to  every  section  he  has  attained  it  for  his  own."  Senator 
Dickinson  in  reply  made  a  speech  which  commanded  great  atten- 
tion at  the  time  and  may  be  perused  with  benefit  even  now.  He 
reviewed  his  positions,  and  illustrated  them  with  his  peculiar 
force.*  He  was  now  the  representative  man  of  the  New  York 
National  Democracy,  and  his  character  was  happily  summed  up 
by  the  "  Democratic  Review"  thus  : — "  The  high  position  of 
that  Democratic  Senator, — his  truly  national  and  elevated 
course, — the  intrepid  and  able  manner  in  which  he  has  at  all 
times  acted,  and  especially  during  the  agitation  of  the  exciting 
and  most  important  questions  of  the  sessions  through  which, 
thanks  to  his  patriotic  efforts  and  those  of  his  coadjutors,  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  has  happily  passed, — his  frank, 
direct,  and  firm  adherence  to  his  friends  and  to  the  cause  and 
principles  the  maintenance  of  which  has  achieved  so  much  for 
the  country,  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union,  and  the  rights  of  the 
States, — and  his  personal  worth  and  high  integrity  of  charac- 
ter,— entitle  him  and  his  course  not  only  to  distinct  approval, 
but  to  high  encomium.""]" 

A  letter  addressed  by  Daniel  Webster  to  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 


*  This  speech  is  printed  in  extcnao  in  the  "  Democratic  Review"  for  Aug.  1850. 
f  Dem.  Rev.,  October,  1 850. 


212  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

after  the  conclusion  of  the  great  struggle  in  which  they  had 
both  participated,  is  such  a  strong  and  characteristic  testimonial 
to  the  character  of  the  writer,  as  well  as  to  that  of  him  who 
inspired  it,  that  I  must  quote  a  striking  passage : — 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  27,  1850. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR: — Our  companionship  in  the  Senate  is  dissolved. 
After  this  long  and  most  important  session,  you  are  about  to  return  to 
your  home,  and  I  shall  try  to  find  leisure  to  visit  mine.  I  hope  we  may 
meet  each  other  again,  two  months  hence,  for  the  discharge  of  our  duties 
in  our  respective  stations  in  the  Government.  But  life  is  uncertain,  and 
I  have  not  felt  willing  to  take  leave  of  you  without  placing  in  your  hands 
a  note  containing  a  few  words  which  I  wish  to  say  to  you. 

"In  the  earlier  part  of  our  acquaintance,  my  dear  sir,  occurrences 
took  place  which  I  remember  with  constantly  increasing  regret  and  pain ; 
because  the  more  I  have  known  of  you,  the  greater  became  my  esteem 
for  your  character  and  my  respect  for  your  talents.  But  it  is  your 
noble,  able,  manly,  and  patriotic  conduct  in  support  of  the  measures  of 
this  session  which  has  entirely  won  my  heart  and  secured  my  highest 
regard.  I  hope  you  may  live  long  to  serve  your  country;  but  I  do  not 
think  you  are  ever  likely  to  see  a  crisis  in  which  you  may  be  able  to  do 
so  much,  either  for  your  own  distinction  or  for  the  public  good.  You 
have  stood  where  others  have  fallen ;  you  have  advanced  with  firm  and 
manly  step  where  others  have  wavered,  faltered,  and  fallen  back ;  and, 
for  one,  I  desire  to  thank  you  and  to  commend  your  conduct  out  of  the 
fulness  of  an  honest  heart.  *•'..;*.;"**•...* 

"DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

"  Hon.  DANL.  S.  DICKINSON,  U.S.  Senate." 

In  this  connection,  a  passage  from  a  letter  of  Senator  Dickin- 
son's will  be  quite  appropriate.  It  was  written  to  the  committee 
of  the  banquet  to  commemorate  the  seventy-seventh  anniversary 
of  Daniel  Webster's  birthday.  After  regretting  that  an  import- 
ant trial  in  which  he  was  counsel  would  deprive  him  of  being 
present,  he  writes, — having  in  his  "  mind's  eye"  the  cherished 
letter  just  given  : — 

"  It  is  one  of  the  proudest  recollections  of  a  life  familiar  with  interest- 
ng  incidents  that  I  was  permitted  to  be  long  associated  with  one  so 
eminent  in  the  public  councils,  and  more  especially  that  I  was  honored 
by  his  confidence  and  cheered  by  his  distinguished  friendship.  I  cherish 
with  idolatrous  devotion  the  evidences  of  deep  regard  which  his  noble 
heart  furnished,  and,  in  harmony  with  his  own  suggestion,  shall  'leave 
it  where  it  will  be  seen  by  those  who  shall  come  after  me.' 

"  Great  as  was  Daniel  Webster  in  his  life,  he  was  greater  in  his  death. 


I>ANIEL   S.  DICKINSON.  213 

Great  as  he  was  in  noble  deeds,  his  memory  is  greater  still ;  and  when 
time  shall  have  obliterated  all  traces  of  petty  rivalries  and  disturbing 
jealousies  which  disfigure  the  surface  of  society,  and  have  silenced  the 
clamor  of  partisan  jargon,  he  will  'still  live,'  with  increasing  admiration, 
as  pure  among  patriots,  eminent  among  statesmen,  and  eloquent  among 
orators." 

Mr.  Dickinson  was  the  last  Democratic  Senator  from  New 
York.  His  term  expired  March  4,  1851.  Since  that  period  he 
has  lived  chiefly  in  retirement,  devoting  himself  to  rural  and 
professional  pursuits  at  Binghamton. 

In  1852,  he  was  brought  forward  for  the  Presidency  at  the 
Democratic  Convention  in  Baltimore.  The  influential  vote  of 
Virginia  was  cast  for  him,,  and  his  nomination  might  have  been 
the  result  but  for  his  own  chivalrous  and  delicate  sense  of  honor. 
Senator  Dickinson  withdrew  his  name,  because,  being  a  delegate 
to  the  Convention  and  pledged  to  his  friend  General  Cass,  whose 
name  was  still  before  it,  he  thought  it  inconsistent  with  a  manly 
friendship,  not  less  than  with  a  high  sentiment  of  honor,  to  per- 
mit himself  to  be  placed  in  competition  with  a  man  whom  he 
had  pledged  himself  to  support. 

On  the  election  of  Mr.  Pierce  to  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Dickin- 
son was  pressed  for  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Marcy, 
however,  received  that  place,  and  the  former  declined  the  Collect- 
orsliip  of  New  York,  to  which  the  new  President  appointed 
him.  Though  his  retirement  is  only  occasionally  broken  by  a 
letter  or  speech  of  public  interest,  Mr.  Dickinson  is  still  regarded 
as  the  head  of  the  conservative  New  York  Democracy.  As  an 
evidence  of  the  vitality  of  his  intellect,  it  is  enough  to  state 
that  his  professional  services  are  now  in  greater  demand  than  at 
any  previous  time.  At  the  Democratic  State  Convention,  held  at 
Syracuse  on  September  1,  1859,  Mr.  Dickinson  made  a  speech 
which  created  immense  enthusiasm  and  produced  a  healthy  effect 
on  the  distracted  party. 

In  May,  1857,  he  visited  Washington  with  his  family.  His 
hotel  was  crowded  with  the  leading  people ;  and,  on  the  evening 
of  the  25th,  a  serenade  was  given  to  him,  at  which  he  made  a 
brief  and  touching  speech,  alluding  to  the  memories  and  friend- 
ships called  up  by  the  occasion.  The  earnestness  of  his  words, 
and  the  picturesque  whiteness  of  his  long  hair,  surrounded  the 
theme  "  as  with  a  halo."  At  the  commencement  of  Hamilton 


214  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

College,  July,  1858,  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws 
was  conferred  upon  him.  On  that  occasion  he  delivered  an 
address  to  the  graduating  class  of  the  Law  department. 

Such  is  an  outline  of  the  career  of  one  who  is  equally  beloved 
by  the  Democracy  as  a  statesman  as  by  his  neighbors  he  is  es- 
teemed as  a  friend,  "  and  whose  reward  (yet,  we  trust,  to  be  fully 
accorded  to  him)  can  never  be,"  says  a  New  York  journal,  "let 
it  take  what  shape  it  may,  too  great  for  the  desert  of  his  inestima- 
ble public  services." 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  215 


STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS, 

OF  ILLINOIS. 

THE  name  of  no  American  statesman  has  been  more  familiar 
to  the  public  ear  for  several  years  past  than  that  which  heads  this 
sketch.  The  opinions  of  none  have  been  more  eagerly  listened 
to,  more  violently  attacked,  or  more  gallantly  defended  than  those 
of  "  the  Little  Giant"  of  the  West.  The  anxiety  to  hear  him 
in  the  Halls  of  Congress  has  been  equalled  only  by  the  impa- 
tient desire  of  far-distant  places  to  read  what  he  had  said. 
Newspapers  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion  have  found  it  to 
their  advantage  not  only  to  state  his  views,  but  to  chronicle  them 
in  his  own  words  :  consequently,  none  of  those  who  may  be  called 
his  contemporaries,  of  whatever  party,  have  had  such  wide-spread 
publication.  In  the  Democratic  party,  no  one  has  attracted  so 
much  attention  in  his  day ;  and  in  the  Republican  party,  Senator 
Seward  alone  approaches  him  in  commanding  the  public  eye  and 
ear.  His  career  has  been  exceedingly  brilliant, — the  romantic 
details  of  his  youthful  struggles  very  fitly  prefacing  the  chivalric 
boldness  of  his  manhood.  It  is  a  splendid  illustration  of  the 
developing  influences  of  American  institutions ;  and  the  memoirs 
of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  some  future  day  will  nerve  many  an 
orphaned  youth  for  the  battle  of  life,  and  give  him  strength  to 
combat  and  to  conquer  when  engaged  in  it. 

Stephen  Arnold  Douglas  was  born  at  Brandon,  Rutland 
County,  Vermont,  on  the  23d  of  April,  1813.  His  father,  a 
native  of  New  York  and  a  physician  of  prominence,  died  sud- 
denly of  apoplexy  when  his  son  Stephen  was  little  more  than  two 
months  old.  The  widow,  Mrs.  Douglas,  who  still  survives  to 
witness  the  greatness  of  her  boy,  took  her  infant  and  a  daughter 
some  eighteen  months  older  to  a  farm  which  she  had  inherited 
conjointly  with  her  unmarried  brother.  Stephen  received  such 
an  education  as  a  common  school  could  bestow,  and,  arriving  at 


216  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  age  of  fifteen,  looked  anxiously  toward  a  college  course. 
His  family  were  unable  to  afford  the  requisite  expense ;  in  which 
event  he,  thinking  it  time  to  earn  his  own  living,  left  the  farm 
and  apprenticed  himself  to  a  cabinet-maker, — at  which  trade  he 
worked,  partly  at  Middlebury  and  partly  at  Brandon,  for  eighteen 
months.  The  now  solid-bodied  and  sturdy  Senator,  who,  buoyed 
up  by  the  force  of  his  intellect,  can  undergo  any  amount  of 
fatigue  in  travel  and  public  speaking,  was  then  a  stripling,  and 
not  over-hardy.  The  severity  of  eighteen  months'  application  at 
the  cabinet-maker's  bench  so  impaired  his  health  that  he  aban- 
doned the  occupation,  though  not  without  some  regret  j  for  he 
has  often  since  said  that  the  happiest  days  of  his  life  were  spent 
in  the  workshop.  Entering  the  academy  at  Brandon,  he  studied 
for  a  year,  when,  his  mother,  after  a  widowhood  of  sixteen  years, 
having  married  Mr.  Granger,  of  Ontario  County,  New  York, — 
whose  son  had  previously  wedded  her  daughter, — he  removed  to 
Canandaigua  with  his  mother  and  entered  the  academy  at  that 
place.  Here  he  remained  until  1833,  studying  law  with  the 
Messrs.  Hubbell. 

The  activity  of  his  nature,  which,  no  doubt,  was  the  secret  of 
his  ill  health  under  the  trammels  of  the  workshop,  would  not  let 
him  rest  in  Canandaigua.  Young,  and  with  the  instincts  which 
latent  power  creates,  he  desired  a  fresh  field;  and  so,  in  the 
spring  of  1833,  he  started  West  in  search  of  an  eligible  place  in 
which  to  woo  and  win  fortune  as  a  lawyer.  The  way  to  fortune, 
like  the  course  of  true  love,  does  not  always  run  smooth.  Young 
Douglas  was  prostrated  by  a  severe  illness,  and  had  to  remain  the 
whole  summer  at  Cleveland.  After  his  recovery,  he  continued 
his  search  for  an  "  eligible  place,"  visiting  Cincinnati,  Louisville, 
and  St.  Louis  in  vain.  At  Jacksonville,  Illinois,  he  was  no  better 
pleased,  though  the  state  of  his  funds — now  reduced  to  thirty- 
seven  and  a  half  cents — offered  some  reason  why  he  might  not 
proceed.  If  his  pockets  were  empty,  however,  his  heart  was  full 
and  gave  him  strength ;  and  applying  this  strength  to  the  best  use, 
he  walked  to  Winchester,  a  little  town  sixteen  miles  distant,  where 
he  hoped  to  obtain  employment  as  a  school-teacher. 

At  Winchester,  a  large  crowd  had  collected  around  the  stock 
of  a  deceased  trader,  which  was  about  to  be  sold  by  auction. 
Instinctively,  young  Douglas  was  soon  in  the  front  rank  of  the 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  217 

crowd,  to  see  what  was  going  on.  The  auctioneer  was  at  a  stand- 
still. He  wanted  a  clerk  to  keep  the  sale-accounts.  Douglas, 
looking  like  a  man  who  could  read  and  write,  was  invited  to  the 
clerkship,  and  promptly  accepted  it.  For  his  three  days'  service 
in  this  position  he  received  six  dollars,  with  which  capital  he  im- 
mediately opened  a  school  and  obtained  forty  scholars,  whom  he 
taught  for  three  months  at  three  dollars  each.  Spending  his  days 
in  teaching  the  youth  of  Winchester,  his  nights  were  devoted  to 
his  own  instruction.  Borrowing  some  law-books  in  Jacksonville, 
he  mastered  their  contents,  and  on  Saturday  afternoons  displayed 
his  book-learning  with  great  effect  while  practising  in  petty  cases 
before  the  justice  of  the  peace  of  the  town.  After  an  examina- 
tion, he  obtained  a  license  from  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  in  March,  1834,  opened  an  office  and  commenced  practice  in 
the  higher  courts. 

Henceforward  the  success  of  Mr.  Douglas  was  marvellous. 
He  immediately  rose  to  distinction  at  the  bar.  The  only  stan- 
dard by  which  to  measure  his  rapid  progress  in  the  esteem  and 
confidence  of  the  people  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  within  a 
year  after  his  admission,  while  not  yet  twenty-two  years  old,  and 
not  over  eighteen  months  a  resident  of  Illinois,  the  Legislature 
elected  him  Attorney-General  of  the  State.  In  December,  1835, 
he  resigned  this  office,  having  been  elected  to  the  Legislature  by 
the  Democrats  of  Morgan  County.  In  the  Legislature,  where  he 
was  the  youngest  member,  he  continued  to  increase  his  reputa- 
tion, and  to  ingratiate  himself  in  the  affections  of  his  colleagues 
and  constituents.  His  reputation  and  power  as  a  Democrat  ex- 
tended, and  in  1837  he  was  appointed  Register  of  the  Land  Office 
at  Springfield,  Illinois,  by  President  Van  Buren,  and  held  the 
office  until  1839,  when  he  resigned.  In  the  mean  time,  although 
ineligible  on  the  score  of  age,  Mr.  Douglas  received  the  Demo- 
cratic nomination  for  Congress,  in  November,  1837.  He  at- 
tained the  requisite  age  before  the  day  of  election, — the  first 
Monday  in  August,  1838, — but  lost  the  election  by  a  quibble. 
His  Congressional  district  was  then  the  most  populous  in  the 
United  States;  and  the  closeness  of  the  vote  shows  how  tho- 
roughly the  canvass  must  have  been  conducted.  Over  36,000 
votes  were  cast,  and  the  Whig  candidate  was  declared  elected 
by  a  majority  of  five, — there  being  more  ballots  rejected  by  the 

19 


218  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

canvassers  in  consequence  of  the  mis-spelling  of  Mr.  Douglas's 
name  than  would  have  changed  the  result. 

Mr.  Douglas  now  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  his  profession, 
and  distinguished  himself  especially  in  a  case  touching  the  rights 
of  foreign-born  voters,  to  which  I  will  have  occasion  to  refer 
hereafter.  In  1840  he  entered  upon  the  Presidential  contest 
in  favor  of  Van  Buren  and  Democracy  with  great  ardor.  He 
traversed  the  State  for  seven  months,  and  addressed  more  than 
two  hundred  political  gatherings, — about  one  every  day ;  and  to 
his  great  exertions  is  ascribed  the  adherence  of  Illinois  to  the 
Democracy  in  that  eventful  and  exciting  campaign.  Illinois  gave 
her  full  vote  for  Van  Buren.  In  December  of  this  year  the 
labors  of  Mr.  Douglas  were  rewarded  by  his  appointment  as 
Secretary  of  State  for  Illinois;  and  in  February  following  he  was 
elected  by  the  Legislature  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court, — the 
title  of  which  office  has  ever  since  remained  associated  with  his 
name  in  the  popular  mind.  In  1843  he  resigned  his  seat  on  the 
bench  to  accept,  against  his  known  wishes,  the  Democratic  nomi- 
nation for  Congress.  The  acceptance  of  this  nomination  was 
urged  on  him  on  the  ground  that  he  was  the  only  Democrat 
who  could  be  elected.  He  was  chosen  by  a  majority  of  four  hun- 
dred. In  1844  he  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of  nineteen  hun- 
dred, and  again,  in  1846,  by  nearly  three  thousand  majority. 
He  did  not  take  his  seat  under  the  last  election,  having  been  in 
the  mean  time  elevated  to  the  United  States  Senate  for  six  years 
from  March  4,  1847 ;  in  which  high  position  he  has  continued 
ever  since. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  Mr.  Douglas  took  a  promi- 
nent position  on  the  Oregon  controversy  with  England,  main- 
taining our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to  54°  40',  and  de- 
claring that  he  never  would  yield  one  inch  of  Oregon,  either  to 
Great  Britain  or  any  other  Government.  He  was  in  favor  of  the 
resolution  giving  notice  to  terminate  the  joint  occupation,  and 
advocated  with  great  fervor  the  establishment  of  a  Territorial 
Government  over  Oregon,  under  the  protection  of  a  sufficient 
military  force,  and  the  immediate  preparation  of  the  country,  so 
that,  in  the  event  of  a  war  growing  out  of  what  he  deemed  the 
assertion  of  our  rights,  we  might  "  drive  Great  Britain,  and  the 
last  vestiges  of  royal  authority,  from  the  continent  of  North 


STEPHEN    A.  DOUGLAS.  219 

America,  and  make  the  United  States  an  ocean-bound  republic." 
The  foreign  policy  of  Mr.  Douglas  as  a  Representative  and  Sena- 
tor has  uniformly  been  of  a  bold,  broad,  and  national  character. 
He  has  not  always  agreed  with  the  Administration  in  power ; 
but  he  has  never  swerved  from  the  basis  of  a  fearless  and  digni- 
fied American  policy. 

He  was  an  early  advocate  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  was- 
one  of  those  who  introduced  a  substitute  for  the  treaty  to  effect 
that  object  which  had  failed  in  the  Senate.  As  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Territories,  in  1846,  he  reported  the  joint  resolu- 
tion declaring  Texas  one  of  the  United  States ;  and  he  ably  sus- 
tained Folk's  Administration  in  its  war  measures  toward  Mexico. 
Yet  he  opposed  the  treaty  of  peace  which  closed  the  Mexican 
War,  on  the  ground  that  the  boundaries  were  "unnatural  and 
inconvenient'7  and  that  the  provisions  in  regard  to  the  Indians 
"  could  never  be  executed."  Our  Government  has  since  given 
ten  millions  of  dollars  to  Mexico  to  alter  the  boundaries  and  re- 
linquish the  Indian  stipulations.  In  like  manner,  he  strenuously 
opposed  the  ratification  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  upon  the 
ground  that  it  pledged  the  faith  of  the  United  States  in  all  time 
never  to  annex,  colonize,  or  occupy  any  portion  of  Central  America. 
What  was  the  use  of  making  such  pledges  ?  He  asked  the 
Senate  to  keep  up  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  to  look  the  future 
in  the  face,  and  prepare  to  meet  that  which  cannot  be  avoided. 
It  might  not  occur  in  our  day,  but  he  believed  that,  as  certainly  as 
the  Republic  exists,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  colonize  and  annex 
Mexico  and  Central  America.  He  opposed  the  treaty  for  another 
reason : — it  was  not  reciprocal.  Great  Britain  had  possession  of 
the  island  of  Jamaica,  which  was  armed,  and  commanded  the 
entrance  of  the  proposed  canal.  By  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  we 
could  have  no  fortification  there.  He  ridiculed  Senator  Clayton's 
idea  of  the  friendliness  of  England  to  the  United  States,  and 
showed  that  it  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things  that  she  could  be 
our  friend.  "England  does  not  love  us,"  he  said;  "she  cannot 
love  us;  and  we  do  not  love  her,  either.  We  have  some  things  in 
the  past  to  remember  that  are  not  agreeable.  She  has  more  in 
the  present  to  humiliate  her  than  she  can  forgive."  He  argued 
also  that  Mr.  Clayton's  negotiations  recognised  the  right  of  Great 
Britain  and  all  othor  European  Powers  to  interfere  with  the 


220  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

affairs  of  the  American  States, — and  made  the  subject  of  Cen- 
tral America  a  European  instead  of  an  American  question. 

Senator  Douglas  has  declared  himself  in  favor  of  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Cuba,  when  that  island  can  be  obtained  in  a  manner 
consistent  with  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  honor  of  the  United 
States. 

In  the  spring  of  1858  the  country  was  greatly  agitated  at 
the  news  that  several  American  vessels  had  been  visited  and 
searched  by  English  vessels-of-war  in  the  Mexican  Gulf  and 
adjacent  seas.  The  sanctity  of  the  American  flag  had  been  vio- 
lated thirty-three  times  within  four  weeks.  Senators  wanted 
official  information  before  they  would  act,  and  thought  that  the 
matter  could  be  settled  by  negotiation.  Senator  Douglas  was  for 
sending  a  ship-of-war  on  the  track  of  the  Styx,  the  Buzzard,  or 
the  Forward,  or  any  other  English  vessel  that  had  been  com- 
mitting the  outrages, — to  capture  her,  and  bring  her  into  an  Ame- 
rican port :  then,  he  thought,  would  be  a  good  time  to  negotiate. 
On  the  24th  of  May,  he  introduced  a  bill  authorizing  the  Presi- 
dent to  employ  such  force  as  he  might  deem  necessary  to  prevent 
the  recurrence  of  the  outrages,  and  to  obtain  redress  for  those 
already  committed.  The  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  smo- 
thered this  with  a  substitute  not  touching  the  point  at  issue  at  all ; 
and  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  before  the  close  of  the  session,  June 
3,  introduced  a  bill  to  revive  and  put  in  force  the  Act  of  the  3d  of 
March,  1839,  which  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  President,  to  be 
used  when  necessary  to  resist  the  unjust  claims  of  Great  Britain, 
the  naval  and  military  forces  and  militia,  fifty  thousand  volun- 
teers, if  necessary,  and  ten  millions  of  dollars, — the  Act  to  con- 
tinue in  force  for  sixty  days  after  the  next  meeting  of  Congress. 
The  proposition  was  to  vest  in  President  Buchanan  the  same 
power  and  discretion  which  he  had  moved  into  the  hands  of  Pre- 
sident Van  Buren  nineteen  years  previous.*  The  bill  was  not 
adopted;  but,  in  the  extra  session  of  the  Senate,  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions reported  by  Senator  Mason  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs  were  adopted,  which  took  cognizance  of  the  outrages  and 
condemned  them,  and  promised  further  legislation  if  necessary. 


*  On  motion  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  Act  of  1839  passed  the  Senate  unani- 
raously;  the  House  adopted  it  by  197  to  6. 


STEPHEN    A.  DOUGLAS.  22! 

Mr.  Douglas's  foreign  polic}'  has  ever  been  such  as  would  make  our 
flag  respected,  if  not  feared. 

As  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  first  in  the 
House  and  afterward  in  the  Senate,  he  reported  and  carried 
through  the  bills  organizing  the  Territories  of  Minnesota,  Oregon, 
New  Mexico,  Utah,  Washington,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska,  and  also 
"the  bills  for  the  admission  into  the  Union  of  the  States  of  Iowa, 
Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota,  and  Oregon.  He  early  took 
ground  touching  the  Slavery  question  as  involved  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  Territories  and  the  admission  of  new  States.  He  held  that 
Congress  should  not  interfere  one  way  or  the  other.  With  this 
view,  he  opposed  the  "Wilmot  Proviso,"  in  1847,  when  it  passed 
the  House  as  an  amendment  to  the  $3,000,000  Bill  for  the  peace 
treaty  with  Mexico,  and  afterward  in  the  Senate,  when  introduced 
as  an  amendment  to  the  bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Territory 
of  Oregon.  In  August,  1848,  he  offered  an  amendment  to  the 
Oregon  Bill,  extending  the  Missouri  Compromise  line — 36°  30' 
— westward  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  was 
adopted  in  1820  and  extended  through  Texas  in  1845.  The 
amendment  passed  the  Senate,  having  the  support  of  all  the 
Southern  and  several  Northern  Senators.  In  the  House  it  was 
defeated  by  an  almost  sectional  vote. 

In  the  month  of  January  of  the  session  of  1849-50,  Mr.  Clay 
offered  his  celebrated  resolutions,  which  became  the  basis  of  the 
subsequent  legislation  of  that  session,  known  as  the  Compromise 
measures. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  Mr.  Douglas,  from  the  Committee  on 
Territories,  reported  to  the  Senate  two  bills, — one  for  the  admis- 
sion of  California  as  a  State,  the  other  for  the  establishment 
of  Territorial  Governments  in  Utah  and  New  Mexico,  and  for 
the  adjustment  of  the  Texas  boundary.  On  the  19th  of  April, 
on  motion  of  General  Foote,  of  Mississippi,  a  committee  of  thir- 
,teen  was  appointed,  of  which  Mr.  Clay  was  made  chairman,  and 
to  which  was  referred  all  the  subjects  pertaining  to  the  question 
of  Slavery.  On  the  8th  of  May,  Mr.  Clay,  from  the  Committee 
of  Thirteen,  made  an  elaborate  report,  accompanied  by  a  bill 
generally  known  as  the  "Omnibus  Bill."  By  reference  to  the 
original  bill,  as  reported  by  Mr.  Clay  and  as  it  now  appears  on 
the  files  of  the  Senate,  it  will  be  seen  that,  instead  of  preparing  a 

19* 


222  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

new  bill,  the  Committee  of  Thirteen  took  the  two  bills  reported 
by  Mr.  Douglas  on  the  25th  of  March,  and  converted  them  into 
one,  by  putting  wafers  between  them, — they  had  been  previously 
printed  by  the  Senate, — making  slight  amendments,  as  Mr.  Clay 
stated  when  he  made  his  report,  and  erasing  the  printed  words 
"  Mr.  Douglas,  from  the  Committee  on  Territories/'  and  inserting 
"  Mr.  Clay,  from  the  Select  Committee  appointed  the  19th  of 
April,  1850;"  so  that  it  read,  "Mr.  Clay,  &c.  &c.  reported  the 
following  bill/7  This  is  an  interesting  historical  fact. 

The  most  important  amendment  proposed  by  the  Committee 
of  Thirteen  to  the  bills  as  reported  by  Mr.  Douglas  is  found  in  the 
10th  section,  where  after  the  words  "  that  the  Legislative  power 
of  the  Territory  shall  extend  to  all  rightful  subjects  of  legisla- 
tion consistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
the  provisions  of  this  Act,  but  no  law  shall  be  passed  interfering 
with  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil,"  they  added  these  words, 
"nor  in  respect  to  African  slavery;"  the  effect  of  which  was  to 
confer  upon  the  Territorial  Legislature  power  over  all  rightful 
subjects  of  legislation,  excepting  slavery ;  whereas  Mr.  Douglas's 
bill  conferred  the  same  power  on  the  Territorial  Legislature, 
without  excepting  slavery. 

No  sooner  had  this  report  been  made  by  Mr.  Clay  than  it  was 
fiercely  assailed  by  the  ultraists  North  and  South.  Mr.  Jefferson 
Davis,  of  Mississippi,  moved  to  amend  by  adding  a  proviso  that 
nothing  contained  in  the  bill  should  be  construed  to  deprive  the 
Territorial  Legislature  of  the  power  to  pass  laws  for  the  pro- 
tection of  slave-property  in  the  Territories,  and  made  several 
speeches  in  favor  of  that  provision.  Mr.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of 
Ohio,  proposed  an  amendment  in  effect  declaring  that  the  bill 
should  not  be  construed  to  authorize  the  Legislature  to  establish 
and  maintain  slavery  in  the  Territories;  whereupon  Mr.  Clay 
stated  to  the  Senate  that  the  amendment  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Thirteen,  excepting  slavery  from  the  action  of  the  Ter- 
ritorial Legislature,  was  incorporated  in  the  bill  by  the  committee 
in  opposition  to  his  vote  and  judgment.  Mr.  Douglas  moved  to 
strike  out  of  the  bill  every  thing  in  regard  to  slavery,  so  as  to 
restore  it  to  the  form  in  which  he  had  originally  reported  it, 
conferring  on  the  Territorial  Legislature  power  over  all  rightful 
subjects  of  legislation,  without  excepting  slavery.  This  motion 


STEPHEN    A.  DOUGLAS.  223 

was  at  first  rejected,  together  with  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Davis 
in  favor  of,  and  that  of  Mr.  Chase  against,  protecting  slavery. 
The  discussion  proceeded  at  great  length  upon  the  question  whe- 
ther the  Territorial  Legislature  should  have  the  same  authority 
over  the  Slavery  question  as  on  all  other  matters  affecting  the 
internal  policy  of  the  Territory,  when,  on  the  31st  of  July,  Mr. 
Norris,  of  New  Hampshire,  renewed  the  motion  of  Mr.  Douglas, 
which  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  33  to  19  ;  thus  establishing,  as  the 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  the 
doctrine  that  the  Territorial  Legislature  was  to  have  the  same 
power  over  the  question  of  Slavery  that  it  possessed  on  all  other 
matters  of  domestic  policy. 

No  sooner  had  these  measures  been  adopted  by  Congress  than 
the  Southern  ultras  appealed  to  the  people  of  Mississippi,  Ala- 
bama, Georgia,  South  Carolina,  and  other  Southern  States,  to 
resist  the  action  of  Congress,  because  they  had  conferred  upon 
the  Territorial  Legislature  the  right  to  prohibit  as  well  as  to 
protect  slavery  as  they  pleased.  On  the  other  hand,  the  ultraists 
of  the  North  appealed  to  the  anti-slavery  feeling  of  their  section 
to  resist  and  repeal  the  same  measures,  upon  the  ground  that  they 
conferred  on  the  Territorial  Legislature  the  right  to  introduce 
slavery  into,  as  well  as  exclude  it  from,  the  Territories,  as  the 
people  might  choose. 

When  Congress  adjourned,  the  friends  of  these  measures  re- 
paired to  their  respective  homes  to  defend  and  justify  their 
action.  When  Mr.  Douglas  arrived  in  Chicago,  he  found  the 
city  in  a  state  of  rebellion  against  the  recent  Acts  of  Congress. 
The  City  Council,  in  their  official  capacity,  had  passed  resolu- 
tions denouncing  them  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  and 
of  the  higher  law  of  God,  and  those  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives who  had  voted  for  them  as  Benedict  Arnolds  and 
Judas  Iscariots.  In  order  to  make  their  resistance  effectual, 
the  City  Council  passed  resolutions  releasing  the  citizens,  offi- 
cers, and  police  of  the  city  from  all  obligation  to  assist  or  par- 
ticipate in  the  execution  of  these  laws,  and  declared  that  they 
(the  laws)  ought  not  to  be  respected  by  any  intelligent  commu- 
nity. On  the  next  night,  a  mass  meeting  of  the  citizens  was 
held  for  the  purpose  of  approving  and  sanctioning  the  action  of 
the  Common  Council  and  organizing  violent  and  successful 


224  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  laws.  A  committee  reported 
to  this  meeting  a  series  of  resolutions  more  revolutionary  in 
their  character,  and  going  to  a  greater  extent  in  resisting  the  au- 
thorities of  the  Federal  Government,  than  those  of  the  Common 
Council.  Numerous  speeches  in  support  of  the  resolutions  were 
received  with  boisterous  and  furious  applause, — pledging  their 
authors  to  resist  even  unto  the  dungeon  and  the  grave.  At 
length,  Mr.  Douglas,  being  the  only  member  of  the  Illinois  dele- 
gation then  in  the  city,  appeared  upon  the  stand,  and  said  that 
in  consequence  of  the  action  of  the  Common  Council,  and  the 
frenzied  excitement  which  seemed  to  rage  all  around  him,  he 
desired  to  be  heard  before  the  assembled  people  of  the  city  in 
vindication  of  each  and  all  of  the  Compromise  measures,  and 
especially  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law.  He  said  he  would  not 
address  them  that  night,  because  the  call  for  the  meeting  was 
not  sufficiently  broad  to  authorize  a  speech  in  defence  of  the 
measures,  but  he  would  avail  himself  of  that  opportunity  to  give 
notice  that  on  the  next  night  he  would  address  the  people  of 
Chicago  on  those  subjects.  He  invited  men  of  all  parties  and 
shades  of  opinion  to  attend  and  participate  in  the  proceedings, 
assuring  them  that  he  would  answer  every  objection  made,  and 
every  question  which  should  be  propounded,  touching  those  mea- 
sures, including  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law.  After  further  discus- 
sion and  much  confusion  and  opposition,  the  meeting  was 
induced  to  adjourn. 

In  the  mean  time  the  excitement  continued  to  increase,  and 
the  next  night,  October  23,  a  tremendous  concourse  of  people 
assembled,  before  whom  Mr.  Douglas  delivered  a  speech,  some 
impression  of  the  power  and  effect  of  which  may  be  formed  from 
the  fact  that  the  meeting  resolved  unanimously  to  carry  into 
effect  the  provisions  of  the  laws  of  Congress,  (the  Fugitive-Slave 
Law  included,)  adopted  resolutions  repudiating  the  action  of  the 
Common  Council,  and  then  adjourned  with  nine  cheers, — three 
for  Douglas,  three  for  the  Constitution,  and  three  for  our  glorious 
Union.  On  the  next  night  the  Common  Council  of  the  city 
assembled,  and  repealed  their  nullifying  resolutions,  by  a  vote  of 
12tol. 

In  this  great  Chicago  speech,  Douglas,  holding  himself  respon- 
sible to  his  constituents  for  the  Compromise  measures,  avowed 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  225 

having  prepared  three  of  them  with  his  own  hand,  and  having 
voted  for  all. 

"If,"  said  he,  "there  is  any  thing  wrong  in  them,  hold  me  account- 
able ;  if  there  is  any  thing  of  merit,  give  the  credit  to  those  who  passed 
them.  These  measures  are  predicated  on  the  great  fundamental  principle 
that  every  people  ought  to  possess  the  right  of  forming  and  regulating  their 
own  internal  and  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way.  It  was  supposed 
that  those  of  our  fellow-citizens  who  emigrated  to  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific  and  to  our  other  Territories  were  as  capable  of  self-government 
as  their  neighbors  and  kindred  whom  they  left  behind  them ;  and  there 
was  no  reason  for  believing  that  they  had  lost  any  of  their  intelligence 
or  patriotism  by  the  wayside  while  crossing  the  Isthmus  or  the  plains. 
It  was  also  believed  that  after  their  arrival  in  the  country,  when  they 
had  become  familiar  with  its  topography,  climate,  productions,  and  re- 
sources, and  had  connected  their  destiny  with  it,  they  were  fully  as  com- 
petent to  judge  for  themselves  what  kind  of  laws  and  institutions  were 
best  adapted  to  their  condition  and  interests,  as  we  were,  who  never  saw 
the  country  and  knew  very  little  about  it.  To  question  their  compe- 
tency to  do  this,  was  to  deny  their  capacity  for  self-government.  If  they 
have  the  requisite  intelligence  and  honesty  to  be  intrusted  with  the  en- 
actment of  laws  for  the  government  of  white  men,  I  know  of  no  reason 
why  they  should  not  be  deemed  competent  to  legislate  for  the  negro.  If 
they  are  sufficiently  enlightened  to  make  laws  for  the  protection  of  life, 
liberty,  and  property,  of  morals  and  education, — to  determine  the  rela- 
tion of  husband  and  wife,  of  parent  and  child, — I  am  not  aware  that  it 
requires  any  higher  degree  of  civilization  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  master 
and  servant.  These  things  are  all  confided  by  the  Constitution  to  each 
State  to  decide  for  itself;  and  I  know  of  no  reason  why  the  same  prin- 
ciple should  not  be  extended  to  the  Territories.  My  votes  and  acts  have 
been  in  accordance  with  these  views  in  all  cases,  except  the  instances  in 
which  I  voted  under  your  instructions.  Those  were  your  votes,  and  not 
mine." 

At  least  half  a  million  copies  of  this  speech  were  circulated 
throughout  the  country.  I  have  never  yet  seen  or  heard  of  any 
friend  of  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850  who  did  not  warmly 
applaud  the  speech,  and  express  their  gratitude  to  its  author. 
The  appeal  to  the  people  by  the  advocates  of  those  measures  met 
a  hearty  response  from  all  the  friends  of  the  Union,  North  and 
South,  as  is  attested  by  the  fact  that,  in  1852,  the  ultraists  of  the 
Democratic  party,  who  had  opposed  those  measures  and  appealed 
to  the  people  to  resist,  were  forced  by  public  opinion  to  assent 
to  them  and  agree  that  the  principles  on  which  they  rested  should 
P 


226  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

be  incorporated  in  the  platform  of  the  party;  and  still  further  by 
the  fact  that  the  ultraists  in  the  old  Whig  party,  who  had  op- 
posed the  measures,  were  in  like  manner  condemned  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  compelled  to  acquiesce  in  a  resolution  in  the  Baltimore 
Convention  adopting  these  measures,  in  substance  and  principle, 
as  a  rule  of  action  for  the  future. 

Both  parties  having  thus  adopted  the  measures,  it  was  hoped 
that  the  slavery  agitation  would  cease,  and  that  henceforward 
the  people  of  each  Territory  and  State  would  be  allowed  to  decide 
the  Slavery  question  for  themselves. 

In  accordance  with  this  principle,  Mr.  Douglas  introduced  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in  1854,  declaring,  as  its  fundamental 
principle,  that  "it  was  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  Act 
not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  State  or  Territory,  nor  to  exclude 
it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to 
form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way, 
subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  His 
speech  in  the  Senate  in  support  of  the  bill  and  against  its  adver- 
saries was  regarded  as  "the  greatest  speech  of  his  life."  The 
"Union,"  then  the  organ  of  the  Pierce  Administration,  in  an 
article  on  the  close  of  the  debate, — written  by  John  W.  Forney, — 
said  : — 

"He  took  his  opponents  up  one  by  one,  answering  every  objection  with 
a  skill  and  an  effect  before  which  they  could  make  no  head.  Even  those 
who  had  observed  and  appreciated  the  intellect  of  the  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois on  other  occasions  were  surprised  at  his  exhibition  of  logic  and 
genius  on  Saturday  morning.  We  have  vainly  endeavored  to  recall  the 
numerous  striking  points  of  a  speech  so  useful  in  its  facts  and  in  its 
figures  and  so  inspiring  in  its  vigorous  and  surpassing  eloquence.  One 
of  his  retorts  upon  the  Abolitionists  will  be  long  remembered.  Alluding 
to  the  poor  special  plea  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  compact, 
he  said  it  was  no  compact.  He  defended  the  North  against  the  allega- 
tion, which,  if  true,  would  deeply  dishonor  her.  If  it  were  a  compact,  she 
had  violated  it,  nullified  it,  trampled  it  in  the  dust;  and  to  say  that  was 
to  insult  and  to  degrade  her,  especially  if  now  she  could  be  seduced  into 
demanding  others  to  respect  what  she  had  never  regarded  herself. 
Turning  to  Mr.  Seward,  he  said,  what  did  the  State  of  New  York,  in 
treating  of  this  so-called,  and  falsely  so-called,  compact,  which  now,  by 
her  Whig  Legislature,  (another  result  of  Democratic  divisions,)  she  ap- 
peals to  us  to  guard  and  to  save  ?  For  years — yes,  for  more  than  thirty 
years — she  has  sent  men  here  to  disregard  it.  It  was  no  compact :  for 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  227 

when  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820  became  a  law,  it  provided  that 
when  Missouri  was  admitted  into  the  Union  she  should  be  admitted  as  a 
slave  State ;  and  eleven  months  after  that — chiefly  because  she  had  slavery 
in  her  Constitution — New  York  refused  to  vote  for  her  admission,  and  so 
disregarded  the  law,  or  the  bargain,  or  what  was  then  a  sort  of  compact ! 
Mr.  Seward  attempted  to  answer  this  powerful  point ;  but  he  took  his 
seat  abashed  and  confused.  Turning,  next,  to  the  trio  of  Abolition  Sena- 
tors, he  spoke  to  them,  and  of  their  unholy  plots,  and  their  appeals  to 
violence,  and  the  demonstrations  against  himself,  with  a  defiant  and 
scorching  eloquence  that  cannot  be  reported.  They  quailed  before  his 
severe  and  withering  rebukes.  To  Senator  Sumner  he  said, — alluding  to 
the  infamous  attempt  recently  made  to  insult  him  in  that  city, — *  That 
Boston  which  closed  Faneuil  Hall  to  the  immortal  Webster  for  daring  to 
defy  her  prejudices  to  the  South,  and  turned  him  into  the  streets  to 
vindicate  himself  and  convince  her,  had  also  outraged  him, — not  through 
her  masses,  but  through  the  machinations  of  men  sent  here  by  corrupt 
and  dishonorable  combinations, — men  who  affect  the  airs  and  graces  of 
gentlemen,  who  aspire  to  literary  distinction,  while  they  coolly  plot  their 
country's  ruin.  I  am  honored  by  the  persecutions  and  violence.of  such 
men.'  His  allusions  to  another  Abolition  leader  almost  led  us  to  antici- 
pate a  Senatorial  suicide  !  And  he  was  abundantly  justified  in  this  casti- 
gation ;  for  never  before  has  a  public  man  been  so  hunted  and  hounded 
as  Judge  Douglas.  Not  only  his  character  as  a  Senator,  but  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  man,  has  been  vilely  traduced  ;  and  so  far  has  this  fiendish  war 
been  conducted  that  his  enemies  have  not  scrupled  the  foulest  allusions 
to  his  recent  domestic  affliction !  His  pungent  retort  upon  Senator  Wade 
has  not  often  been  equalled.  '  That  Senator,'  said  he,  'signed  an  address 
filled  with  the  foulest  aspersions;  and  yet  he  confesses  he  never  read  it!' 
'But  I  have  since  read  it,'  replied  the  Ohio  Senator,  'and  found  it  true.' 
'And  now,'  responded  Senator  Douglas,  'did  you  not  say  that  a  free 
negro  was  as  good  as  a  white  man  ?'  'Yes,'  said  Senator  Wade  ;  '  espe- 
cially in  Ohio.'  'Well,'  said  Judge  Douglas,  'if  three  free  negroes  had 
signed  that  infamous  document  which  preceded  this  discussion,  I  should 
have  more  respect  than  I  have  shown  for  it,  endorsed  as  it  has  been.' 

"But  it  is  vain  to  attempt  a  description  of  this  really  great  effort  of 
the  Illinois  Senator.  The  readiness  of  his  replies,  the  correctness  of  his 
authorities,  the  extent  of  his  information,  the  clearness  of  his  views,  the 
new  points  presented,  have  elevated  it  among  the  finest  of  forensic  tri- 
umphs. It  may  well  be  ranked  with  those  proud  and  memorable  achieve- 
ments of  intellect  which  have  given  to  the  American  Senate  the  just 
renown  of  being  the  ablest  deliberative  body  in  the  world.  '  Sir,'  said  he 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  *  the  North  and  South  have  common  and 
indissoluble  interests.  There  are  Tariff  men  North  and  South  ;  there  are 
distribution  men  North  and  South ;  there  are  Free-Trade  men  North  and 
South.  Slavery  is  the  only  link  that  divides  us.  Let  us  be  just  and  gene- 
rous. Thus  far,  .the  people  have  treated  it  with  eminent  wisdom  and 


228  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

sagacity.  Congress  has  never  acted  upon  it  save  to  divide  the  people ; 
the  people  are  always  sure  to  unite  and  protect  themselves.  Let  us  leave 
it  to  them.  They  are  the  proper  judges  and  the  only  jurors.  The  bill 
under  discussion  forever  removes  it  from  Congress,  by  reasserting  that 
principle  for  the  future  which  has  been  the  only  source  of  our  happiness 
and  glory  in  the  past.'  "* 

The  Northern  agitators  succeeded  in  again  raising  a  whirlwind 
of  fanatical  excitement.  Mr.  Douglas  was  fiercely  and  savagely 
denounced  by  all  Abolitionists  and  interventionists  for  advocating 
the  principle  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  might  have  slavery 
if  they  wanted,  and  should  not  be  compelled  to  have  it  if  they 
did  not  want  it.  He  was  burned  and  hung  in  effigy  in  every 
town,  village,  and  hamlet  in  the  United  States  where  an  Aboli- 
tionist could  be  found.  He  could  ride  from  Boston  to  Chicago 
by  the  light  of  his  blazing  effigy  in  the  night,  and  in  sight  of  his 
hanging  effigy  by  day,  upon  every  tree  that  he  passed.  When 
he  arrived  in  Chicago,  he  was  met  by  another  mob,  more  savage, 
brutal,  and  numerous  than  the  one  which  greeted  him  in  1850 
when  he  made  his  great  speech  in  defence  of  the  Compromise 
measures.  Mr.  Douglas  gave  notice  that  he  would  address  the 
people  in  the  open  square  in  front  of  North  Market  Hall,  in  de- 
fence of  the  principle  involved  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. 
The  Abolitionists  and  their  allies  determined  not  to  allow  him  to 
be  heard,  for  fear  of  the  same  result  which  had  occurred  on  the 
former  occasion, — 1850.  Hence  it  was  determined  to  raise  a 
mob  and  put  him  down  by  violence,  rather  than  allow  him  to 


On  the  day  of  the  meeting,  the  flags  of  the  shipping  in  the 
harbor  were  hung  at  half-mast,  in  pursuance  of  a  previous  ar- 
rangement by  the  Abolitionists  in  their  Know-Nothing  lodges; 
and  the  church-bells  were  rung  as  a  signal  for  the  mob  to 
assemble.  They  did  assemble,  ten  thousand  strong,  armed  with 
clubs,  brickbats,  bowie-knives,  and  pistols,  and  organized  into 
companies,  with  their  leaders,  ready  for  violence  or  tumult  at  the 
given  signal.  When  Mr.  Douglas  appeared  upon  the  stand,  he 
was  greeted  with  the  most  unearthly  howls ;  when  he  commenced 
to  speak,  they  threw  eggs,  stones,  and  clubs,  and  fired  pistols  to 
create  a  tumult  and  break  up  the  meeting.  He  maintained  his 

*  «  Union,"  March  4, 1854. 


STEPHEN    A.  DOUGLAS.  229 

position  for  four  hours, — sometimes  appealing  to  them, — then 
ridiculing, — then  denouncing  their  cowardice  in  combining  to 
put  down  with  force  and  violence  a  single  man,  who  used  no 
other  weapons  than  truth  and  reason.  His  efforts  were  futile. 
The  mob  grew  supreme;  and,  having  held  them  at  bay  from 
eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  Saturday  till  past  twelve,  in  the 
midst  of  their  imprecations  and  violence,  he  deliberately  took 
out  his  watch,  and,  looking  at  it,  said  to  the  crowd,  u  It  is  Sun- 
day morning:  I  have  to  go  to  church,  and  you — may  go  to 
h — 1."  He  then  retired,  pursued  by  the  mob,  to  his  hotel. 

Immediately  issuing  notices  making  appointments  throughout 
the  State,  he  appealed  to  the  people  to  rally  in  defence  of  the  great 
principle  that  every  community  should  govern  itself  in  respect  to 
its  local  and  domestic  affairs.  He  did  not  appeal  in  vain.  The 
people  of  Illinois  did  rally,  and,  in  the  Presidential  election  of 
1856,  gave  Mr.  Buchanan  a  Democratic  majority  upon  that  dis- 
tinct issue. 

In  1858,  the  same  principle  was  put  to  a  still  severer  test. 
It  was  now  attempted  to  be  violated  by  the  Democratic  party 
and  by  those  Southern  political  friends  with  whom  Mr.  Douglas 
had  always  acted.  He  did  not  hesitate,  but  struck  a  bold  blow 
for  the  right  of  the  people  of  Kansas  to  form  and  ratify  by  their 
own  votes  their  own  Constitution,  and  to  have  slavery  or  not, 
just  as  they  pleased. 

In  this  contest  Mr.  Douglas  was  sustained  by  the  entire  No^th, 
and  denounced  by  a  Democratic  Administration  supported  by  a 
united  South.  He  stood  firm  by  his  position,  maintained  it  by 
argument  in  proof,  and  defied  the  consequences  personal  to 
himself. 

The  debate  in  the  Senate  will  long  be  remembered.  The 
whole  country  was  excited  to  a  curiosity  and  anxiety  without 
bounds.  Nothing  was  talked  of  but  "  Kansas"  and  "  Douglas." 
The  debate  on  "  Lecompton"  continued  from  the  1st  to  the  23d 
of  March.  The  closing  scenes  were  peculiarly  interesting.  By 
day  and  night  the  galleries  were  crowded.  Mr.  Douglas's  speech 
on  the  22d  was  the  climax  of  the  debate.  The  "  States"  of  the 
following  day  gave  a  description  of  the  morning  and  evening 
sessions,  from  which,  as  it  is  a  memorable  chapter  of  the  Con- 
gressional history  of  the  times,  I  extract : — 

20 


230  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"  If  the  immense  mass  of  people  who  crowded  the  galleries,  the  lobbies, 
the  stairways,  and  the  ante-rooms  of  the  Senate  is  any  evidence  of  inte- 
rest in  the  question  under  debate,  then  Kansas  is  the  most  interesting 
topic  of  the  day,  in  spite  of  all  that  is  said  against  it  as  a  dull,  wearying, 
used-up,  and  stupid  thing.  Probably  a  large  portion  of  the  crowd  came 
to  show  their  delight  at  the  approaching  close  of  the  debate ;  numbers 
came  to  hear  Douglas ;  and  there  was  considerable  discontent  outside  of 
the  galleries  by  those  who  could  not  get  in.  During  the  earlier  part  of 
the  morning,  the  ill  aspect  of  Lecomptonism  might  be  read  on  the  faces 
of  the  Senators  in  the  interest  of  that  unfortunate  juggle.  Green  was 
very  much  nonplussed.  As  he  sat  there,  quite  bewildered,  forced  to  listen 
to  Anti-Lecompton,  and  feeling -that  its  ultimate  triumph  was  certain,  he 
illustrated  that  well-known  Patience  who,  sitting  on  a  monument,  bit  his 
nails,  or  in  some  other  manner  amused  his  grief. 

"Mason  turned  his  back  on  Stuart,  and,  plunging  himself  into  a  news- 
paper, in  vain  sought  to  hide  that  restlessness  which  Stuart's  protest 
against  Pugh's  amendment  created.  Bigler  and  Benjamin  were  much 
more  interested  in  their  own  thoughts  than  those  emanating  from  the 
Senator  from  Michigan.  Consequently,  they  applied  themselves  to  their 
desks  and  carried  on  private  correspondence.  Bayard  was  immersed  in 
the  notes  of  his  speech  to  follow  Stuart.  King,  Collamer,  Foot,  and 
Wade  paid  earnest  attention ;  and  Jones,  of  Iowa,  and  Hale  interchanged 
that  pleasantry  for  which  both  are  remarkable. 

"Senator  Douglas  entered  the  chamber  just  after  a  fainting  lady  had 
been  carried  out  of  the  gallery,  at  about  twenty  minutes  past  twelve. 
He  was  congratulated  by  men  of  all  parties,  and  was  soon  engaged  in  an 
earnest  confab  with  Green,  upon  whose  spirits,  however,  the  Little  Giant 
did  not  seem  to  work  any  special  change.  It  was  not  until  the  arrival  of 
the  Secretary  of  War,  some  two  hours  after,  that  Missouri  was  seen  to 
smile. 

"  The  arrival  of  the  Turkish  admiral,  attended  by  two  other  Fez  caps, 
elicited  some  attention.  We  looked  in  vain  for  the  Senate  to  receive  them 
in  Eastern  fashion.  Cameron  did  not  move ;  Seward  moved  not ;  and 
Stuart  was  too  tired  to  salaam.  Mason,  however,  as  Chairman  on  Foreign 
Relations,  entered  into  an  impressive  conversation  with  the  Turks,  sent 
for  Clingman,*  of  the  House,  on  whose  arrival  the  two  chairmen  bowed 
the  three  Turks  out  of  the  chamber,  and,  we  suppose,  all  round  the  Capi- 
tol, which  was  a  proper  courtesy. 

"  At  the  evening  session  the  scene  presented  in  the  Senate  was  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  and  exciting  we  have  ever  witnessed.  No  sooner  were 
the  galleries  cleared  when  the  recess  was  taken,  than  the  crowds  who  all 
the  morning  expected  Douglas  would  speak,  and  patiently  awaited  a 
chance  to  get  in,  filled  up  the  seats.  At  five  minutes  after  five  the  gal- 
leries were  empty ;  in  five  minutes  more  they  were  filled  with  a  brilliant, 


Then  Chairman  of  House  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  231 

fashionable,  and  intelligent  array.  In  the  gentlemen's  gallery  the  people 
were  literally  walking  on  each  other.  They  formed  a  human  pyramid 
reaching  up  to  the  windows,  on  the  inside  sills  of  which  some  persons 
were  fortunate  enough  to  be  lifted. 

"The  reporters'  gallery  was  captured  by  gentlemen  who  made  a  press, 
though  they  did  not  belong  to  it,  and  rendered  it  utterly  impossible  for 
our  friends  of  the  quill,  save  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  to  more  than 
preserve  themselves  from  furnishing  a  local  item  of  '  crushed  to  death' 
to  their  neighbors.  For  two  hours  the  throngs  of  people  were  wedged 
together  in  expectancy  of  the  great  speech.  Some  ladies  brought  books, 
others  their  knitting,  and  thus,  having  early  secured  seats,  industriously 
killed  the  time  between  five  and  seven  P.M. 

"When  the  Chamber  was  called  to  order,  Gwin  and  Seward  simultane- 
ously arose  with  the  same  purpose, — to  move  the  admission  of  the  ladies 
to  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  It  was  agreed  to.  The  doors  were  thrown 
open,  and  a  perfect  flood  of  beauty,  bearing  on  the  tide  all  manner  of 
broken  hoops  and  draggled  crinoline,  poured  into  the  chamber.  In  a  few 
moments  every  spot  was  occupied,  while  on  all  the  lobbies  such  discon- 
tent arose  from  the  unaccommodated  crowds  of  gentlemen  and  ladies 
there,  that  several  times  the  Chair  was  called  on  to  despatch  officers  to 
allay  the  disorder. 

"  The  appearance  of  Senator  Douglas  was  the  token  for  a  round  of  ap- 
plause. The  sight  must  have  been  deeply  gratifying  to  him,  as  it  was 
entrancing  to  that  mother  and  daughter*  who,  from  the  reporters'  gal- 
lery, looked  upon  the  scene  with  that  anxious  pleasure  which  might 
tell  the  physiognomist  that  they,  of  all  the  great  and  brilliant  crowd,  had 
the  deepest  and  most  exalted  interest  in  it. 

"  For  three  hours  Senator  Douglas  spoke.  Commencing  calmly,  with 
an  expression  of  doubt  of  his  own  physical  strength  to  carry  him  through 
the  duty  before  him,  he  warmed  up  by  degrees,  lifting  the  head  and  heart 
of  the  multitude  with  him,  until  one  almost  felt  as  if  he  were  in  Europe 
during  the  revolutions,  listening  to  some  powerful  tribune  of  the  people 
expounding  their  rights  and  inspiring  them  to  such  action  as  made  Ame- 
rica a  republic.  He  went  through  his  public  course.  The  period  embraced 
some  of  the  most  prominent  and  vital  acts  in  the  history  of  American 
politics.  He  showed — not  as  a  defence,  but  in  a  proud,  manly,  and  almost 
defiant  spirit — what  his  acts  had  been  ;  he  echoed  his  own  words ;  he  was 
proud  of  his  deeds, — deeds  and  words  which  were  recognised  portions  of 
the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party. 

"As  he  proceeded,  with  emphatic  and  measured  dignity,  to  define  his 
position  in  the  present  crisis, — what  the  duty  of  a  Senator  from  a  sove- 
reign State  was,  and  the  responsibility  he  owed  to  the  people  whose  voices 
culminated  in  him, — he  held  the  multitude  chained  with  that  peculiar  elo- 


#  Mrs.  Douglas  and  her  mother. 


232  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

quence  which,  based  on  common  sense  and  the  rights  of  man,  reaches  its 
destination  without  the  aid  of  winged  rhetoric.  Such  eloquence  does  not 
dazzle,  it  convinces  ;  it  does  not  stretch  the  fancy,  but  solidifies  the  head  ; 
it  does  not  hold  the  breath,  but  makes  one  breathe  freer,  for  it  cheers  tho 
heart. 

"The  great  burst  of  applause  which  broke  from  the  galleries  and  rolled 
over  the  chamber  was  a  nobler  testimony  to  the  principles  enunciated  by 
the  eloquent  Senator  than  might  be  written.  He  was  there  the  defender 
of  the  people,  the  Representative  of  a  State,  and  not  the  vassal  of  the 
Executive,  nor  the  valet  of  the  Administration,  to  do  its  bidding  without 
consulting  his  own  judgment  or  the  interests  of  his  people.  He  stood 
forth  as  the  champion  of  State  sovereignty.  This  Union  was  not  an 
empire  or  absolute  monarchy,  in  which  the  States  were  but  provinces 
without  individual  and  distinct  and  different  rights.  It  was  a  confederacy 
of  nations,  each  one  of  which  was  equally  represented  in  the  Senate. 

"As  he  exposed  the  fallacy  of  making  Lecomptonism  a  test-question 
with  the  Democracy,  and  claimed  the  right  to  vote  against  it,  the  expres- 
sion of  the  faces  around  gave  a  verdict  in  his  favor.  With  admirable 
adroitness  and  force,  he  asked  if  Brown,  of  Mississippi,  was  read  out  of 
the  party  for  differing  with  the  neutrality  policy  of  the  Administration  ? 
if  Toombs  was  read  out  for  opposing  the  Army  Bill  ?  if  Mason  would  be 
expelled  for  not  swallowing  the  Pacific  Railroad?  Why,  then,  should  he 
be  expelled,  read  out,  denounced  as  a  traitor,  because  he,  like  those 
Senators,  thought  for  himself  on  an  Administration  measure?  The  effect 
was  electric,  and  was  greatly  indebted  to  the  manner  of  the  Senator  from 
Illinois.  He  grew  in  enthusiasm  with  the  progress  of  his  subject;  and 
up  to  the  last  sentence,  in  which  he  gracefully  prayed  the  indulgence  of 
ihe  Senate  to  overlook  the  style  of  his  argument,  as  his  recent  illness 
prevented  it  being  more  perfect  and  satisfactory  to  himself, — up  to  the 
last  word, — the  mass  of  people  who  heard  him  were  not  only  patient,  but 
delighted.  It  really  was  a  study  to  behold  the  leaders  of  Lecomptonism." 

Having  succeeded  in  defeating  the  Lecompton  Constitution, 
Mr.  Douglas  returned  to  his  own  State.  The  elections  upon 
which  his  seat  in  the  Senate  depended  were  to  take  place  in 
November.  He  vindicated  his  position,  and  appealed  to  the 
Democracy  to  sustain  him.  In  four  months  he  made  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  speeches, — one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  of 
which  were  in  the  open  air.  He  spent  most  of  the  time  in  rail- 
road-cars and  carriages,  on  an  average  going  to  bed  but  three 
times  a  week.  Once  during  the  canvass  he  was  five  days  and 
nights  without  having  his  clothes  off  or  going  to  bed.  It  was 
a  most  exciting,  hard-fought,  and  interesting  canvass;  and  the 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  233 

result  was  looked  for  with  intense  anxiety.     Douglas  was  elected 
over  Abraham  Lincoln  by  54  to  46  votes. 

When  Mr.  Douglas  returned  to  the  Senate  after  this  brilliant 
triumph,  unrivalled  perhaps  in  the  political  annals  of  this  or  any 
other  country,  he  found  himself  precipitated  into  another  contest, 
against  fearful  odds  and  numbers,  and  in  defence  of  the  same 
principle  of  local  self-government.  He  maintained  his  position, 
single-handed,  against  Senators  Brown,  Mason,  Davis,  Hunter, 
Green,  Glwin,  and  others,  and  made  a  notable  speech  in  reply  to 
the  first-named,  in  opposition  to  a  slave-code  for  the  Territories, 
and  in  favor  of  banishing  from  the  halls  of  Congress  all  questions 
touching  domestic  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  remanding  them 
to  the  people  of  the  Territories,  to  be  disposed  of  as  they  may 
see  proper,  subject  to  an  appeal  to  the  judicial  tribunals,  to  test 
the  validity  of  the  Territorial  enactments  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  On  the  African  slave-trade  Mr.  Douglas 
is  equally  explicit.  In  a  letter  to  Col.  John  L.  Peyton,  of 
Staunton,  Virginia,  dated  August  2,  1859,  he  says, — 

"That  question  seriously  disturbed  the  harmony  of  the  Convention 
which  framed  the  Federal  Constitution.  Upon  it  the  delegates  divided 
into  two  parties,  under  circumstances  which  for  a  time  rendered  harmo- 
nious action  hopeless.  The  one  demanded  the  instant  and  unconditional 
prohibition  of  the  African  slave-trade,  on  moral  and  religious  grounds  ; 
while  the  other  insisted  that  it  was  a  legitimate  commerce,  involving  no 
other  consideration  than  a  sound  public  policy,  which  each  State  ought 
to  be  permitted  to  determine  for  itself  so  long  as  it  was  sanctioned  by 
its  own  laws.  Each  party  stood  firmly  and  resolutely  by  its  own  posi- 
tion, until  both  became  convinced  that  this  vexed  question  would  break 
up  the  Convention,  destroy  the  Federal  Union,  blot  out  the  glories  of  the 
Revolution,  and  throw  away  all  its  blessings,  unless  some  fair  and  just 
compromise  could  be  formed  on  the  common  ground  of  such  mutual  con- 
cessions as  were  indispensable  to  the  preservation  of  their  liberties,  union, 
and  independence. 

"Such  a  compromise  was  effected  and  incorporated  into  the  Constitution, 
by  which  it  was  understood  that  the  African  slave-trade  might  continue 
as  a  legitimate  commerce  in  those  States  whose  laws  sanctioned  it  until 
the  year  1808, — from  and  after  which  time  Congress  might  and  would 
prohibit  it  forever  throughout  the  dominion  and  limits  of  the  United 
States,  and  pass  all  laws  which  might  become  necessary  to  make  such 
prohibition  effectual.  The  harmony  of  the  Convention  was  restored,  and 
the  Union  saved,  by  this  compromise,  without  which  the  Constitution 
could  never  have  been  made. 

20* 


234  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"I  stand  firmly  by  this  compromise  and  by  all  the  other  compromises 
of  the  Constitution,  and  shall  use  my  best  efforts  to  carry  each  and  all 
of  them  into  faithful  execution  in  the  sense  and  with  the  understanding 
in  which  they  were  originally  adopted.  In  accordance  with  this  compro- 
mise, I  am  irreconcilably  opposed  to  the  revival  of  the  African  slave- 
trade  in  any  form  and  under  any  circumstances." 

On  the  "  Naturalization  question"  Mr.  Douglas  has  not  been 
less  bold  and  consistent.  His  entire  career  has  been  marked  by 
his  defence  and  vindication  of  the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens 
and  men  of  foreign  birth  who  have  made  their  homes  in  this 
country.  As  early  as  1839,  he  argued  a  case  in  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Illinois  which  involved  constitutional  principles  of  the 
highest  interest.  By  the  Constitution  of  that  State  at  that  time, 
all  white  male  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who 
had  resided  six  months  in  the  State,  were  legal  voters.  At  the 
Congressional  election  of  1838,  a  man  of  foreign  birth,  who  had 
never  been  naturalized  according  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
but  who  was  a  legal  voter  in  Illinois  under  the  Constitution  of 
that  State,  had  voted  for  the  Democratic  nominee  for  Congress. 
A  suit  was  brought  against  the  judge  of  the  election  to -recover 
a  penalty  of  one  hundred  dollars  for  permitting  this  man  to  vote; 
and  the  judge  of  the  election,  being  a  Whig,  and  anxious  to  pro- 
cure a  decision  which  would  deprive  all  men  of  foreign  birth  of 
the  elective  franchise,  confessed  on  the  trial  that  at  the  time  he 
received  the  said  vote  he  knew  the  person  giving  it  was  not  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  that  he  did  not  believe  he  was 
qualified  to  vote,  because  of  being  an  alien,  but  that  he  received 
his  vote  in  conformity  with  usage;  whereupon  the  court  rendered 
a  judgment  of  one  hundred  dollars  fine  against  the  judge  of  the 
election,  upon  the  ground  that  an  unnaturalized  foreigner  could 
not  be  a  legal  voter,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
for  a  Representative  in  Congress. 

Mr.  Douglas  volunteered  in  the  case,  and  took  an  appeal  from 
the  decision  of  the  court  below  to  the  Supreme  Court,  for  the 
purpose  of  testing  the  question  whether  a  State  of  this  Union 
had  not  a  right  to  confer  the  elective  franchise  upon  whoever  it 
deemed  proper,  without  reference  to  the  Naturalization  Laws. 
Upon  the  argument,  he  maintained  that,  by  the  Constitution  cf 
the  United  States,  the  elective  franchise  was  reserved  to  each 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  235 

State,  with  the  right  to  confer  it  upon  such  persons,  and  only 
such,  as  each  State  should  decide  for  itself,  without  the  inter- 
ference of  the  Federal  Government  in  any  manner  whatever, 
and  that  this  right  applied  to  the  election  of  members  of  Con- 
gress as  well  as  to  State  officers;  that  the  second  section  of  the 
first  article  of  the  Constitution  provides  that  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  be  composed  of  members  chosen  every  second 
year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  electors  in  each 
State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the 
most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature;  that  by  this 
provision  each  State  was  to  prescribe  for  itself  the  qualifications 
of  voters  for  the  election  of  members  of  its  own  Legislature,  and 
was  authorized  to  allow  such  persons  to  vote  as  it  should  see 
proper,  for  the  said  members  of  its  own  Legislature;  and  that, 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  all  such  persons  who 
should  thus  be  allowed  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Legislature 
should  be  voters  for  Representatives  in  Congress  in  such  State; 
consequently,  if  the  State  chose  to  allow  foreigners  to  vote, 
whether  naturalized  or  not,  for  its  own  local  officers,  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  provided  that  the  same  class  of  per- 
sons should  vote  in  that  State  for  Congress.  Mr.  Douglas  denied 
that  it  was  competent  for  Congress  to  interfere  with  the  elective 
franchise  in  any  case  or  to  any  extent  whatever,  but  that  all 
things  pertaining  to  the  right  of  suffrage  were  exclusively  re- 
served by  the  Constitution  to  each  State  for  itself. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  although  com- 
posed of  a  political  majority  in  the  ratio  of  three  to  one  against 
Mr.  Douglas,  decided  in  his  favor  on  this  proposition,  and 
affirmed  the  right  of  each  State  to  regulate  the  elective  franchise 
without  reference  to  the  action  of  the  Federal  Government. 

This  decision  is  believed  to  be  the  first  on  record  in  which  this 
doctrine  was  affirmed. 

Subsequently,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  1844,  when 
Mr.  Levin,  a  Native- American  member  from  Philadelphia,  pro- 
posed in  Congress  to  extend  the  Naturalization  Laws  to  twenty- 
one  years,  for  the  purpose  of  depriving  American  residents  of 
foreign  birth  of  the  right  of  voting,  Mr.  Douglas  replied  to  his 
speech,  and  showed  conclusively  that  Mr.  Levin  could  not  accom- 
plish his  object  in  that  way,  for  the  reason  that  by  the  Constitu- 


236  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

tion  of  the  United  States  the  elective  franchise  was  solely  within 
the  control  of  each  State  to  decide  for  itself;  and  that  naturaliza- 
tion had  nothing  to  do  with  the  right  of  voting, — neither  con- 
ferring nor  withholding  the  privilege;  and  that,  consequently, 
each  State  would  have  the  same  right  to  permit  men  of  foreign 
birth  to  vote  before  the  twenty-one  years  expired  as  afterward, 
even  if  the  Naturalization  Laws  should  be  abandoned  in  the 
manner  proposed  by  the  Native-American  party.  He  maintained 
the  same  position  successfully  in  the  Committee  of  Elections  in 
1843—44,  on  the  contested-election  case  between  Messrs.  Botts 
and  Jones,  of  Virginia,  when  a  large  number  of  persons  of 
foreign  birth,  who  were  legal  voters  by  the  laws  of  Virginia,  but 
who  had  not  been  naturalized  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  had  voted  for  Mr.  Botts. 

When  "  Know-Nothingism"  made  its  appearance  in  the  United 
States,  in  1854,  Mr.  Douglas  made  the  first  speech  ever  delivered 
in  America  against  it,  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  Fourth  of  July  of 
that  year. 

In  that  speech — which  was  published  and  widely  circulated  at 
the  time — he  denounced  Know-Nothingisni  as  anti-American  and 
anti-republican  on  two  distinct  grounds :  first,  that  it  proscribed 
persons  because  of  their  birthplace;  second,  that  it  proscribed 
persons  because  of  their  religious  worship.  He  contended  that 
to  proscribe  a  man  on  either  of  these  grounds  was  contrary  to 
the  genius  of  our  republican  institutions,  repugnant  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  contrary  to  all  the  principles 
which  led  to  the  settlement  of  the  American  colonies,  were  vin- 
dicated by  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  and  upon  which  our  repub- 
lican system  of  government  rests ;  that  these  States  had,  from 
their  earliest  settlement,  been  declared  a  place  of  refuge  for  the 
oppressed  of  all  nations;  that  Protestants  and  Catholics,  Qua- 
kers and  Huguenots,  Cavaliers  and  Puritans,  had  each  in  turn 
been  oppressed  in  their  native  land  and  forced  by  the  spirit  of 
persecution  to  seek  refuge  in  the  wilderness  of  America,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  permitted  in  peace  and  safety  to  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  conscience;  that  after  their 
arrival  here,  when  the  British  crown  attempted  to  invade  their 
civil  and  religious  rights  and  deprive  them  of  the  privileges  of 
self-government  in  their  respective  colonial  Legislatures  in  respect 


STEPHEN    A.  DOUGLAS.  237 

to  their  internal  polity  and  domestic  concerns,  they  all  united 
and  made  common  cause,  without  reference  to  birthplace  or  reli- 
gious creed,  in  repelling  the  aggression  and  maintaining  their 
rights  of  religious  worship  and  of  self-government,  each  person 
according  to  his  own  conscience,  and  each  State  according  to  its 
own  internal  policy.  When  their  independence  was  achieved, 
they  again  united  in  establishing  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  in  which  the  same  -principles  which  had  brought  their 
fathers  to  America,  and  which  had  produced  the  Kevolution, 
were  affirmed  and  perpetuated.  He  denounced  "  Know-Nothing- 
ism"  as  an  attempt  to  subvert  those  great  fundamental  principles, 
and  called  upon  all  the  friends  of  free  government  and  of  reli- 
gious freedom  to  unite  in  crushing  it  out  as  the  common  enemy 
of  our  republican  institutions. 

While  Douglas  was  in  Europe,  he  several  times  discussed  this 
question  with  eminent  statesmen.  In  the  course  of  a  conversa- 
tion with  the  Swedish  ambassador  to  Russia,  the  latter  emphatic- 
ally declared  that  every  monarch  in  Europe  would  respond  to 
the  Austrian  circular — on  the  release  of  Koszta  by  Captain  In- 
graham — denying  the  right  of  any  Government  to  naturalize  the 
subject  of  another  Government.  Senator  Douglas  asked  him 
if  his  royal  master,  King  Oscar,  would  join  in  such  a  declaration, 
and  was  answered  in  the  affirmative.  Whereupon  Douglas  gave 
the  interesting  chapter  of  Swedish  history  which  recounts  the 
naturalization  of  Marshal  Bernadotte,  the  Frenchman,  by  Swe- 
den, in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  Napoleon.  Bernadotte 
became  king,  and  Oscar  is  his  son.  The  Swede  was  embar- 
rassed, and  a  Russian  nobleman,  taking  up  the  theme,  asserted 
the  "European"  principle.  For  him  the  American  had  a  chap- 
ter of  Russian  history  on  the  subject.  The  first  object  which 
attracted  his  attention  when  he  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Odessa 
was  a  beautiful  statue  at  the  head  of  a  long  stone  staircase  which 
stretched  from  the  seaside  to  the  boulevards.  -  It  was  erected  to 
the  Duke  de  Richelieu.  Who  was  he  ?  A  Frenchman  who  had 
fled  to  St.  Petersburg  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution. He  was  welcomed  by  the  Emperor  Paul,  and  immediately 
naturalized,  without  the  consent  of  France,  and  made  a  general 
in  the  Russian  army.  When  Alexander  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
Richelieu  was  made  governor  of  Odessa  and  vice-regent  of  the 


238  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Russian  dominions  on  the  Black  Sea,  and  on  his  death  the  inha- 
bitants of  Odessa  had,  in  gratitude  for  his  services,  erected  the 
monument.  Douglas  then  asked  the  Russian  by  what  right  was 
Richelieu  naturalized,  the  only  reply  to  which  was  "  an  invita- 
tion to  champagne."  Still  more  recently  the  Senator  from  Illi- 
nois has  said  : — 

"  Under  our  Constitution  there  can  be  no  just  distinction  between  the 
right  of  native-born  and  naturalized  citizens  to  claim  the  protection  of 
our  Government  at  home  and  abroad.  Unless  naturalization  releases  the 
person  naturalized  from  all  obligations  which  he  owed  to  his  native  coun- 
try by  virtue  of  his  allegiance,  it  leaves  him  in  the  sad  predicament  of 
owing  allegiance  to  two  countries,  without  receiving  protection  from 
either, — a  dilemma  in  which  no  American  citizen  should  ever  be 
placed."* 

In  "  Harper's  Magazine"  for  September,  1859,  Senator  Dou- 
glas published  an  elaborate  paper  on  "  The  Dividing  Line 
between  Federal  and  Local  Authority,"  embracing  a  discussion 
of  Popular  Sovereignty  in  the  Territories.  It  is  a  comprehen- 
sive application  of  his  views  to  the  Constitution,  from  which  his 
positions  are  deducted.  It  is  considered  one  of  the  ablest  papers 
ever  produced,  and  elevates  the  author,  in  the  opinion  of  some 
of  the  foremost  publicists,  to  the  rank  achieved  only  by  the 
great  constitutional  lawyers  and  statesmen  of  the  country.  A 
week  after  its  publication,  Hon.  J.  S.  Black,  Attorney-General 
of  the  United  States,  issued,  anonymously,  "  Observations  on 
Senator  Douglas's  Views  of  Popular  Sovereignty,  as  expressed  in 
<  Harper's  Magazine'  for  September,  1859;"  to  which  Senator 
Douglas  issued  a  reply  in  pamphlet  form  in  October.  Judge 
Black  returned  the  compliment,  and  Douglas,  though  suffering 
from  an  almost  fatal  illness,  published  a  rejoinder  in  November. 

In  1852,  the  name  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  brought  before 
the  Baltimore  Convention  for  the  Presidency,  and  again  at  the 
Cincinnati  Convention,  where,  on  the  sixteenth  ballot,  he  received 
122  votes.  After  this  he  withdrew,  by  telegraph  from  Washing- 
ton, his  name  in  favor  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  He  was  a  thousand- 
fold more  anxious  for  the  triumph  of  the  Democratic  party  than 
for  his  own  elevation ;  and,  lest  his  continuance  before  the  Con- 
vention might  endanger  its  harmony,  he  desired  Colonel  Rich- 

*  Peyton  letter. 


STEPHEN   A.  DOUGLAS.  239 

ardson  to  withdraw  him,  and  begged  his  friends  to  vote  for 
Buchanan,  which  they  did,  nominating  him  on  the  next  ballot.* 
His  name  is  again  the  most  prominent  one  in  the  Democratic 
party  before  the  country  for  the  Presidency.  Relative  to  the 
subject,  Mr.  Douglas,  in  reply  to  J.  B.  Dorr,  Esq.,  of  Dubuque, 
Iowa,  asking  if  his  friends  were  at  liberty  to  present  his  name  to 
the  Charleston  Convention  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  gave 
the  following  contingencies,  with  which  this  sketch  of  the  emi- 
nent statesman  may  aptly  conclude  rf — 

"If — as  I  have  full  faith  they  will — the  Democratic  party  shall  deter- 
mine in  the  Presidential  election  of  1860  to  adhere  to  the  principles  em- 
bodied in  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  ratified  by  the  people 
in  the  Presidential  election  of  1852,  and  reaffirmed  in  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act  of  1854,  and  incorporated  into  the  Cincinnati  platform  in 
1856,  as  expounded  by  Mr.  Buchanan  in  his  letter  accepting  the  nomina- 
tion, and  approved  by  the  people  in  his  election, — in  that  event  my  friends 
•will  be  at  liberty  to  present  my  name  to  the  Convention  if  they  see  proper 
to  do  so. 

"If,  on  the  contrary,  it  shall  become  the  policy  of  the  Democratic 
party  —  which  I  cannot  anticipate  —  to  repudiate  these  their  time-honored 
principles,  on  which  we  have  achieved  so  many  patriotic  triumphs,  and, 
in  lieu  of  them,  the  Convention  shall  interpolate  into  the  creed  of  the 
party  such  new  issues  as  the  revival  of  the  African  slave-trade,  or  a  Con- 
gressional slave-code  for  the  Territories,  or  the  doctrine  that  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  either  establishes  or  prohibits  slavery  in  the 
Territories  beyond  the  power  of  the  people  legally  to  control  it  as  other 
property, — it  is  due  to  candor  to  say  that,  in  such  an  event,  I  could  not 
accept  the  nomination  if  tendered  to  me." 

While  this  work  was  passing  through  the  press,  Mr.  Douglas 
submitted  the  following  important  resolution  to  the  Senate,  with 
a  view  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  outrages  as  recently  dis- 
graced Harper's  Ferry  : —  , 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  be  instructed  to  report 
a  bill  for  the  protection  of  each  State  and  Territory  of  the  Union  against 
invasion  by  the  authorities  or  inhabitants  of  any  other  State  or  Territory, 
and  for  the  suppression  and  punishment  of  conspiracies  or  combinations 
in  any  State  or  Territory,  with  intent  to  invade,  assail,  or  molest  the 
Government,  inhabitants,  property,  or  institutions  of  any  other  State  or 
Territory  of  the  Union." 

*  See  "  Official  Proceedings  of  the  National  Democratic  Convention  held  in 
Cincinnati,  June  2-6,  1856.     Published  by  order  of  the  Convention."    ^p.  46. 
f  The  letter  is  dated  Washington,  June  22,  1859. 


210  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


EDWARD  EVERETT, 

t  *" 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

THIS  eminent  man,  whom  an  eloquent  admirer  suggests  is  the 
"  Raphael  of  word-painting,''*  was  born  in  April,  1794,  in  the 
old  Puritan  town  of  Dorchester,  Norfolk  County,  Massachusetts, 
and  is  descended  from  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  who  established  himself  at  Dedham,  where  the  family  still 
remains.  He  is  a  younger  brother  of  Alexander  Hill  Everett, 
eminent  in  literature  and  diplomacy,  who  died  in  June,  1847,  at 
Canton,  where  he  succeeded  Mr.  Gushing  as  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary; and  fourth  child  of  Oliver  Everett,  who,  commencing 
life  as  a  carpenter's  apprentice,  entered  Harvard  at  the  age  of 
twenty-three,  became  a  minister  of  the  gospel  at  thirty,  retired, 
after  ten  years'  service,  from  ill  health,  and  at  the  age  of  forty- 
seven  was  appointed  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  in  Norfolk 
County,  and  died  in  that  office  in  1802,  at  the  age  of  fifty-two. 

The  subject  of  this  sketch  went  to  the  public  schools  of  Dor- 
chester and  Boston,  attended  for  a  year  the  school  kept  by 
Ezekiel,  the  brother  of  Daniel  Webster,  and  was  prepared  for 
college  entrance  at  the  academy  at  Exeter,  New  Hampshire, 
when  the  distinguished  Dr.  Benjamin  Abbott  was  head-master. 
He  entered  Harvard  College  when  only  a  few  months  more  than 
thirteen  years  old,  and  left  it  at  seventeen,  with  its  first  honors. 
He  now  bethought  him  of  a  profession,' — showed  some  preference 
for  the  law,  but  changed  his  mind — at  the  instance,  it  is  said,  of 
President  Kirkland  and  Mr.  Buckminster — and  took  to  divinity. 
He  pursued  this  study  for  two  years  at  Cambridge,  and  acted  as 
Latin  tutor  during  a  portion  of  that  time.  In  1813,  not  yet 
twenty  years  old,  he  succeeded  Mr.  Buckminster  in  the  Brattle 


*  "The  Golden  Age  of  American  Oratory,"  by  Edward  G.  Parker,  Boston, 

1857. 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  241 

Street  Church,  in  Boston,  and  entered  upon  his  arduous  duties 
with  such  zeal  as  to  materially  impair  his  health.  His  discourses, 
even  at  this  early  age  and  succeeding  so  eloquent  a  preacher  as 
Buckminster,  drew  very  decided  attention;  and  their  hearty, 
honest  eloquence  created  expectations  which  were  not  disap* 
pointed. 

In  1814,  he  published  quite  an  elaborate  treatise,  (five  hun- 
dred pages,)  entitled  "A  Defence  of  Christianity,"  in  answer  to 
"The  Grounds  of  Christianity  Examined/'  by  George  B.  Eng- 
lish. The  exposition  is  said  to  be  complete,  was  regarded  as  a 
successful  effort,  and,  considering  the  youth  of  the  author,  may 
be  classed  among  "  the  most  remarkable  productions  of  the  human 
mind."  Dr.  Kage,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  quoted  it  with  respect,  as 
the  work  of  an  able  writer.  In  this  same  year,  the  late  Samuel 
Eliot,  of  Boston,  established,  anonymously,  a  foundation  for  a 
Greek  professorship  at  Cambridge.  Mr.  Everett  was  invited  to 
the  new  chair,  with  the  tempting  offer  of  leave  to  visit  Europe 
to  recruit  his  health.  He  took  the  chair  in  1815,  before  he  was 
twenty-one,  and  departed  for  Europe. 

On  arriving  at  Liverpool,  news  was  received  of  Napoleon's  es- 
cape from  Elba,  which  detained  Mr.  Everett  in  London  until  after 
the  battle  of  Waterloo.  He  then  went  by  the  way  of  Holland  to 
Gottingen,  and  entered  the  university  there,  famous  in  the  eccen- 
tric verse  of  Canning.  He  remained  more  than  two  years, 
acquiring  the  German  language,  and  making  himself  acquainted 
with  the  state  of  philological  learning,  the  mode  of  instruction  in 
the  German  universities,  and  those  branches  of  ancient  literature 
appropriate  to  his  professorship.  During  the  vacations  he  travelled 
in  Prussia,  Saxony,  and  Holland.  Leaving  Gottingen,  he  passed 
the  winter  of  1817-18  in  Paris,  in  study,  chiefly  of  the  Romaic, 
preparatory  to  a  tour  in  Greece.  At  this  time  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Adamantius  Coray,  or  Coraes,  whose  writings 
and  annotated  editions  of  the  old  writers  contributed  so  largely 
to  the  revival  of  Greek  literature  in  Greece.  In  the  spring  of 
1818,  Mr.  Everett  went  from  Paris  to  London,  passed  a  few 
weeks  at  Cambridge  and  Oxford,  and  made  a  tour  through  Wales, 
the  lakes  of  Cumberland,  and  Scotland.  During  his  stay  in 
England  he  became  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  many  eminent 
literary  and  political  men,  including  Scott,  Byron,  Campbell, 
Q  21 


242  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Jeffrey,  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  Sir  Samuel  Romilly,  Sir  Hum- 
phry Davy,  Lord  Holland,  and  Gifford.  In  the  autumn  of  1818, 
in  company  with  the  late  General  Lyman,  of  Boston,  he  set  out 
on  an  extensive  tour  in  the  East  of  Europe.  After  visiting  the 
most  interesting  portions  of  the  South  of  France,  Switzerland, 
and  the  North  of  Italy,  they  divided  the  winter  and  early  spring 
between  Florence,  Rome,  and  Naples, — Mr.  Everett  studying 
ancient  art  in  its  connection  with  ancient  literature.  Through 
Canova,  he  obtained  constant  access  to  the  library  of  the  Vatican. 
In  March,  1819,  the  travellers  passed  through  the  lower  part  of 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  crossed  from  Otrauto  to  Corfu,  thence 
to  Yanina,  the  capital  of  Albania.  Having  letters  from  Byron 
to  AH  Pacha,  and  from  Ignatius,  the  Metropolitan  of  Prevesa,  to 
Muchtar  Pacha,  son  of  the  aged  Vizier  and  Governor  of  Albania, 
they  received  many  civilities.  Spending  a  few  months  at  Yanina, 
Mr.  Everett  and  his  friend  crossed  Mount  Pindus  into  Thessaly, 
visited  Veli  Pacha,  second  son  of  All,  at  Turnavo,  examined  Phar- 
salia  and  Thermopylae,  went  over  the  mountains,  and  passed  to 
Athens  by  the  way  of  Delphi  and  Thebes.  After  a  stay  of  two  or 
three  weeks  at  Athens,  they  made  the  tour  of  the  Morea,  recrossed 
Parnassus  into  Thessaly,  and  took  passage  from  the  Gulf  of  Volo 
for  the  plains  of  Troy  and  Constantinople.  Encountering  a  storm 
off  Mount  Athos,  their  vessel  sprung  a  leak;  and,  leaving  her  at 
the  island  of  Lemnos,  they  made  the  rest  of  the  voyage  to  the 
Troad  in  an  open  caique;  spent  the  month  of  June  in  Constanti- 
nople, returned  through  Wallachia,  Hungary,  and  Austria,  and 
in  the  autumn  of  1819  were  home  in  America,  after  an  absence 
of  four  years  and  a  half.  This  residence  abroad  was  one  of  pecu- 
liar interest  and  advantage  to  Mr.  Everett.  Greece  commanded 
his  freshest  memories  of  classic  literature  and  history.  In  Italy 
and  Sicily,  even,  the  traveller  is  still  in  the  modern  and  Western 
world.  "But,"  says  Mr.  Everett,  lc he  realizes,  with  full  con- 
sciousness, that  he  is  indeed  on  his  pilgrimage  when  his  eyes  rest 
upon  those  gems  of  the  deep  which  the  skill  of  the  Grecian 
minstrel  has  touched  with  a  spark  of  immortality;  when  he  can 
say  to  himself,  as  he  passes  along,  l  On  this  spot  Avas  unfolded 
the  gorgeous  web  of  the  Odyssey;  from  that  cliff  Sappho  threw 
herself  into  the  sea;  on  my  left  hand  lie  the  gardens  of  Alci- 
nous; — and  the  olive  and  the  grape  and  the  orange  still  cover 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  243 

the  soil;  before  me  rises  the  embattled  citadel  which  Virgil  de- 
scribes ;  on  my  right  are  the  infamous  Acroceraunian  rocks  of 
Horace;  and  within  that  blue  mountain  barrier  which  bounds 
the  horizon  were  concealed  the  mystic  grove  and  oracle  of  Do- 
dona, — the  cradle  of  the  mythology  of  Greece.' " 

On  his  return,  Mr.  Everett  diligently  applied  himself  to  his 
professorship,  and,  in  addition  to  his  regular  lectures,  published 
a  translation  of  Buttman's  Greek  Grammar,  from  the  German, 
and  a  Greek  Reader,  on  the  basis  of  Jacobs.  About  this  time 
he  joined  the  club  of  literary  and  scientific  gentlemen  who  owned 
and  edited  the  "  North  American  Review,"  which  had  been  esta- 
blished some  years  but  could  not  boast  of  any  positive  success.  Mr. 
Everett  accepted  the  editorship,  commenced  a  new  series,  and  also 
a  new  era.  The  Review  soon  became  somewhat  famous;  and  a 
second,  and  even  third,  edition  of  some  numbers  was  demanded. 
From  his  first  connection  with  it,  says  the  "  American  (Whig) 
Review"  of  1850,*  he  attempted  to  give  to  it  an  American  cha- 
racter and  spirit.  He  made  it  a  special  object  to  defend  the 
country  against  foreign  tourists  and  essayists.  During  his  long 
residence  abroad,  he  had  observed  that  writers  of  these  classes 
assailed  American  principles  while  they  affected  only  to  assail 
American  customs.  America  was  vilified  by  them,  that  re- 
publican institutions  might  be  disparaged  and  made  contempt- 
ible. One  of  the  ablest  of  these  writers — Captain  Marryatt — 
afterward  substantially  avowed  this  as  the  object  of  his  work  on 
the  United  States!  The  "North  American  Review,"  under  Mr. 
Everett's  charge,  distinctly  met  such  attempts.  In  his  second 
number  he  began  a  series  of  papers  in  systematic  vindication  of 
our  country.  This  was  in  commenting  on  "  Walsh's  Appeal  from 
the  Judgments  of  Great  Britain."  To  this  article,  one  of  the 
contributors  to  the  London  "New  Monthly  Magazine"  made  a 
flippant  reply.  To  this  paper  Mr.  Everett  rejoined;  and,  at  the 
close  of  the  year,  Campbell,  the  poet,  then  editor  of  the  "  New 
Monthly,"  in  the  preface  prepared  for  the  annual  volume,  admitted 
that  the  article  in  question  "was  published  without  reflection," 
and  that  he  was  "  dissatisfied  with  himself  for  liaving  published 


*  A  very  able  monthly  published  at  New  York,  which  closed  a  brilliant 
career  in  1S52,  after  what  Horace  Greeley  called  the  death  of  the  Whig  party. 


244  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

it,  long  before  the  fair  and  temperate  reply  which  Mr.  Everett 
made  to  it  had  reached  him."  Campbell  went  still  further,  and 
made  a  handsome  defence  of  America  against  the  charges  of 
British  writers.  "It  was  a  duty,"  he  said,  "particularly  imposed 
upon  him  by  the  candid  manner  of  Mr.  Everett's  reply  ;  and  it 
was  otherwise,  as  he  felt  in  his  heart,  deservedly  claimed  by  a 
people  eulogized  by  Burke  and  Chatham,  by  a  land  that  brings 
such  recollections  to  the  mind  as  the  wisdom  of  Washington  and 
Franklin  and  the  heroism  of  Warren  and  Montgomery."* 

In  February,  1820,  Mr.  Everett  preached  a  sermon  in  the  Capi- 
tol at  Washington,  which,  judging  from  the  testimony  of  Judge 
Story,  must  have  settled  the  preacher's  character  as  an  orator 
among  men  of  intellect.  Judge  Story  writes,  "The  sermon  was 
truly  splendid,  and  was  heard  with  a  breathless  silence.  The 
audience  was  very  large;  and,  being  in  that  magnificent  apart- 
ment of  the  House  of  Representatives,  it  had  vast  effect.  I  saw 
Mr.  King,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Otis,  of  Massachusetts,  there. 
They  were  both  very  much  affected  with  Mr.  Everett's  sermon; 
and  Mr.  Otis,  in  particular,  -\vept  bitterly.  There  were  some 
very  touching  appeals  to  our  most  delicate  feelings  on  the  loss 
of  our  friends.  Indeed,  Mr.  Everett  was  almost  universally 
admired  as  the  most  eloquent  of  preachers.  Mr.  King  told  me 
he  never  heard  a  discourse  so  full  of  unction,  eloquence,  and 
good  taste." 

It  would  appear  that  Mr.  Everett  was  now  quite  busy,  yet  it 
is  remarked  that  his  editorial  duty  on  the  "  Review"  was  but  an 
accompaniment  to  his  regular  labors  as  Eliot  Professor  at  Cam- 
bridge. He  prepared  and  delivered  a  course  of  lectures  on  the 
"Literary  History  of  Greece,"  giving  an  account  of  the  life  and 
works  of  every  Greek  writer  from  the  remotest  period  down  to  the 
Byzantine  era.  Among  several  shorter  courses  were  two  on 
"  Antiquities  and  Ancient  Art,"  which  were  repeated  before 
large  popular  audiences  in  Boston.  It  is  believed  that  these 
were  the  first  purely  literary  lectures  delivered  there  before 
general  audiences.  The  custom  is  now  a  favorite  way  of  impart- 
ing and  receiving  knowledge  and  entertainment. 

In  1822,  the  Messenian  Senate  of  Calamata,  the  first  organized 

*  «  New  Monthly,"  1821, 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  245 

body  of  the  Greek  Revolution,  through  their  commissioners  at 
Paris  sent  their  Appeal  in  manuscript  to  Mr.  Everett,  who,  by 
request,  translated  it  into  English  and  published  it  in  this 
country.  In  October,  1823,  he  had  an  article  in  the  "  North 
American/'  accompanied  by  a  translation  of  the  Constitution 
of  Epidaurus.  His  appeal  created  much  interest  throughout  the 

'United  States,  and  many  sympathetic  meetings  were  held.  At 
the  next  session  of  Congress,  Daniel  Webster  lent  the  power  of 
his  genius  to  the  cause;  and  in  1826,  Mr.  Everett  communi- 
cated the  correspondence  of  Kolocotroni,  the  military  Greek 
chief,  and  Mr.  Jarvis,  an  American  serving  in  Greece  with  him, 
to  Mathew  Carey,  of  Philadelphia.  That  active  and  whole- 
souled  philanthropist  wrote  "  An  Address  on  the  Subject  of  the 
Greeks,"  "  The  Case  of  the  Greeks  Stated,"  and  other  appeals.* 
These  efforts  resulted  in  the  despatch  of  several  cargoes  of  cloth- 
ing and  provisions  for  the  suffering  Greeks. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  1822,  Mr.  Everett  was  married  to  Char- 
lotte Gray,  daughter  of  Peter  Chardon  Brooks,  one  of  the  lead- 
ing men  of  Boston. 

During  the  four  years  of  Mr.  Everett's  editorship  of  the 
"  North  American"  he  wrote  fifty  articles  for  it,  to  which  may 
be  added  some  sixty  others  contributed  while  it  was  under  the 
management  of  his  brother  Alexander  and  those  who  succeeded 
him. 

The  first  oration  which  drew  upon  Mr.  Everett  the  eyes  of  his 
countrymen  at  large  was  delivered  at  Cambridge,  before  the  Phi- 
Beta-Kappa  Society,  August  27,  1824.  The  occasion  was  one 
well  calculated  to  call  forth  the  eloquence  of  the  young  orator. 
He  stood  in  the  presence  of  much  of  the  genius  and  learning  of 
the  land, — of  those  who  had  written  their  names  in  their  coun- 
try's history,  and  whose  fame  was  not  confined  to  the  vast  re- 
public which  claimed  them  as  her  sons.f  La  Fayette  was  among 

.those  present;  and  the  peroration  of  the  discourse,  which  was 
addressed  to  the  broth er-in-arms  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolu- 


*  See  "Miscellaneous  Essays,"  <fec.  Ac.,  by  M.  Carey,  author  of  "  Vindicise 
Hiberniaa,"  "The  Olive-Branch,"  Ac.  Philadelphia,  1830 ;  pp.  297-306.  Mr. 
Everett's  letter  to  Mr.  Carey  may  also  be  found  here. 

f  See  Allibone's  Critical  Dictionary  of  English  Literature,  where  a  full  list 
of  Mr.  Everett's  writings  will  be  found. 


246  L1VINO    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN.' 

tion,  touched  a  chord  of  sympathy  in  the  immense  audience. 
Making  touching  allusion  to  the  heroes  and  sages  who  had  passed 
from  earth  since  the  French  sympathizer  had  helped  to  achieve 
our  liberty,  he  said, — - 

"Above  all,  the  first  of  heroes  and  of  men,  the  friend  of  your  youth, 
the  more  than  friend  of  his  country,  rests  in  the  bosom  of  the  soil  he  re- 
deemed. On  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  he  lies  in  glory  and  peace.  You 
will  revisit  the  hospitable  shades  of  Mount  Vernon,  but  him  whom  you 
venerated,  as  we  did,  you  will  not  meet  at  its  door.  His  voice  of  conso- 
lation, which  reached  you  in  the  dungeons  of  Olmiitz,  cannot  now  break 
its  silence  to  bid  you  welcome  to  his  own  roof.  But  the  grateful  children 
of  America  will  bid  you  welcome  to  our  shores ;  and  whithersoever  your 
course  shall  take  you,  throughout  the  limits  of  the  continent,  the  ear  that 
hears  you  shall  bless  you,  the  eye  that  sees  you  shall  give  witness  to  you, 
and  every  tongue  exclaim,  with  heartfelt  joy,  '  Welcome !  welcome,  La 
Fayette!'" 

In  the  life  of  every  man  who  becomes  famous  there  is  some 
one  event,  some  point,  upon  which  his  admirers  dwell  as  the 
index  to  a  turning-point  of  his  successful  career.  This  oration 
was  Everett's,  He  was  already  known  and  appreciated  as  a  man 
of  letters.  His  capacity  as  a  speaker  had  also  been  recognised 
by  the  few,  but  was  not  a  settled  fact  to  the  many.  "  Then," 
says  Mr.  Parker,  in  his  enthusiastic  paper  on  Mr.  Everett,  "  was 
heard  for  the  first  time,  by  a  great  promiscuous  audience,  the 
strains  of  that  eloquence, — the  most  classical,  the  most  scholarly, 
and  every  way  exquisite,  to  which  the  academic  groves  of  that 
seat  of  learning  had  ever  echoed  from  the  day  of  its  original 
charter.  The  theme  was  the  vindication  of  the  favorable  rela- 
tion to  letters  of  republican  institutions ;  and  there  was  given,  in 
one  branch  of  art  at  least,  the  best  evidence  of  republican  fer- 
tility and  perfection.  At  the  age  of  thirty  Edward  Everett 
stepped  down  from  that  stage  with  a  reputation  as  an  orator 
established  beyond  all  cavil." 

It  was  probably  owing  to  the  impression  produced  by  this 
address  that  Mr.  Everett  was  drawn  into  the  politics  and  diplo- 
macy of  the  country.  He  had  heretofore  taken  no  active  part 
or  apparent  interest  in  politics.  But  the  gentleman  who  had 
for  eight  years  represented  the  Middlesex  district  in  Congress 
declined  re-election,  and  the  young  men  wanted  a  representative 
on  high  intellectual  grounds,  now  that  the  old  lines  of  party 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  247 

politics  were  wellnigh  obliterated.  The  presence  of  La  Fayette 
at  Mr.  Everett's  recent  speech  gave  it  more  than  the  usual  pub- 
licity. Its  own  merits  then  made  way  for  it.  Its  words  were 
ringing  in  the  heads  and  hearts  of  the  very  men  who  wanted  a 
high-toned  representative.  As  the  praises  of  the  speaker  filled 
many  mouths,  what  more  natural  than  that  several  should  name 
him  for  the  Congressional  vacancy  ?  He  was  named,  and  nomi- 
nated at  a  convention  of  young  men  of  the  district,  and  that, 
too,  without  consulting  him ;  and  he  was  elected  by  a  handsome 
majority. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  though  taking  part  in  every 
important  debate,  he  was  not  remarkable  for  anxiety  to  get  the 
floor,  although  used  to  public  speaking  and  full  of  those  resources 
which  would  command  attention.  He  chose  rather  to  devote 
himself  to  the  discharge  of  that  part  of  the  public  business  which 
devolved  on  him.  He  was  greatly  distinguished  as  a  working 
member,  and  gave  such  satisfaction  to  his  constituents  that  he 
was  re-elected  four  consecutive  times.  The  "  American  Review" 
gives  so  concise  a  resumt  of  his  career  in  Congress  that  it  is 
adopted  here  with  some  slight  alteration  and  addition. 

During  his  whole  service  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  he 
was  on  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  In  the  Twentieth 
Congress,  his  second  term,  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  that 
committee  by  the  Hon.  Andrew  Stevenson,  of  Virginia,  then 
(and  during  the  Twenty-First,  Twenty-Second,  and  part  of  the 
Twenty-Third  Congress)  Speaker.  Mr.  Stevenson  acted  on  the 
principle  that  an  Administration,  (Quincy  Adams  was  then  Pre- 
sident,) although  in  a  minority  in  the  House,  is  entitled  to  the 
chair  of  that  committee  as  a  position  of  peculiar  confidence. 
Mr.  Everett  had  hardly  taken  his  seat  in  Congress  when  he  drew 
up  the  report  on  the  mission  to  the  Congress  of  Panama  con- 
sequent upon  the  independence  of  the  South  American  Repub- 
lics, which  had  been  recognised  in  the  previous  session.  This 
was  a  favorite  measure  with  Mr.  Clay,  who  desired  to  make  the 
United  States,  so  fa?  as  the  American  continent  was  concerned, 
the  centre  of  a  system  of  which  the  new  Republics  were  to  be  the 
political  satellites.  It  created  great  excitement  at  the  time;  and 
it  was  an  uncommon  evidence  of  the  esteem  in  which  Mr.  Eve- 
rett's talents  were  held  that  he,  although  the  younge.st  member  of 


248  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  committee,  was  permitted  to  draw  up  the  report.  He  was  in 
the  minority  in  the  Retrenchment  Committee  of  the  Twentieth 
Congress,  and  drew  up  those  portions  of  its  reports  which  relate  to 
the  Departments  of  State  and  War.  With  Henry  R.  Storrs,  of 
New  York,  he  took  a  prominent  position  against  the  Indian  policy 
of  General  Jackson,  ("the  removal  of  the  Indians,  without  their 
consent,  from  lands  guaranteed  by  treaty,")  and  on  that  subject 
made  a  speech  in  reply  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Public  Lands.  In  1830,  ex-President  Madison  addressed  his 
celebrated  letter  on  Nullification  to  Mr.  Everett,  by  whom  it 
was  appended — with  the  permission  of  the  author — to  an  article 
on  that  subject  by  Mr.  Everett  in  the  October  number  of  the 
"  North  American  Review"  for  that  year.  The  fallacy  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Nullification,  which  had  been  treated  with  all  the  gra- 
vity of  a  distinct  system,  was  completely  exposed  in  this  article. 
It  was  illustrated  with  a  singular  novelty,  and  the  argument 
was  remarkable  for  great  strength,  which  called  attention  to  it 
and  gave  it  great  force  wherever  read.  About  this  time  Mr. 
Everett  delivered  a  speech  on  the  Tariff  policy,  "  to  which  no 
answer  was  ever  attempted."  It  reviewed  and  combated  one  of 
Mr.  Calhoun's  favorite  doctrines, — that  the  duty  on  goods  im- 
ported is  paid,  not  by  the  consumer,  but  by  the  Southern 
planter,  as  a  large  producer  of  the  exported  article  given  in 
exchange.  Mr.  Everett  shows  that,  admitting  the  principle 
that  the  duty  is  paid  by  the  producer  of  the  article  given  in 
exchange,  still  it  is  paid  by  the  consumer,  for  he  is,  of  neces- 
sity, the  ultimate  producer  of  the  article  finally  given  in  ex- 
change, and  therefore  the  payer  of  the  duty,  even  on  the  South- 
ern statement  of  the  principle. 

Mr.  Everett  was  a  member  of  the  most  important  select  com- 
mittees appointed  during  his  service  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, such  as  those  on  the  Indian  relations  of  the  State  of 
Georgia,  on  the  Apportionment  Bill,  and  on  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  (the  committee  which  sat  in  Philadelphia  in 
1834.)  In  all  the  instances  in  which  he  served,  his  pen  was  in 
demand.  He  prepared  either  the  majority  or  minority  report  in 
every  case.  His  last  act  as  a  Representative  in  Congress  was 
the  drafting  of  the  minority  report  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs  on  the  French  controversy  in  1834-35,  and  a  speech  on 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  249 

the  same  in  the  House.  The  King  of  the  French,  it  is  said, 
paid  the  highest  compliment  to  the  liberal  spirit  evinced  in  these 
efforts  and  to  the  knowledge  of  the  subject  displayed  therein. 

Having,  in  the  autumn  of  1834,  announced  his  intention  of 
retiring  from  Congress,  Mr.  Everett  was  nominated  in  the  win- 
ter of  1885  for  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  elected  in  the 
following  autumn.  In  the  Gubernatorial  chair  his  efforts  were 
unceasing  for  the  welfare  and  general  prosperity  of  his  State. 
There  was  nothing  that  escaped  his  vigilance  and  did  not  benefit 
by  his  taste.  While  directing  the  energies  and  counselling  the 
intellect  of  the  Commonwealth,  it  gave  liberal  assistance  to  the 
Western  Railroad,  established  the  Board  of  Education,  preserved 
a  sound  currency  during  the  financial  smashing  and  crashing  of 
1837,  prosecuted  elaborate  scientific  surveys  of  the  State,  and 
appointed  the  Criminal-Law  Commission. 

During  Everett's  Governorship  the  surplus  revenue  was  dis- 
tributed. He  desired  to  appropriate  the  share  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  development  of  mind  and  body, — between  the-  railroads 
and  the  colleges.  He  wanted  to  give  one  million  dollars  to  pay 
the  State  subscription  to  the  Western  Railroad,  and  to  divide  the 
remainder,  over  seven  hundred  thousand  dollars,  among  the  col- 
leges, common  schools,  and  an  astronomical  observatory.  If  this 
disposition  had  been  made,  Massachusetts  would  now  have  had  a 
fund  yielding  an  interest  of  eighty  thousand  dollars.  Other 
counsels  prevailed,  and  the  surplus  was  divided  among  the  towns 
instead  of  the  schools  and  colleges.  His  efforts  for  the  advance- 
ment of  education,  however,  were  unremitting.  The  best  illus- 
tration of  the  uses  of  culture  himself,  he  labored  indefatigably 
and  zealously  for  the  educational  culture  of  the  Commonwealth. 
In  his  annual  speech  to  the  Legislature  of  1837,  he  earnestly 
recommended  the  establishment  of  a  Board  of  Education.  About 
the  same  time  Mr.  Edmund  Dwight  anonymously  donated  a  large 
amount  of  money  for  the  expenses  of  normal  schools  and  the 
salary  of  an  active  secretary  to  such  a  board.  The  board  was 
established  on  the  29th  of  June,  1837.  Governor  Everett  was 
appointed  chairman  and  Mr.  Horace  Mann  elected  its  first 
secretary. 

The  novelty  of  the  movement, — says  the  Hon.  Charles  W. 
Upham,  of  Salem, — the  immense  extlnt,  diversity,  complexity, 


250  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

and  minuteness  of  the  objects  within  its  scope,  the  inadequacy 
of  its  powers  and  means,  the  vague  and  exaggerated  expectations 
of  wonderful  results  to  be  reached  at  once,  entertained  by  many 
of  the  most  sanguine  and  busy  friends  of  the  cause,  political  jea- 
lousies, with  the  use  made  of  them  by  intriguing  partisans,  and, 
more  than  all,  sectarian  opposition,  embarrassed  the  board  ex- 
ceedingly during  the  earlier  years  of  its  operations,  which  were, 
besides,  years  of  peculiar  financial  difficulty  in  the  community  at 
large.  The  value  of  the  services  of  Governor  Everett,  under 
these  disadvantageous  and  perplexing  circumstances,  cannot  be 
overestimated.  He  wrote  the  several  annual  reports  of  the 
board,  and,  as  chairman  of  most  of  the  sub-committees,  he  also 
discharged  a  great  amount  of  labor  and  bore  the  constant  burden 
of  responsible  care.  His  indefatigable  fidelity,  his  conscientious 
and  enlightened  prudence,  his  extraordinary  discretion  as  a 
statesman,  and  his  profound  enthusiasm  in  the  cause,  were  what 
the  crisis  absolutely  needed.* 

Mr.  Everett  held  the  office  of  Governor  four  successive  years, 
and  in  the  election  of  November,  1839,  was  defeated  by  the  De- 
mocratic candidate,  Judge  Morton,  by  one  vote,  out  of  over  one 
hundred  thousand.  He  now  sought  relief  for  himself  and  family 
in  European  travel.  He  sailed  in  June,  1840,  spent  the  summer 
in  Paris,  and  the  following  year  in  and  about  Florence,  where 
English-speaking  people  most  do  congregate,  and  where,  as 
Leigh  Hunt  says,  there  are  music  and  graceful  memories  wher- 
ever you  turn.  Here  Mr.  Everett  would  have  tarried,  but  a 
change  in  political  affairs  "  at  home"  elevated  the  party  with 
which  he  acted.  General  Harrison  was  elected  President,  and 
Daniel  Webster  was  made  Secretary  of  State.  The  Whig  party, 
which,  with  the  exception  of  a  spasm  of  success  that  lifted  John 
Quincy  Adams  to  the  Presidency,  had  struggled  through  the 
stubborn  repose  of  opposition  for  a  generation,  suddenly  and 
with  great  eclat  broke  through  the  trammels  of  their  minority 
and  grasped  the  reins  of  power.  Everett's  distinguished  position 
in  the  party  and  his  relations  with  Webster  pointed  him  out  for 
some  important  duty  under  the  new  Administration. 

Hon.  Andrew  Stevenson,  formerly  Speaker  of  the  House,  and 


Christian  Examiner,"  Nov.  1849. 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  251 

then  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Great 
Britain,  requested  his  own  recall  upon  the  change  of  Administra- 
tion, and  Mr.  Everett  was  appointed  to  succeed  him.  For  this 
most  important  position  few  were  so  well  fitted.  His  studies  and 
career  were  such  as  almost  to  fulfil  the  requisites  of  a  regular  diplo- 
matic training.  In  the  German  university  he  had  learned  the  ele- 
ments of  civil  law  as  a  branch  of  classical  antiquities.  His  five 
or  six  years'  residence  abroad  had  made  him  familiar  with  the  lan- 
guage of  the  chief  courts  of  Europe.  His  ten  years'  service  on  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in  Congress  brought  all  its  objects 
within  his  grasp.  As  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  he  had  mas- 
tered the  almost  endless  details  of  the  Boundary  question.  As 
Daniel  Webster  said  of  him,  he  carried  to  Great  Britain  many 
qualities,  most  of  them  essential,  and  all  of  them  ornamental  and 
useful,  to  fill  that  high  station.  He  had  education  and  scholar- 
ship -,  he  had  a  reputation  at  home  and  abroad ;  more  than  all, 
he  had  an  acquaintance  with  the  politics  of  the  world,  with  the 
laws  of  this  country  and  of  nations,  and  with  the  history  and 
policy  of  the  countries  of  Europe. 

He  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  mission  in  London  at  the 
close  of  1841.  The  leading  questions  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  then  were  the  Northeastern  Boundary,  the 
affair  of  McLeod,  and  the  seizure  of  American  vessels  on  the 
coast  of  Africa.  Changes  of  Administration  had  taken  place  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  led  to  protracted  negotiations. 
Still  further  changes  took  place  in  the  American  Cabinet. 
Between  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Webster  from  the  chair  of  State 
in  1843  and  the  incoming  of  Mr.  Buchanan  under  the  Polk 
Presidency,  Messrs.  Lcgare,  Upshur,  and  Calhoun  had  succes- 
sively taken  charge  of  the  State  Department.  These  movements 
added  to  the  difficulty  of  Mr.  Everett's  position ;  yet  from  each 
of  the  statesmen  mentioned  he  received  satisfactory  marks  of 
approbation  and  confidence. 

When  Sir  Robert  Peel  came  into  power,  in  September,  1841, 
Webster's  proposition  to  negotiate  a  settlement  of  all  pending 
questions  between  the  two  Governments  was  received  with 
favor.  The  world  demanded  peace ;  trade,  civilization,  religion, 
intelligence,  and  universal  philanthropy  were  opposed  to  any 
thing  but  peace.  So  thought  and  argued  Webster.  So  also 


252  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE  ^MEN. 

thought  Peel  and  Aberdeen.  In  consequence  of  this  unanimity 
of  opinion,  the  British  Government  determined  to  send  Lord 
Ashburton,  "  a  particular  friend  of  Mr.  Webster/'  specially  to 
the  United  States  with  full  power  to  settle  all  points  of  contro- 
versy between  the  Governments.  Yet,  from  the  documents 
communicated  to  Congress  from  time  to  time,  we  find  that 
many  topics  connected  with  the  disputed  points  were  incident- 
ally treated  in  Mr.  Everett's  correspondence  with  his  own  and 
the  British  Government.  In  this  way  many  elaborate  notes 
to  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  and  despatches  to  the  State  Depart- 
ment at  Washington  have  been  made  public ;  yet  they  form,  it 
is  said,  but  a  small  portion  of  the  documents  of  both  classes 
prepared  by  Mr.  Everett  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  mission.  In 
consequence  of  the  multiplication  of  subjects  of  controversy, 
the  increase  of  private  claims,  and  the  extension  of  commercial 
intercourse  generally,  there  was  twice  as  much  business  trans- 
acted at  the  American  Legation  in  London  from  1841  to  1845 
as  at  any  former  period.  Mr.  Everett,  however,  is  a  man  of 
assiduous  habits  as  well  as  comprehensive  intellect,  and  received 
the  complete  confidence  of  his  Government.  When  Congress, 
in  1843,  made  an  appropriation  for  a  mission  to  China  under 
circumstances  demanding  immediate  action,  the  President  and 
Senate  appointed  him  to  open  negotiations.  He,  however,  was 
forced  to  decline  the  honor.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  he 
received  full  powers  to  adjust  the  Oregon  difficulty;  but  Great 
Britain  transferred  the  settlement  to  Washington,  and  sent  Sir 
Richard  Pakenham  thither  for  that  purpose.  Mr.  Everett, 
while  in  office,  brought  many  subjects  to  a  successful  issue, 
among  which  were  several  claims  for  the  seizure  of  vessels  on 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  the  demands  of  American  citizens  for 
duties  levied  contrary  to  the  commercial  treaty.  "  In  reference 
to  the  latter,  he  had  the  justice  of  the  claims  admitted,  and 
proposed  the  principle  of  off-set,  by  which  they  were  liqui- 
dated." He  obtained  the  concession  of  the  right  to  fish  in  the 
Bay  of  Fundy,  which  had  created  so  much  ill  feeling  between  our 
fishermen  and  the  Provincial  authorities  for  thirty  years.  He 
also  obtained  at  various  times  the  release  of  fifty  or  sixty  Ameri- 
cans who  had  been  sent  to  Van  Diemen's  Land  for  participating 
in  the  Canadian  rebellion  of  1837-38.  Not  the  least  gratifying 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  253 

of  the  testimonials  received  by  Mr.  Everett  while  in  England  was 
the  degree  of  LL.D  from  Dublin  and  Cambridge,  and  that  of 
D.C.L.  from  Oxford. 

Upon  the  accession  of  Mr.  Polk  and  the  Democratic  party 
to  power,  Mr.  Everett  was  recalled,  and  Mr.  Louis  McLane,  who 
had  served  in  the  same  capacity  during  Jackson's  Administra- 
tion, appointed  his  successor. 

Mr.  Everett  returned  to  Boston  in  the  autumn  of  1845;  and 
the  Presidency  of  Harvard  University,  vacant  by  the  resignation 
of  the  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  having  been  pressed  upon  him,  he 
was  inaugurated  in  that  office  on  the  30th  of  April,  1846.  He 
held  this  position  three  years,  with  the  most  excellent  results  to 
this  leading  institution.  His  connection  with  it,  either  by  resi- 
dence near  it  or  official  position,  had  been  preserved  almost  con- 
stantly from  his  boyhood.  His  Presidency  was  thus  endeared  to 
him  by  the  associations  of  his  life.  He  resigned  in  1849,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Jared  Sparks. 

Daniel  Webster  died  on  the  24th  of  October,  1852,  and  Presi- 
dent Fillmore  appointed  Edward  Everett  to  succeed  him  as 
Secretary  of  State.  But  a  few  months  had  to  elapse  until  the 
term  of  the  Administration  would  expire ;  yet  the  new  Secretary 
of  State  had  sufficient  time  to  command  the  applause  of  the  whole 
country. 

Between  the  United  States  and  Spain  the  relations  had  not 
been  of  the  most  amicable  nature.  Cuba  was  the  cause.  The 
invasion  of  the  Queen  of  the  Antilles  by  armed  Americans 
was  a  subject  that  occupied  the  minds  of  statesmen  in  Europe 
and  America.  Europe  began  to  think  that  America  meant  to 
have  Cuba  by  any  means,  and  thus  control  the  Gulf  of  Mexic*o. 
Consequently,  France  and  England  proposed  a  treaty  to  the 
United  States,  by  which  the  three  Powers  should  solemnly  dis- 
claim, "  now,  and  forever  hereafter,  all  intention  to  obtain  posses- 
sion of  the  island  of  Cuba."  Everett  replied  on  the  1st  of 
December,  1852,  and  took  ground  that  the  question  was  an 
American  and  not  a  European  one;  that  European  Powers  had 
no  right  to  interfere;  and  that,  while  the  United  States  would 
not  violate  existing  neutrality,  she  would  not  relinquish  the  right 
to  act  in  relation  to  Cuba  independent  of  any  other  power.  The 
reply  met  with  the  universal  approval  of  the  people.  Its  keen 

22 


254  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

logic  and  broad  views  disconcerted  the  foreign  Powers.  Eve- 
rett thus  showed  the  Count  de  Sartiges  the  impracticability  of 
entertaining  such  a  treaty : — 

"The  convention  would  be  of  no  value  unless  it  were  lasting;  accord- 
ingly, its  terms  express  a  perpetuity  of  purpose  and  obligation.  Now,  it 
may  well  be  doubted  whether  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  would 
allow  the  treaty-making  power  to  impose  a  permanent  disability  on  the 
American  Government  for  all  coming  time,  and  prevent  it,  under  any 
future  change  of  circumstances,  from  doing  what  has  been  so  often  done 
in  times  past.  In  1803,  the  United  States  purchased  Louisiana  from 
France ;  and  in  1819,  they  purchased  Florida  from  Spain.  It  is  not 
within  the  competence  of  the  treaty-making  power  in  1852  effectually  to 
bind  the  Government,  in  all  its  branches,  and  for  all  coming  time,  not  to 
make  a  similar  purchase  of  Cuba." 

Upon  the  basis  here  set  down  by  Everett,  Douglas,  in  the 
Senate,  denounced  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  as  a  palpable  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution,  as  it  bound  us  with  regard  to  Central 
America  exactly  as  Mr.  Everett  said  we  should  not  be  bound 
'relative  to  Cuba.  He  argued  that  such  a  policy  might  suit 
Europe,  where  international  relations  are  of  great  antiquity,  but 
it  was  a  mistake  to  think  that  the  law  of  American  growth  and 
progress  could  be  arrested  by  the  proposed  convention.  Then, 
again,  there  was  another  strong  objection  to  the  proposed  agree- 
ment,— our  aversion  to  entangling  alliances  with  European 
Powers. 

Concluding  his  note  to  the  British  Minister,  Mr.  Everett  inti- 
mates a  "  final  objection."  M.  de  Turgot  and  Lord  Malmesbury 
gave  as  a  reason  for  the  compact,  the  attacks  by  "  lawless  adven- 
turers from  the  United  States"  on  Cuba.  Everett  shows  that 
such  a  treaty,  instead  of  putting  a  stop  to  these  proceedings, 
would  give  them  a  powerful  impulse. 

"No  Administration  of  this  Government,"  he  writes,  "however  strong 
in  the  public  confidence  in  other  respects,  could  stand  a  day  under  the 
odium  of  having  stipulated  with  the  great  Powers  of  Europe  that  in  no 
future  time,  under  no  change  of  circumstances,  by  no  amicable  arrange- 
ment with  Spain,  by  no  act  of  lawful  war,  (should  that  calamity  unfortu- 
nately occur,)  by  no  consent  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  island,  should  they, 
like  the  possessions  of  Spain  on  the  American  Continent,  succeed  in  ren- 
dering themselves  independent, — in  fine,  by  no  overruling  necessity  of 
self-preservation, — should  the  United  States  ever  make  the  acquisition 
of  Cuba." 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  255 

The  "  Democratic  Review/'  then  attracting  wide  notice  in  Con- 
gress as  well  as  throughout  the  country,  hailed  Mr.  Everett's 
letter  "as  the  best  paper  that  has  ever  appeared  on  the  subject 
from  the  State  Department."  Douglas  did  likewise  in  the  Senate, 
and  said  that,  "  if  he  had  done  nothing  else  to  render  his  admi- 
nistration of  the  State  Department  illustrious,  his  name  would 
live  in  all  coming  time  in  that  diplomatic  letter,  as  one  who  could 
appreciate  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  perceive  the  destiny  of  the 
nation." 

Succeeding  Hon.  John  Davis  as  United  States  Senator  from 
Massachusetts,  Mr.  Everett  participated  in  the  debates  of  the 
extra  session  of  the  Senate  which  commenced  immediately  after 
the  inauguration  of  Pierce  on  the  4th  and  continued  to  the  28th 
of  March,  1853.  The  chief  feature  of  this  session  was  the  state 
of  the  Central  American  question.  On  the  9th  of  March,  Sena- 
tor Clayton  entered  upon  an  elaborate  defence  of  the  treaty  with 
which  his  name  is  so  intimately  connected.  He  insisted  that  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  which  declared  the  exclusion  of  European 
Powers  from  further  colonization  on  this  continent,  never  had 
the  approval  of  the  United  States  Government.  Several  Senators 
replied.  In  the  course  of  Senator  Douglas's  remarks,  he  handed 
Clayton  over  "to  his  friend  from  Massachusetts;  for,"  he  said, 
"he  will  not  dare  to  accuse  him  of  political  prejudices  and  parti- 
san feelings."  On  the  21st  of  March,  Senator  Everett  elucidated 
the  question  in  a  comprehensive  and  eloquent  vindication  of  the 
action  of  our  Government,  reviewing  the  matter,  and  counsel- 
ling peace  and  forbearance. 

On  the  16th  of  April,  the  replies  of  France  and  England  to 
Mr.  Everett's  letter  on  Cuba  were  read  to  Mr.  William  L.  Marcy, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  Department  of  State.  He  did  not 
deem  a  reply  necessary ;  and  so  the  matter  dropped. 

Senator  Everett  participated  in  the  debate  on  the  Nebraska 
Bill  in  the  spring  of  1854,  and  presented,  on  the  14th  of  March, 
the  mammoth  memorial  from  Massachusetts,  signed  by  three 
thousand  clergymen,  against  its  passage. 

In  consequence  of  ill  health,  Mr.  Everett  resigned  his  seat  in 
the  Senate  in  June,  1854,  and  has  devoted  himself  to  literary 
pursuits  ever  since,  adding,  if  possible,  to  his  already  great  repu- 
tation by  orations  and  addresses.  He  has  been  for  years  engaged 


256  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

on  a  "  Treatise  on  the  Law  of  Nations/'  for  which  his  scholar- 
ship, assiduity  in  research,  equability  of  temper,  foreign  travel, 
and  experience  in  State  and  diplomatic  affairs,  give  him  peculiar 
and  fortunate  advantages.  In  addition  to  the  "Defence  of 
Christianity,"  published  in  his  youth,  Mr.  Everett  has  issued  his 
speeches  and  orations,  in  three  volumes.  The  last  volume  con- 
tains an  elaborate  index,  prepared  by  S.  Austin  Allibone,  Esq. 
The  extended  contents  of  these  may  be  found  in  Allibone's 
"  Dictionary  of  Authors."  Mr.  Everett  claims  attention  as  a 
poet ;  but  it  is  to  his  oratorical  efforts  that  his  numberless  ad- 
mirers delight  to  do  especial  homage.  Under  its  spell,  Lord 
Napier  called  him  the  Magician  of  Massachusetts. 

In  a  somewhat  prosy  poem,  Margaret  Fuller  (D'Ossoli)  pays 
tribute  likewise  to  the  orator : — 

"Oft  have  I  listerrd  to  his  accents  bland 

And  own'd  the  magic  of  his  silvery  voice, 
In  all  the  graces  which  life's  arts  demand, 
Delighted  by  the  justness  of  his  choice. 

*  *  -:•:-  *  *  * 

He  scarce  needs  words  :   so  exquisite  the  skill 

Which  modulates  the  tones  to  do  his  will, 

That  the  mere  sound  enough  would  charm  the  ear, 

And  lap  in  its  elysium  all  who  hear. 

The  intellectual  paleness  of  his  cheek, 

The  heavy  eyelids,  arid  slow,  tranquil  smile, 
The  well-cut  lips,  from  which  the  graces  speak, 

Fit  him  alike  to  win  or  to  beguile : 
Then  those  words,  so  well  chosen,  fit,  though  few, 
Their  linked  sweetness,  as  our  thoughts  pursue, 
We  deem  them  spoken  pearls,  or  radiant  diamond  dew."* 

A  French  critic  of  his  orations  pays  a  well-merited  compliment 
to  Everett  and  the  high  purpose  to  which  he  has  schooled  his 
abilities.  M.  Laboulaye  says,  "  Les  sujets  sont  naturellement  tres- 
varies,  la  pensee  y  est  toujours  la  meme  :  tout  s'y  reduit  a  un  seul 
point,  Feducation  intellectuelle,  morale,  patriotique,  du  peuple."* 

Mr.  Everett  has  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  preservation  of 
Mount  Vernon  for  the  nation,  and  has  lectured  all  over  the 
country  in  behalf  of  that  object.  In  the  spring  of  1857,  he 


*  "  Summer  on  the  Lakes,"  Boston,  1844,  p.  189. 

f  "  Journal  des  Debats,"  October  6,  1853.     See  Allibone. 


EDWARD    EVERETT.  257 

made  a  Southern  tour,  and  was  received  with  great  Iclat.  His 
patriotic  oration  on  Washington  made  Southern  journals  vie  in 
doing  him  honor,  and  also  in  giving  vent  to  feelings  of  union 
which  must  have  been  deeply  gratifying  to  him.  "  In  Charles- 
ton," says  a  Richmond  journal,  "in  Columbia,  the  capital  of 
South  Carolina,  in  the  alleged  stronghold  of  Southern  treason 
and  disloyalty,  Mr.  Everett's  offerings  upon  the  shrine  of  patriot- 
ism were  received  with  a  heartfelt  and  enthusiastic  applause, 
which  must  have  satisfied  this  illustrious  son  of  Massachusetts 
that  the  people  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  are  quite  as  true  to 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution  as  those  by  whom  they  are  daily 
accused  of  faithlessness  to  the  national  compact;"  and  the  "Co- 
lumbia Carolinian"  remarked,  "  He  must  have  perceived  that  we 
cherish  still  a  love  for  the  constitutional  republicanism  that  our 
Washington  gave  us,  and  that  to-morrow,  if  sectional  agitation 
were  to  cease,  the  South  would  be  ready  to  join  in  that  great 
national  jubilee  which  he  hoped  would  spring  from  the  hearts 
of  every  .section  to  celebrate  the  next  anniversary  of  Washing- 
ton's birthday."  These  were  flattering  results  of  his  oratorical 
portraiture  of  "the  Father  of  his  Country." 

The  cultivated  ease  of  his  manner,  his  broad  national  views, 
and  the  fact  that  he  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a  literary  man 
rather  than  a  politician,  has  created  a  wide-spread  respect  for  his 
name,  while  his  native  State  is  justly  proud  of  his  attainments 
and  elevated  character.  At  the  last  Webster  birthday-celebra- 
tion in  Boston,  Caleb  Gushing,  introducing  the  name  of  Mr. 
Everett,  alluded  to  him  as  "one  pre-eminent  as  a  scholar  and  a 
statesman,  not  merely  in  this  our  Commonwealth  of  Massachu- 
setts, not  merely  in  these  United  States,  but  wheresover  on 
earth — and  that  is  to  say  throughout  the  civilized  world — the 
English  tongue  is  spoken ;  pre-eminent  in  all  which  adorns  a 
statesman,  a  scholar,  a  gentleman." 

With  Webster  the  name  and  genius  of  Everett  are  forever  en- 
twined. As  the  latter  was  the  worthy  friend  of  the  former,  so  is 
he  the  worthy  eulogist.  In  his  edition  of  the  works  of  Webster, 
and  in  other  places,  he  had  done  justice  to  his  great  friend;  but 
the  condensed  splendor  and  picturesque  force  of  all  his  thoughts 
and  feelings  on  the  suggestive  subject  were  put  forth  on  the  inau- 
guration of  Powers's  statue  of  Webster,  on  the  17th  of  Septem- 
R  22* 


258  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

her,  1859.  Inspired  by  the  man,  those  best  thoughts  and  feelings 
played  about  his  effigy  like  a  crowning  halo.  They  interpreted 
the  ponderous  dignity  of  the  great  statesman,  his  wealthy  nature, 
his  private  radiance,  and  his  public  breadth,  to  the  proud  audi- 
ence, who  were  thus,  by  the  magic  of  Everett's  genius,  made 
more  familiar  with  the  already  well-known  and  widely-appre- 
ciated body  and  brain  of  him,  the  opening  of  whose  career  in- 
spired Lowndes  to  say  that  "  the  South  had  not  in  Congress  his 
superior,  nor  the  North  his  equal."  This  oration  is  a  production 
of  exceeding  beauty.  What  a  fine  and  characteristic  contrast 
is  that  showing  Webster  the  evening  before  and  the  day  he  made 
his  second  speech  on  Foote's  resolutions ! — 

"As  I  saw  him  in  the  evening,"  said  Everett,  "borrowing  an  illustra- 
tion from  his  favorite  amusement,  he  was  as  unconcerned  and  as  free  of 
spirit  as  some  here  have  often  seen  him  while  floating  in  his  fishing-boat 
along  a  hazy  shore,  gently  rocking  on  the  tranquil  tide,  dropping  his  line 
here  and  there  with  the  varying  fortune  of  the  sport.  The  next  morning 
he  was  like  some  mighty  admiral,  dark  and  terrible,  casting  the  long  sha- 
dow of  his  frowning  tiers  far  over  the  sea,  that  seemed  to  sink  beneath  him , 
his  broad  pendant  streaming  at  the  main,  the  stars  and  stripes  at  the 
fore,  the  mizzen,  and  the  peak,  and  bearing  down  like  a  tempest  upon  his 
antagonist,  with  all  his  canvas  strained  to  the  wind  and  all  his  thunders 
roaring  from  his  broadsides." 

The  following  passage  so  succinctly  chronicles  and  character- 
izes Webster's  leading  efforts,  and  so  eloquently  reflects  the  pur- 
poses and  effects  of  his  oratory,  that,  in  justice  to  the  great  dead 
and  the  great  living  son  of  Massachusetts,  it  cannot  be  omitted : — 

"  Let  it  not  be  thought,  however,  that  I  would  represent  Mr.  Webster's 
speeches  in  Congress  or  elsewhere  as  destitute,  on  proper  occasions,  of 
the  most  glowing  appeals  to  the  moral  sentiments,  or  wanting,  when  the 
topic  invites  it,  in  any  of  the  adornments  of  a  magnificent  rhetoric.  Who 
that  heard  it  or  has  read  it  will  ever  forget  the  desolating  energy  of  his 
denunciation  of  the  African  slave-trade  in  the  discourse  at  Plymouth, — or 
the  splendor  of  the  apostrophe  to  Warren  in  the  first  discourse  on  Bunker 
Hil^ — or  that  to  the  monumental  shaft  and  the  survivors  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  the  second, — or  the  trumpet-tones  of  the  speech  placed  in  the  lips 
of  John  Adams  in  the  eulogy  on  Adams  and  Jeiferson, — or  the  sublime 
peroration  of  the  speech  on  Foote's  resolution, — or  the  lyric  fire  of  the 
imagery  by  which  he  illustrates  the  extent  of  the  British  empire, — or  the 
almost  supernatural  terror  of  his  description  of  the  force  of  conscience  in 
the  argument  in  Knapp's  trial  ?  Then,  how  bright  and  fresh  the  descrip- 
tion of  Niagara  !  how  beautiful  the  picture  of  the  morning  in  his  private 


EDWARD   EVERETT.  259 

correspondence,  \vhich,  as  well  as  his  familiar  conversation,  was  enlivened 
by  the  perpetual  play  of  a  joyous  and  fertile  imagination !  In  a  wprd, 
what  tone  in  all  the  grand  and  melting  music  of  our  language  is  there 
which  is  not  heard  in  some  portion  of  his  speeches  or  writings  ? — while 
reason,  sense,  and  truth  compose  the  basis  of  the  strain.  Like  the  sky 
above  us,  it  is  sometimes  serene  and  cloudless,  and  peace  and  love  shine 
out  from  its  starry  depths.  At  other  times,  the  gallant  streamers,  in 
wild,  fantastic  play,  emerald  and  rose  and  orange  and  fleecy  white, 
shoot  upVard  from  the  horizon,  mingle  in  a  fiery  canopy  at  the  zenith, 
and  throw  out  their  flickering  curtains  over  the  heavens  and  the  earth ; 
while  at  other  times,  the  mustering  tempest  piles  his  lowering  battle- 
ments on  the  sides  of  the  north,  a  furious  storm-wind  rushes  forth  from 
their  blazing  loopholes,  and  volleyed  thunders  give  the  signal  of  the  ele- 
mental war !" 

The  extent  of  Mr.  Everett's  enthusiasm  in  the  patriotic  cause 
to  which  he  has  devoted  so  much  time  and  talent  for  the  past 
few  years  may  be  gleaned  from  a  late  number  of  the  "Eclectic 
Magazine/'  which  gives  an  account  of  his  labors  in  connection 
with  the  Mount  Vernon  fund.  His  Washington  oration  was 
first  delivered  February  22, 1856,  and  has  been  given  since  then 
one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  times,  yielding  $55,783  62.  For 
the  "Mount  Vernon  Papers"  in  the  "New  York  Ledger"  he  re- 
ceived $10,000,  and  in  other  ways  smaller  sums, — making  a  con- 
tribution to  the  Mount  Vernon  fund  of  $68,163  56.  In  addition 
to  his  labors  for  this  object,  he  has  delivered  lectures  for  other 
benevolent  associations,  making  a  total  of  more  than  ninety  thou- 
sand dollars  in  a  little  more  than  three  years.  It  is  to  be  under- 
stood, too,  that  Mr.  Everett  has  travelled  many  thousand  miles, 
and  defrayed  all  his  expenses  from  his  private  purse.  He  has 
done  this,  too,  when  much  occupied  by  private  and  public  affairs, 
and  frequently  in  delicate  health.  No  man,  we  are  confident, 
ever  before  did  so  much  for  noble  objects  in  so  short  a  time. 
All  honor  to  this  statesman,  orator,  scholar,  and  noble  man  !  As 
long  as  Mount  Vernon  looks  down  on  the  Potomac  and  the 
memory  of  WASHINGTON  is  revered  on  earth,  his  name  will  live 
and  be  honored, — associated,  as  he  has  made  it,  with  the  dearest 
spot  and  the  memory  of  the  dearest  man  of  America. 


260  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


MILLARD   FILLMORE, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 

THE  career  of  ex-President  Fillmore,  in  its  energy  and  results, 
affords  a  most,  agreeable  study  to  those  who  do  not  deem  honor 
and  honorable  position  unworthy  of  an  upright  devotion  in  the 
seeker  after  their  rewards.  The  history  of  his  life  is  an  index  to 
the  young  and  ambitious  of  what  may  be  won  by  assiduity  and 
earnest  application. 

Records  are  extant  touching  the  career  of  one  of  Mr.  Fill- 
more's  earliest  ancestors  in  this  country,  from  which  may  be 
traced  that  energy  of  character  for  which  the  early  struggles 
and  more  mature  success  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch  are 
distinguished. 

The  great-grandfather  of  Millard  was  John  Fillmore,  son  of 
English  parents,  who  emigrated  to  this  country.  The  said  John 
was  born  at  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  about  the  year  1702. 
Having  a  fancy  for  the  sea,  he,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  went  on 
board  a  fishing-vessel,  which  sailed  from  Boston,  and  had  been 
out  but  a  few  days  when,  falling  in  with  a  pirate-ship,  com- 
manded by  one  Captain  Phillips,  the  vessel  was  captured,  and 
young  Fillmore  was  detained  as  a  prisoner.  Acting,  probably, 
on  the  belief  that  the  romance  attaching  to  the  pirate  life,  as  well 
as  the  prospect  of  gain,  would  win  over  the  youth  to  become  one 
of  his  crew,  Phillips  desired  Fillmore  to  sign  the  piratical  articles 
of  his  vessel.  He  was  met  by  a  prompt  refusal.  Again  and 
again  was  he  solicited,  and  even  threatened  with  death  if  he  did 
not  sign,  Still  the  youth  persistently  refused, — which  course 
subjected  him,  during  nine  long  months,  to  hardships  against 
which  only  his  strong  constitution  and  hopeful  spirits  enabled 
him  to  hold  up.  In  course  of  time,  two  others  were  taken  pri- 
soners by  the  pirates.  These  also  refused  to  sign  the  articles; 
and,  leaguing  with  Fillmore,  the  three  made  an  attack  upon  the 


MILLARD   FILLMORE.  261 

pirates,  killed  several,  got  possession  of  the  vessel,  and  brought 
her  safely  into  Boston.  The  surviving  pirates  were  tried  and 
executed ;  and  the  gallant  conduct  of  the  captors  drew  forth  an 
acknowledgment  from  the  British  Government,  as  well  as  the 
applause  of  the  Colony.  The  printed  narrative  of  the  adventure 
is  said  to  exhibit  details  of  one  of  the  most  daring  and  successful 
exploits  on  record.  This  John  Fillmore,  from  whom  all  of  the 
name  in  the  United  States  are  descended,  died  in  that  part  of 
the  town  of  Norwich  now  called  Franklin,  in  Connecticut. 

Nathaniel,  the  son  of  John,  was  a  soldier  of  the  llevolution, 
having  learned  to  fight  in  the  French  War,  and  settled  at  Ben- 
niugton,  in  Vermont,  then  known  as  the  Hampshire  Grants.  He 
was  a  lieutenant  under  Stark,  and  heard  the  immortal  death-or- 
victory  address  of  his  general  at  Bennington: — "Boys,  there's 
the  enemy!  They  must  lie  beat,  or  Molly  Stark  must  sleep  a 
widow  to-night!  Forward,  march!"  He  died  in  1814.  His 
son  Nathaniel — born  at  Bennington,  April  19,  1771 — removed 
in  early  life  to  Summer  Hill,  Cayuga  County,  New  York,  where 
his  son  Millard,  the  future  President  of  the  United  States,  came 
into  existence  almost  at  the  same  time  as  the  present  century, 
being  born  on  the  7th  of  January,  1800.  Soon  after  the  birth 
of  his  son,  Nathaniel,  who  was  a  farmer,  lost  all  his  property  by 
a  defect  in  the  title  to  a  purchase  he  had  made.  In  1802  he 
removed  to  the  town  of  Sempronius,  (now  Niles,)  and  in  1819 
again  removed  to  Erie,  there  to  cultivate  a  small  farm  with  his 
own  hands.  The  mother  of  Millard  Fillmore  was  Phebe  Mil- 
lard,  daughter  of  Dr.  Abiathar  Millard.  "  She  was  a  native  of 
Pittsfield,  Massachusetts,  and,  though  of  limited  education,  pos- 
sessed intellect  of  a  very  high  order,  united  with  great  native 
beauty,  graceful  manners,  and  exquisite  sensibility;  so  that  she 
was  eminently  distinguished  among  her  connections. "  It  is  to 
be  deplored  that  this  interesting  woman  did  not  live  to  witness 
the  eminence  achieved  by  her  son.  She  died  in  1831. 

The  limited  means  of  his  father  precluded  the  possibility  of 
Millard's  obtaining  any  other  than  the  very  imperfect  advantages 
afforded  by  the  common  schools  of  the  county.  Books  were 
scarce  and  dear ;  and  at  the  age  of  fourteen — an  age  at  which 
Caleb  Gushing  and  the  Everetts  had  already  been  many  months 
familiar  with  the  walls  of  Harvard,  an  age  at  which  the  boy 


262  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Bryant  had  a  poem  in  the  second  edition — young  Fillmore  had 
scarcely  wandered  from  the  common  school-books  to  the  Bible. 
At  this  time  he  was  sent  into  the  wilds  of  Livingston  County,  to 
learn  the  trade  of  a  clothier.  Remaining  there  for  some  four 
months,  he  was  placed  with  another  person  in  Sempronius,  to 
continue  at  the  same  trade,  adding  thereto  the  business  of  wool- 
carding.  Here,  and  soon  after  his  return,  the  first  opportunity 
presented  itself  for  the  acquirement  of  any  general  knowledge 
through  books.  A  village  library  was  formed.  The  delightful 
frenzy  which  seizes  a  youth  when  the  light  of  knowledge  first 
breaks  in  upon  his  mental  darkness  now  possessed  our  young 
wool-carder  and  clothier;  and  for  four  years  his  every  leisure 
moment  found  him  packing  away  in  his  insatiate  memory  the 
facts,  experiences,  and  lessons  from  such  works  of  history,  bio- 
graphy, and  travel  as  he  could  command. 

The  effect  produced  on  him,  with  his  good  natural  parts  and 
looks,  was  such  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  Judge  Wood,  of 
Cayuga  County,  a  man  of  wealth,  capacity  for  business, — though 
he  had  little, — and  a  most  estimable  citizen.  He  believed  he  saw 
in  the  clothier's  apprentice  something  above  the  destiny  of  the 
shop-board, — abilities  which  needed  only  proper  development  to 
lead  to  usefulness,  if  not  to  elevated  distinction.  He  advised 
him  to  quit  his  trade  and  study  law;  and  so  impressed  was  the 
judge  with  the  talents  of  the  youth  that,  in  reply  to  the  objec- 
tion of  want  of  means,  friends,  and  education,  he  oifered  to  supply 
all, — to  take  him  into  his  office,  defray  his  expenses,  and  await 
the  result  for  repayment.  An  offer  so  complimentary  and  so 
earnest  in  its  character  could  not  fail  of  acceptance.  The  ap- 
prentice bought  the  remainder  of  his  time,  and  entered  Judge 
Wood's  office.  "We  have  heard,"  says  a  good  authority,  "that 
his  former  employer  protested  against  the  choice  which  his  ap- 
prentice made;  declaring  that  he  had  been  intent  on  the  lad's 
future  welfare,  but  he  had  been  foolish  enough  to  leave  a  good 
business  to  become  a  lawyer."  "The  same  authority  gives  us  the 
facts  of  the  succeeding  years  of  progress. 

For  more  than  two  years  young  Fillmore  applied  himself  closely 
to  business  and  study,  reading  law  and  literature,  and  practising 
as  a  surveyor.  Fearful  of  incurring  too  large  a  debt  to  his  bene- 
factor, he  taught  school  for  three 'months  in  the  year,  and  thus 


M3LLARD   FILLMORE.  263 

acquired  the  means  of  partly  supporting  himself.  In  the  autumn 
of  1821,  he  removed  to  the  county  of  Erie,  and  the  following 
spring  entered  a  lawromce  in  Buffalo,  where  he  sustained  himself 
by  teaching,  and  continued  his  legal  studies  till  1823,  when  he 
was  admitted  to  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  Being,  however, 
too  diffident  of  his  then  untried  powers  to  enter  into  competition 
with  the  older  members  of  the  bar  in  Buffalo,  he  removed  to 
Aurora,  in  that  county,  where  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law. 
Here,  in  the  year  1826,  he  married  Miss  Abigail  Powers,  youngest 
child  of  the  late  Rev.  Lemuel  Powers,  and  descended  maternally 
from  Henry  Leland,  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of  Massachusetts. 
By  this  lady  Mr.  Fillmore  has  had  two  children, — a  son  and 
daughter.  In  1827,  he  was  admitted  as  an  attorney,  and  in  1829 
as  a  counsellor,  in  the  Supreme  Court.  Previous  to  this  time, 
his  practice  had  been  very  limited,  but  his  application  to  juridi- 
cal studies  had  been  constant  and  severe,  so  that  in  these  few 
years  of  comparative  seclusion  he  acquired  that  general  know- 
ledge of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  law  which  contributed 
to  give  him  an  elevated  rank  in  the  profession.  His  legal  ac- 
quirements and  skill  as  an  advocate  soon  attracted  the  attention 
of  his  brethren  in  Buffalo;  and  he  was  offered  a  highly-advan- 
tageous connection  with  an  elder  member  of  the  bar  in  that  city, 
which  he  accepted,  and  removed  there  in  1830.* 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  Fillmore  had  made  his  first  entrance  into 
public  life,  having  been  elected  to  the  House  of  Assembly  from 
Erie  County,  and  taken  his  seat  in  January,  1829.  It  is  an  evi- 
dence of  the  satisfaction  of  his  constituents  that  he  was  re-elected 
the  two  succeeding  years.  During  this  period,  and  for  long  after, 
the  Democratic  party  was  in  a  triumphant  ascendency  in  both 
branches  of  the  New  York  Legislature;  and,  though  no  opportu- 
nity presented  itself  for  any  unusual  display  of  Mr.  Fillmore's 
powers,  yet  his  integrity  and  business  capacity  made  him  respected 
even  by  his  antagonists.  He  soon  added  the  esteem  of  his  poli- 
tical enemies  to  the  confidence  of  his  political  friends;  and  it 
is  recorded,  much  to  Mr.  Fillmore's  credit,  that  it  was  a  common 
remark  among  the  members,  "If  Fillmore  says  it  is  right,  we 
will  vote  for  it."  To  him  are  the  citizens  of  the  State  largely, 

*  "National  Portrait-Gallery,"  vol.  ii. 


264  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

if  not  chiefly,  indebted  for  the  erasure  from  the  statute-book  of  that 
disgraceful  remnant  of  the  days  of  barbarism, — imprisonment  for 
debt.  He  took  a  very  active  part  in  advocacy  of  its  abolition, 
and,  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  the  subject,  did  great  ser- 
vice in  perfecting  the  necessary  details. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  now  promoted  to  the  National  Legislature. 
He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  the  fall  of  1832,  and  took  his  seat 
in  the  memorable  session  following  the  removal  of  the  deposits 
from  the  United  States  Bank,  and  when,  from  the  character  of 
the  men  engaged  on  both  sides  of  the  stormy  conflict,  the  new 
member  of  the  Opposition  could  improve  his  silence  in  watching 
the  tactics  and  receiving  instruction  from  the  development  of  the 
experienced  legislators  and  debaters  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 

His  term  closed,  and  he  returned  to  his  profession,  but  was 
again — yielding  to  public  request — called  to  Congress  in  1837. 
In  this,  the  Twenty-Fifth  Congress,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  more 
actively  engaged  than  during  his  first  term,  and  still  more  in 
the  Twenty-Sixth  Congress,  to  which  he  was  re-elected  by  a 
largely -increased  majority.  Placed  on  the  Committee  on  Elec- 
tions,— expected  to  be  the  most  important  next  to  that  on  Ways 
and  Means, — he  greatly  distinguished  himself  when  the  cele- 
brated contested  case  of  New  Jersey  came  up.  Having  un- 
ravelled the  complicated  details,  he  set  the  whole  matter  forth 
with  clear  and  convincing  ability.  But  with  a  majority,  both  of 
the  House  and  the  committee,  against  him,  it  could  not  have 
been  expected  that  he  would  be  able  to  control  a  result  which 
was  determined  on  strict  party  grounds.  One  of  Mr.  Fillmore's 
biographers,  to  whom  I  have  had  more  than  once  to  refer,  credits 
to  the  investigation  of  this  Jersey  case  the  production  of  even 
greater  results.  He  places  it,  with  the  currency  measures  adopted 
by  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  among  the  causes 
which  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Democratic  party  and 
the  triumph  of  the  Whigs  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1840, 
as  well  as  the  majority  obtained  by  them  of  members  elected  to 
both  Houses  in  the  Twenty-Seventh  Congress. 

To  this  Twenty-Seventh  Congress  Mr.  Fillmore  was  returned 
by  a  larger  majority  than  was  ever  before  given  in  his  district. 
He  was  given  the  prominent  and  arduous  position  of  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  The  time,  too,  was  well 


MILLARD   FILLMORE.  265 

calculated  to  try  the  talents  of  Mr.  Fillmore.  The  biographer  of 
Webster,  speaking  of  this  period,  alludes  to  the  fact  that  General 
Harrison  offered  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  his  choice  of 
a  seat  in  the  new  Cabinet,  though  he  desired  him  to  take  the 
Treasury  Department.  "This  preference  was  founded  on  the 
fact,  now  universally  confessed,  that  Mr.  Webster  was  by  far  the 
ablest  financier  in  the  country;  and,  as  the  currency  was  in  a 
most  deplorable  condition,  requiring  the  highest  constructive 
abilities  to  restore  it  to  its  former  state  of  soundness,  it  was 
natural  enough  to  look  to  such  a  man  for  such  a  labor."  This 
view  may  explain  the  arduous  position  into  which,  as  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  promoted. 
In  the  fulfilment  of  these  duties  in  committee,  he  gave  exceed- 
ing satisfaction  to  his  friends  and  party, — than  which  no  man 
can  expect  to  do  more.  In  many  instances,  his  conduct  is  spoken 
of  with  enthusiasm. 

"To  bring  order  out  of  confusion,  to  replenish  the  national  treasury, 
to  provide  means  that  would  enable  the  Government  to  meet  the  demands 
against  it  and  to  pay  oft7  the  debt,  to  revive  the  industry  of  the  country 
and  restore  its  usual  prosperity, — these  were  the  tasks  devolved  on  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  Wrth  an  energy  and  devotion  to  the 
publip  weal  worthy  of  all  admiration,  Mr.  Fillmore  applied  himself  to 
the  task;  and,  sustained  by  a  majority  in  Congress,  whose  industry  and 
zeal  in  the  public  service,  under  peculiar  embarrassments,  has  seldom 
been  equalled  and  never  surpassed,  he  succeeded  in  its  accomplishment. 
The  measures  he  brought  forward  and  advocated  with  matchless  ability 
speedily  relieved  the  Government  from  its  embarrassment,  and  have  fully 
justified  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  their  benign  influence  upon 
the  country  at  large.  A  new  and  more  accurate  system  of  keeping 
accounts — rendering  them  clear  and  intelligible — was  introduced.  The 
favoritism  and  other  evils  in  the  Treasury  were  checked  by  the  require- 
ment of  contracts;  the  credit  of  the  Government  was  increased;  ample 
means  were  provided  for  the  exigencies  of  the  public  service ;  and  the 
payment  of  the  national  debt  was  secured." 

As  leader  of  the  majority  in  the  House, — after  his  severe 
labors  in  committee, — labors  which  demanded  an  iron  constitu- 
tion and  great  vitality  of  spirits  to  sustain, — Mr.  Fillmore  was 
required  to  give  his  unremitting  attention  to  the  business  of  the 
House,  to  make  any  explanation  that  might  be  asked  for,  and  be 
ready  with  a  complete  and  triumphant  refutation  of  every  objec- 
tion that  the  ingenuity  of  his  opponents  could  devise.  All  this, 

23 


266  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

too,  was  required  to  be  done  with  promptness,  clearness,  dignity, 
and  good  temper. 

The  severity  and  extent  of  these  duties,  as  well  as  the  state  of 
his  private  affairs, — which,  during  several  years  of  public  service, 
had  necessarily  been  neglected, — suggested  relaxation  from  the 
former  and  attention  to  the  latter.  At  the  close  of  the  first 
session  he  communicated  his  disinclination  to  be  renominated  for 
Congress.  This  was  done  in  the  shape  of  a  letter;  but,  notwith- 
standing his  desire,  he  was  renominated  by  acclamation  and 
earnestly  pressed  to  accept.  Deeply  affected  by  this  great  proof 
of  confidence,  he  still  adhered  to  his  determination,  and  at  tho, 
close  of  his  term  returned  home,  "more  gratified  at  his  relief 
from  the  cares  of  official  life  than  he  had  ever  been  at  the  pros- 
pect of  its  highest  rewards  and  honors." 

In  1844,  however,  with  some  reluctance,  he  accepted  the  "Whig 
nomination  for  Governor  of  New  York.  The  signal  defeat  of  the 
party  is  matter  of  history.  In  the  year  1847,  he  was  again 
brought  forward,  for  the  Comptrollership  of  the  State,  and  was 
elected  by  a  larger  majority  than  had  been  given  to  any  State 
officer  at  any  former  election  during  many  years.  On  the  1st 
of  January,  1848,  he  removed  to  Albany,  to  fulfil  the  new  trust 
reposed  in  him. 

We  now  arrive  at  the  most  important  era  of  Mr.  Fillmore's 
political  career. 

From  the  time  that  information  of  the  brilliant  victories 
achieved  by  General  Taylor  at  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma 
first  reached  the  United  States,  his  name  had  been  associated 
with  the  Presidency;  and  from  the  date  of  Governor  Marcy's 
letter  censuring  him  for  his  leniency  to  the  Mexicans  on  their 
capitulation  of  Monterey,  the  popular  sentiment  in  his  favor  had 
warmed  into  active  sympathy.  He  had  been  nominated  for  the 
office  at  various  public  meetings  in  different  sections  of  the 
country,  and  was  urged  upon  the  National  Convention,  as  the 
people's  most  available  and  popular  candidate,  by  the  delegates 
from  Louisiana.*  The  personal  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  brought  him 
forward,  again,  as  the  proper  candidate;  while  the  friends  of 

*  "  History  of  the  Republican  Party,"  &c.,  by  Benjamin  K.  Hall,  New  York, 
1856. 


MILLARD    FILLMORE.  267 

Daniel  Webster  felt  the  time  had  come  to  pay  their  debt  of  grati- 
tude to  him.  Others  suggested  General  Scott;  but  Taylor  was 
nominated  in  convention,  and,  immediately  after,  Millard  Fillmore 
received  the  nomination  for  Vice-President  over  Abbot  Lawrence 
and  twelve  others.  "Taylor  and  Fillmore"  became  the  successful 
rally  ing-cry  of  the  Whigs.  In  February,  1849,  Mr.  Fillmore 
resigned  the  office  of  Comptroller  to  enter  upon  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency, and  on  March  4,  1849,  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  His 
address  to  the  Senate  was  commended  for  its  modest  dignity  and 
sound  principles. 

In  1826,  Calhoun,  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  had  as- 
sumed the  position  that  the  Vice-President  had  no  power  to  call 
a  Senator  to  order  for  words  spoken  in  debate.  In  the  English 
Commons  no  member  can  be  made  liable  for  any  thing  that  he 
may  say  in  debate.*  Calhoun's  decision  had  been  acquiesced  i'n  j 
but  Fillmore  thought  it  improper,  and  on  a  fitting  occasion 
announced  his  determination  "to  maintain  decorum  in  debate." 
The  Senate  unanimously  entered  his  views  on  the  journal. 

Pending  the  exciting  questions  which  issued  in  the  Compro- 
mise measures  of  1850,  General  Taylor  died,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
— a  few  days  more  than  one  year  and  four  months  from  the  date 
of  his  inauguration.  Early  in  that  day,  Webster  begged  leave 
to  interrupt  Senator  Butler,  then  addressing  the  Chamber,  to 
announce  the  extreme  illness  of  the  President;  whereupon  an 
adjournment  took  place.  The  next  morning,  a  cornmunicat:on 
addressed  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  by  Mr.  Fillmore  brought 
official  intelligence  of  the  hero's  death.  Then  Mr.  Webster  pre- 
sented the  following  formal  resolutions : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  two  Houses  will  assemble  this  day  in  the  hall  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  at  twelve  o'clock,  to  be  present  at  the 
administration  of  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  to  the  late 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  to  enable  him  to  discharge  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  devolved 
on  him  by  the  death  of  Zachary  Taylor,  late  President  of  the  United  States. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  present  the  above  resolu- 
tion to  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  ask  its  concurrence  therein." 

*  For  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  modus  operandi  of  the  various  branches 
of  the  English  Government,  see  a  handbook  recently  issued,  entitled  "How  we 
are  Governed ;  or,  the  Crown,  the  Senate,  and  the  Bench,"  by  Albany  Fon- 
blanquc,  Jr.,  Esq.,  London,  1859. 


268  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    3IEN. 

The  resignation  of  Taylor's  Cabinet  on  the  day  after  his  death 
threw  upon  the  new  President  the  sudden  and  always  difficult 
task  of  selecting  ministers.  On  the  20th  of  the  month,  he  called 
to  his  councils  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  as  Secretary 
of  State;  Thomas  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
Charles  M.  Conrad,  of  Louisiana,  as  Secretary  of  War;  William 
A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  Alex- 
ander H.  H.  Stuart,  of  Virginia,  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior; 
Nathan  K.  Hall,  of  New  York,  as  Postmaster-General;  and  John 
J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  as  Attorney-General, — all  gentlemen 
of  eminent  talents  and  respectability  and  possessing  to  a  large 
degree  the  confidence  of  the  country. 

President  Fillmore's  first  message  of  importance  was  that  of 
the  6th  of  August,  1850,  in  regard  to  the  difficulties  growing  out 
of  the  boundary-dispute  between  Texas  and  New  Mexico.  He 
recommended  Congress  to  address  itself  at  once  to  the  settlement 
of  the  boundary,  with  the  assent  of  the  Government  of  Texas,  at 
the  same  time  warning  Texas  from  taking  any  aggressive  mea- 
sures against  New  Mexico, — showing  that  outside  of  her  own 
boundaries  she  could  not  exercise  any  authority,  and  should  be 
considered  a  trespasser,  in  which  case  nothing  was  left  to  him 
but  to  obey  the  solemn  injunction  of  the  Constitution  and  exer- 
cise the  high  powers  vested  in  him  to  prevent  such  trespass  or 
intrusion  by  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 

Calm,  but  firm,  reasonable,  but  decided,  this  message  inspired 
confidence  in  the  new  Administration.  The  first  annual  message 
was  looked  forward  to  with  considerable  interest  as  a  declaration 
of  the  views  and  principles  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet. 
More  extensive  in  matter,  it  was  characterized  by  the  same  tone 
of  conciliation  and  decision.  Alluding  to  the  painful  dispensa- 
tion which  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  he  pro- 
ceeded in  a  general  manner  to  outline  the  policy  which  ought  to 
be  pursued  by  the  Government  both  in  its  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations  and  in  its  management  of  internal  affairs.  With 
regard  to  foreign  nations,  he  expressed  his  desire  to  maintain 
strict  neutrality,  cultivate  friendly  relations,  reciprocate  every 
noble  act,  and  to  perform  scrupulously  every  treaty-obligation. 
By  fulfilling  these  duties  to  other  States  we  best  entitle  ourselves 
to  like  treatment  from  them ;  or  if  that,  in  any  case;  be  refused, 


MILLARD   FILLMORE.  26$ 

we  can,  said  President  Fillmore,  "  enforce  our  own  rights  with 
justice  and  a  clear  conscience."  He  announced  the  Constitution 
to  be  his  guide  in  domestic  policy,  and  in  questions  of  doubt  to 
seek  its  interpretation  in  the  Supreme  Court.  Recommending  a 
modification  of  the  Tariff,  the  message  said,  "  A  high  tariff  can 
never  be  permanent.  It  will  cause  dissatisfaction,  and  will  be 
"changed.  It  excludes  competition,  and  thereby  invites  the  in- 
vestment of  capital  in  manufactures  to  such  excess  that  when 
changed  it  brings  distress,  bankruptcy,  and  ruin  upon  all  who 
have  been  misled  by  its  faithless  protection."  It  argued  that 
duties  should  be  specific  in  preference  to  ad  valorem.  It  also 
recommended  the  establishment  of  an  Agricultural  Bureau  to 
give  this  leading  branch  of  American  industry  the  encourage- 
ment it  deserved, — repeated  the  views  of  Taylor  on  the  import- 
ance of  the  Pacific  Railroad, — showed  the  necessity  of  an  increase 
in  the  army,  especially  in  the  cavalry,  consequent  upon  the  in- 
creased importance  of  our  Indian  relations  by  the  annexation  of 
Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico, — re- 
commended the  enactment  "  of  a  law  authorizing  officers  of  the 
army  and  navy  to  be  retired  from  the  service  when  incompetent 
for  its  vigorous  and  active  duties,  taking  care  to  make  suitable 
provision  for  those  who  have  faithfully  served  their  countiy,"—r 
and  advocated  the  revision  of  the  code  for  the  navy,  and  the  esta 
blishment  of  a  discipline  at  once  humane  and  effectual.  Other 
matters  and  measures  were  alluded  to,  and  the  whole  conceived 
in  a  spirit  of  harmony. 

President  Fillmore's  proclamations  on  the  rescue  of  the  fugi- 
tive slave  in  Boston,  February  15, 1851,  and  against  the  projects 
against  Cuba,  denounced  both  as  violations  of  the  law,  warned 
the  aiders  and  abettors  of  both,  and  called  on  all  good  citizens  to 
discountenance  and  prevent  such  offences  against  the  laws  of  the 
country. 

In  the  second  annual  message  the  President  reviewed  the 
affairs  of  Cuba  at  some  length,  our  Indian  relations,  and  the 
leading  topics,  and  recommended  the  appointment  by  law  of  a 
commission  to  revise  the  public  statutes  of  the  United  States, 
which  had  been  accumulating  for  sixty  years ;  and  again  invoked 
the  favorable  consideration  of  Congress  for  the  establishment  of 
an  Agricultural  Bureau,  which  could  not  fail  to  be,  in  the  Ian 

23* 


270  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

guage  of  Washington,  "a  very  cheap  instrument  of  immense 
national  benefit." 

The  brief  space  elapsing  between  the  close  of  the  first  session 
of  the  Thirty-Second  Congress  (August  31, 1852)  and  the  open- 
ing of  the  second  (December  6,  1852)  was  marked  by  no  extra- 
ordinary political  events,  saving  the  election  of  Franklin  Pierce 
to  the  Presidential  succession  and  the  death  of  Daniel  Webster. 
The  third  annual  message  alluded  to  both  in  becoming  terms. 
The  North  American  fisheries  and  Cuban  matters  were  promi- 
nent topics.  The  President  thought  the  time  auspicious  for  a 
reconsideration  of  the  whole  subject  of  the  fisheries,  with  a  view 
to  placing  them  on  a  more  liberal  footing  of  reciprocal  privilege. 
The  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  on 
this  matter  were  negotiated  to  an  amicable  settlement  in  the  fol- 
lowing year.  Early  in  1852  official  overtures  were  made  to 
induce  the  United  States  to  become  a  party,  with  Great  Britain 
and  France,  to  a  tripartite  convention  disclaiming,  now  and  for 
all  time,  any  intentions  toward  Cuba.  The  invitation  was  de- 
clined, and  in  this  message  President  Fillmore  said,  "  I  have, 
however,  in  common  with  several  of  my  predecessors,  directed 
the  ministers  of  France  and  England  to  be  assured  that  the 
United  States  entertain  no  designs  against  Cuba,  but  that,  on 
the  contrary,  I  should  regard  its  incorporation  into  the  Union  at 
the  present  time  as  fraught  with  peril/'  having,  as  it  has,  "  a 
population  of  a  different  national  stock,  speaking  a  different  lan- 
guage, and  not  likely  to  harmonize  with  the  other  members." 

During  the  Administration  of  Fillmore,  Kossuth  received  a 
national  welcome  from  the  United  States.  On  the  31st  of  De- 
cember, 1851,  the  Governor  of  Hungary  was  presented  to  the 
President  by  Secretary  Webster  and  Senators  Seward  and 
Shields.  Kossuth  briefly  expressed  the  gratitude  of  himself 
and  associates,  and  in  reply  the  President  said, — 

"I  am  happy,  Governor  Kossuth,  to  welcome  you  to  this  land  of  free- 
dom; and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  release 
from  a  long  confinement  in  Turkey,  and  your  safe  arrival  here.  As  an 
individual,  I  sympathize  deeply  with  you  in  your  brave  struggle  for  the 
independence  and  freedom  of  your  native  land.  The  American  people 
can  never  be  indifferent  to  such  a  contest, 'but  our  policy  as  a  nation,  in 
this  respect,  has  been  uniform  from  the  commencement  of  our  Govern- 
ment; and  my  own  views,  as  the  chief  executive  magistrate  of  this  na- 


MILLARD   FILLMORE.  271 

tion,  are  fully  and  freely  expressed  in  my  recent  message  to  Congress,  to 
which  you  have  been  pleased  to  allude.  They  are  the  same  whether 
speaking  to  Congress  here  or  to  the  nations  of  Europe.  Should  your 
country  be  restored  to  independence  and  freedom,  I  should  then  wish 
you,  as  the  greatest  blessing  you  could  enjoy,  a  restoration  to  your 
native  land ;  but,  should  that  never  happen,  I  can  only  repeat  my  wel- 
come to  you  and  your  companions  here,  and  pray  that  God's  blessing 
may  rest  upon  you  wherever  your  lot  may  be  cast." 

The  most  memorable  event  during  this  Administration  was 
the  passage  of  the  famous  Compromise  measures.*  Placed  in 
the  minority  with  regard  to  its  influence  in  Congress,  the  Admi- 
nistration of  Mr.  Fillmore  was — says  an  impartial  writer — neces- 
sarily negative  in  its  character,  with  the  exception  of  the  passage 
of  the  Compromise  measures  relative  to  slavery,  and  the  bound- 
aries on  the  Mexican  frontier  and  between  Texas  and  the  adja- 
cent Territories,  and  the  partial  restoration  of  a  system  of 
improvement  of  harbors  and  rivers,  bills  for  which  had  been 
vetoed  by  Democratic  Presidents.  But  the  intentions  and  actions 
of  Mr.  Fillmore  were  regarded  as  honest  and  statesmanlike  by 
men  of  both  the  leading  parties;  and  during  his  administration 
of  the  Government  the  country  advanced  in  prosperity  and 
strength,  and  he  retired  to  private  life  honored  and  respected  by 
his  country  men. f  It  must  be  remembered,  also,  that  Fillmore's 
Administration  projected  and  sent  out  the  famous  Japan  Expe- 
dition under  Commodore  Perry. 

His  term  of  office  expired  on  the  4th  of  March,  1853.  He 
made  quite  a  long  tour  throughout  the  South,  and  received  a 
hearty  welcome.  Addressing  a  most  enthusiastic  meeting  at 
Vicksburg  on  the  24th  of  March,  1854,  and  alluding  to  that 
locality  as  being  the  heart  of  the  Republic,  he  said,  "  that  is,  with 
its  present  limits ;  for  Canada  is  knocking  for  admission  and 
Mexico  would  be  glad  to  come  in,  and,  without  saying  whether 
it  would  be  right  or  wrong,  we  stand  with  open  arms  to  receive 
them,  for  it  is  the  manifest  destiny  of  this  Government  to  em- 
brace the  whole  North  American  continent."  In  1855,  Mr. 
Fillmore  went  to  Europe,  and  was  the  recipient  of  the  most 


*  Alluded  to  at  length  under  the  head  of  "  Douglas,"  p.  223. 
f  "The  Statesman's  Manual,  &c.  &c.,  from  Official  Sources,"  by  Edwin  Wil- 
liams and  Benson  J.  Leasing.     New  Y>rk,  1858.     Vol.  iii. 


272  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

marked  attentions.  He  embarked  for  home  in  the  summer  of 
the  following  year,  and  arrived  at  New  York  on  June  21,  1856, 
when  the  city  authorities  and  a  large  assemblage  of  public  and 
private  friends  received  him.  In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Fillmore 
had  been  nominated  for  the  Presidency. 

The  American  or  "  Know-Nothing"  party  had  been  growing 
in  importance  and  strength,  and  determined  to  offer  a  candidate 
on  its  principles.  In  June,  1855,  "  The  Council  of  the  Ameri- 
can Order,"  by  a  section  of  its  platform  then  adopted,  deprecated 
all  further  action  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  On  the  18th  of 
February,  1856,  a  national  convention  of  the  American  party 
was  held  in  Philadelphia.  It  was  called  "  a  special  session  of 
the  Council  of  the  American  Order,"  and  its  principal  object 
was  the  consideration  of  a  national  platform.  It  was  here  pro- 
posed to  strike  out  the  section  of  June,  1855,  alluded  to,  as  "it 
was  neither  proposed  by  the  South  nor  accepted  by  the  North." 
This  motion  created  much  debate  and  met  with  considerable  oppo- 
sition from  the  Southern  delegates.  The  result  was  the  construc- 
tion of  an  entirely  new  platform,  embracing  sixteen  articles,  and 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  108  to  77.  The  leading  features,  outside 
of  the  anti-foreign  elements,  were  the  sixth  and  twelfth  articles ; 
the  former  of  which  repudiated  the  expediency  of  Congressional 
interference  with  questions  appertaining  solely  to  the  individual 
States,  and  deprecated  the  intervention  of  one  State  with  the 
affairs  of  any  other  State  ]  and  the  latter  of  which  (the  twelfth) 
approved  of  all  laws  and  their  maintenance  until  they  were 
repealed  or  declared  null  and  void  by  competent  judicial  author- 
ity. These  articles  were  a  virtual  recognition  of  the  principles 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  and  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law. 

Upon  this  platform  Millard  Fillmore  was  nominated  for  the 
Presidency  by  the  National  Nominating  Convention  of  the  Ame- 
rican party,  which  met  on  the  22d  of  February,  immediately 
after  the,  adjournment  of  the  Council.  On  a  formal  ballot  taken 
on  the  25th  of  February,  out  of  243  votes  cast,  Millard  Fillmore 
received  179,  and  George  Law,  24.  The  former  accepted  the 
nomination  in  a  letter  dated  Paris,  May  21. 

In  the  election  which  followed,  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic 
party,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  elevated  to  the 
Presidential  dignity. 


JOHN   C.  FREMONT  273 


JOHN  CHARLES  FREMONT, 

OF  CALIFORNIA. 

JOHN  CHARLES  FREMONT  was  born  at  Savannah,  in  the  State 
of  Georgia,  on  the  21st  of  January,  1813.  His  father,  a  native 
of  Lyons,  left  France  in  the  year  1798,  intending  to  emigrate  to 
San  Domingo,  but  the  vessel  in  which  he  was  a  passenger  was 
captured  by  an  English  cruiser  when  near  her  destination,  and 
taken  into  one  of  the  British  West  Indies.  After  some  years  he 
reached  Norfolk,  Virginia,  where,  to  maintain  himself,  he  became 
a  teacher  of  the  French  language.  Here  he  became  acquainted 
with  and  married  the  future  mother  of  Colonel  Fremont,  Anne 
Beverly,  daughter  of  Colonel  Thomas  Whiting,  of  Gloucester 
County,  Virginia.* 

Colonel  Whiting  died  while  his  daughter  Anne  was  quite 
young,  leaving  her  and  her  estate  to  the  care  of  relatives,  who 
first  made  away  with  most  of  her  property,  and  then  married  her 
off,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  to  Major  Pryor,  a  rich  and  gouty 
Revolutionary  veteran,  forty-five  years  her  senior.  The  union 
proved  unhappy :  the  parties  were  divorced,  and  shortly  after- 
ward found  themselves  more  congenial  helpmates, — the  lady  in 
the  young  and  accomplished  but  penniless  Frenchman,  and  the 
veteran  major  in  his  housekeeper.  Mr.  Fremont  died  in  1818. 
The  widow  declined  the  invitation  of  his  brother  Francis  to  go 
with  him  to  France,  and  removed,  with  the  remnant  of  her 
estate  and  three  children,  one  daughter  and  two  sons,  to  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  where  she  resided  till  her  death  in  1847. 

The  resolute  character  and  vigorous  intellect  of  her  son  John 
were  soon  manifested,  and  have  been  commemorated  by  Dr. 

#  Colonel  Whiting  held  high  official  positions  both  under  the  Royal  Colonial 
Government  and  the  Commonwealth,  was  possessed  of  large  wealth,  and  nearly 
related  to  General  Washington.  Vide  Sparks's  "  Washington,"  vol.  i.  548 ;  ib. 
v.  268;  ib.  vi.  296. 

S 


274  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

Roberton,  at  whose  classical  school  he  was  entered  when  about 
fifteen  years  old,  in  the  preface  to  his  interlinear  translation  of 
Xenophou's  "Anabasis,"  published  in  1850.  The  design  men- 
tioned by  Dr.  Roberton  of  educating  Fremont  for  the  ministry 
of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  was  natural  to  the  pious 
mother  of  a  thoughtful  and  earnest  youth,  who  at  the  age  of  six- 
teen had  become  a  communicant  of  that  Church.  Though  con- 
stant to  the  belief  taught  him  by  his  mother,  having  had  all  his 
own  children  baptized  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  while  he  has 
grown  even  more  earnest  and  thoughtful  as  life  advanced,  yet, 
as  his  character  developed,  it  became  apparent  that  nature 
formed  him  for  a  man  of  action. 

From  1830  to  1833  he  was  employed  as  an  instructor  of 
mathematics  in  the  "  Apprentices'  Library,"  an  evening  school, 
in  other  schools  at  Charleston,  and  as  a  practical  surveyor. 
Through  Mr.  Poinsett's  influence,  he  obtained,  in  1833,  the 
appointment  of  teacher  of  mathematics  on  board  the  United 
States  sloop-of-war  Natchez,  and  made  in  her  a  cruise  of  two 
and  a  half  years'  duration.  On  his  return,  he  was  appointed 
professor  of  mathematics  in  the  navy,  and  ordered  to  the  frigate 
Independence  \  but  he  declined  the  appointment.  His  tastes  and 
acquirements  led  him  to  seek  employment  as  an  engineer,  and 
he  made  his  first  essay  in  this  character  in  an  examination  of 
the  railway-line  between  Augusta  and  Charleston.* 

Afterward,  and  until  the  fall  of  1837,  he  was  employed  as  an 
assistant  engineer,  under  General  W.  G.  McNeill  and  Gaptaiu 
G.  W.  Williams,  in  making  a  preliminary  survey  for  a  railway 
between  Charleston  and  Cincinnati. 

The  exploration  of  the  mountain-passes  between  South  Caro- 
lina and  Tennessee  was  the  part  of  the  line  in  which  Fremont 
was  engaged.  The  winter  he  spent  with  Captain  Williams  in 
making  a  military  reconnoissance  of  the  mountainous  country  in 
the  States  of  Georgia,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee.  In  the 
spring  he  accompanied  Nicollet  to  the  Upper  Mississippi,  was 

#  It  is  noteworthy  that,  when  Colonel  .Fr6mont  was  made  the  scapegoat  in 
the  controversy  between  the  army  and  navy  relative  to  the  command  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  dismissed  the  service  by  an  army  court-martial  in  1848,  he  was  of- 
fered the  presidency  of  this  road,  with  a  salary  of  five  thousand  dollars  per 
annum. 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  275 

with,  him  as  his  principal  assistant  in  the  exploration  of  that 
year  and  also  in  that  of  the  year  succeeding,  and  was  afterward 
employed,  under  Nicollet  and  Hassler,  then  head  of  the  Coast 
Survey,  in  the  preparation  of  the  map  and  report  of  the  explora- 
tion. While  absent  on  this  expedition,  he  was  appointed,  on 
the  7th  of  February,  1838,  second  lieutenant  in  the  corps  of 
Topographical  Engineers. 

Nicollet  and  Hassler  were  votaries  of  science,  and  recognised 
by  the  learned  world  as  benefactors  whom  the  places  had  sought ; 
and  the  reader  can  readily  conceive  the  effect  of  familiar  inter- 
course with  them  upon  such  a  mind  as  Fremont's.  It  stimu- 
lated him  to  embrace  the  whole  field  of  science  in  his  labors;  and 
the  rapidity  with  which  he  mastered  the  various  branches,  and 
the  respect  with  which  his  learned  associates  received  his  sug- 
gestions, inspired  him  with  confidence  in  himself. 

Before  Nicollet's  maps  and  report  were  entirely  completed, 
Fremont  was  unexpectedly  ordered  to  explore  the  river  Des 
Moines,  after  the  execution  of  which,  in  the  summer  of  1841, 
he  returned  to  Washington,  and  on  the  14th  of  October  mar- 
ried Jessie,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  to  whom  he 
had  been  engaged  for  sonie  years.  The  marriage  had  been 
deferred  till  the  consent  of  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Benton  could  be 
obtained.  The  objection  to  the  match  was  only  the  youth  of 
the  lady,  she  being  but  fifteen  years  old  when  the  engagement 
took  place.  Colonel  Benton  fully  appreciated  the  character  "and 
talents  of  his  son-in-law,  and  wisely  followed  the  dictates  of  his 
heart  in  pardoning  the  impatience  of  the  lovers  and  inviting 
them  to  make  his  home  their  home. 

Benton  and  Fremont  were  very  unlike  in  many  respects ;  but  in 
the  great  design  of  exploring  the  Far  West  to  facilitate  its  settle- 
ment and  open  communication  with  the  Pacific,  which  Fremont 
had  conceived  while  associated  with  Nicolet,  he  could  have  found 
no  one  more  able  or  willing  to  cheer  him  on  than  Benton,  to 
whose  intimacy  and  affection  his  marriage  had  introduced  him. 
As  early  as  1819,  Colonel  Benton  had  endeavored  to  fix  pub- 
lic attention  on  Jefferson's  policy  of  opening  communication 
with  the  Pacific  across  the  continent,  in  furtherance  of  which 
Jefferson  had  fitted  out  the  expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  in 
1802.  As  the  first  step  in  surveying  the  regions  between  the 


276  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Missouri  frontier  and  the  Pacific,  Fre"mont  applied  for  and  ob- 
tained an  order  in  1842  to  explore  the  frontier  as  far  as  the 
Wind  River  peak  of  the  Ilocky  Mountains,  which  he  executed 
before  the  1st  of  November.  It  is  impossible  here  to  follow  the 
details  of  that  expedition,  and  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  repro- 
duce a  narrative  which  has  been  republished  in  so  many  forms 
at  home  and  abroad.  The  report  was  eulogized  by  Humboldt  in 
his  "  Aspects  of  Nature/'  and  the  London  "  Athenaeum''  con- 
trasted it  favorably  with  British  explorations  and  pronounced  it 
a  model  production.  Some  incidents,  however,  which  serve  to 
mark  Fremont's  personal  character  and  show  how  he  obtained 
ascendency  over  the  hardy  mountain-men  and  the  savage  tribes, 
will  be  briefly  related.  When  Fremont  arrived  at  Fort  Laramie, 
he  learned  that  eight  or  ten  of  the  Cheyennes  and  Sioux  war- 
riors had  been  killed  by  the  whites  in  a  recent  engagement,  and 
that  the  Indians  were  consequently  much  exasperated.  Much 
alarm  prevailed  among  his  men,  and  even  Bridger  and  Carson, 
and  others  whom  nothing  could  daunt,  thought  some  sharp  en- 
counters inevitable.  Carson  even  made  his  will, — which  created 
a  panic  among  the  men;  and  a  number  of  them  asked  to  be  dis- 
charged. It  was  feared  that  danger  hung  over  Fremont's  party 
if  he  proceeded.  The  chiefs  at  Fort  Platte,  assembled  in  coun- 
cil, formally  warned  him  not  to  set  out  before  their  young  men 
returned,  and  finally  announced  to  him  that  they  would  detain 
him.  Fremont  asked  some  of  their  people  to  accompany  him  to 
prevent  the  collision,  but,  being  refused,  became  satisfied  that  the 
object  was  to  prevent  him  from  going  farther  into  the  country. 
He  believed  the  danger  was  exaggerated,  and  told  his  men  so, 
but,  as  there  was  some  danger  in  the  service,  he  was  unwilling 
to  take  with  him  any  man  upon  whom  he  could  not  rely,  and 
offered  to  discharge  any  man  who  wished  to  remain.  Only  one 
man  accepted  this  offer;  and  so  he  started.  They  had  journeyed 
but  a  week  when  a  more  formidable  obstacle  presented  itself  in 
the  scarcity  of  provisions.  The  drought  and  the  grasshoppers 
had  destroyed  the  grass,  and  not  a  buffalo  was  to  be  seen.  Bis- 
sonette,  the  interpreter,  advised  Fremont  to  return.  Fremont 
again  told  his  men  that  he  would  discharge  all  who  wished  to 
return,  but  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  go  on.  Not  a  man 
flinched.  "We'll  eat  the  mules,"  said  Basil  Lajeunesse;  "and 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  277 

thereupon/'  says  Fremont,  "  we  shook  hands  with  our  interpreter 
and  his  Indians,  and  departed." 

A  thrilling  incident  is  told  by  Dr.  Peters  in  his  recently-pub- 
lished and  interesting  life  of  Kit  Carson,  which,  though  it 
occurred  in  1846,  after  the  men  were  killed  in  Fremont's  camp 
on  Lake  Klanmth,  may  also  be  properly  introduced  in  this  con- 
nection. Determined  to  inspire  the  Indians  with  a  salutary  fear 
of  Americans  in  future,  Fremont  pursued  them,  killed  great 
numbers,  and  burned  their  village.  There  Carson  had  a  narrow 
escape  in  an  encounter  with  an  Indian.  "  On  arriving  within 
about  ten  feet  of  the  warrior,"  Dr.  Peters  says,  "  he  drew  up  his 
horse  and  brought  his  rifle  to  his  shoulder  to  fire,  but  the  gun 
only  snapped,  and  left  its  owner  in  a  very  precarious  situation,  as 
the  red  man  had  already  drawn  the  string  of  his  bow  to  plant  an 
arrow  in  the  body  of  his  adversary.  A  moment  more,  and  in  all 
probability  Kit  Carson  would  have  been  breathing  his  last. 
Fremont  saw  the  danger  his  friend  was  in,  although  Kit  had 
tried  to  avoid  the  arrow  by  throwing  himself  on  one  side  of  his 
horse.  With  much  forethought  as  well  as  personal  exposure, 
Fremont  plunged  the  rowels  of  his  spurs  deep  into  his  horse. 
The  horse  started,  and  the  rider  knocked  down  and  passed  over 
the  Indian,  thereby  causing  his  arrow  to  fly  in  a  different  direc- 
tion from  the  one  intended. 

"  Kit  Carson  was  and  is  still  very  grateful  to  Fremont  for  thus 
interposing  between  him  and  almost  certain  death.  In  all  his 
expeditions  he  had  such  command  over  his  employees  that  little 
or  no  trouble  ever  occurred  while  on  the  marches,  although  they 
had  privations  and  dangers  to  undergo  sufficient  to  test  the 
spirit  and  obedience  of  any  men." 

On  the  15th  of  August,  Fremont  clambered  to  the  top  of  the 
loftiest  peak  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  since  known  as  Fremont's 
Peak,  and  planted  the  stars  and  stripes  upon  it. 

Early  in  the  ensuing  spring  of  1843,  having  completed  and 
published  the  map  and  report  of  the  first  expedition  during  the 
winter,  Fremont  organized  and  set  out  on  his  second  expedition, 
from  which  he  did  not  return  till  August,  1844.  In  this  expe-^ 
dition  his  object  was,  first,  to  complete  the  survey  of  the  line  of 
communication  between  the  State  of  Missouri  and  the  tidewater 
region  of  the  Columbia,  which,  though  it  had  been  traversed 

24 


278  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

before,  had  not  been  examined  and  mapped  by  geographers,  or 
its  characteristics  made  known  by  a  man  of  science ;  and,  second, 
to  explore  the  vast  region  to  the  south  of  the  Columbia,  the 
whole  western  slope  of  the  liocky  Mountains, — a  territory  of 
which  so  little  was  known  that  on  the  existing  maps  the  river 
Buena  Ventura  was  laid  down  as  traversing  the  whole  distance 
from  the  mountains  to  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  when,  in  fact, 
no  river  of  that  character  existed  at  all,  and  the  river  of  that 
name  was  but  a  small  stream  emptying  into  the  Bay  of  Monterey. 

He  set  out  from  the  town  of  Kansas  on  the  29th  of  May,  and 
came  in  sight  of  Salt  Lake  on  the  Gth  of  September.  Eight 
months  afterward,  he  reached  Utah  Lake,  the  southern  limb  of 
the  Great  Salt  Lake,  having  completed  the  immense  circuit  of 
twelve  degrees  diameter  north  and  south  and  ten  degrees  east 
and  west.  He  had  in  that  time  travelled  three  thousand  five 
hundred  miles,  and  had  a  view  of  Oregon  and  of  California  from 
the  liocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific,  and  of  the  principal  streams 
which  form  harbors  on  that  coast.  The  fortitude  with  which  he 
and  his  comrades  met  the  hardships  and  dangers  encountered  on 
this  vast  circuit  has  not  been  surpassed  in  the  annals  of  human 
adventure.  In  the  map  and  report  of  this  expedition  which  he 
prepared  and  published  on  his  return,  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  the 
Utah  Lake,  the  Little  Salt  Lake,  the  Klamath  Lake,  the  Sierra 
Nevada,  the  valleys  of  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin,  the 
Great  Basin,  the  Three  Pafks, — most  of  which  were  then 
unknown  desert  regions,  now  the  homes  of  multitudes  of  rich 
and  prosperous  people, — were  revealed  to  the  world. 

Fremont  was  rewarded  for  this  service  in  January,  1845,  on 
the  recommendation  of  General  Scott,  by  being  brevetted  as  first 
lieutenant  and  captain. 

Fre"niont  set  out  on  his  third  expedition  in  the  spring  of  1845, 
and  reached  California  in  December,  having  crossed  the  Great 
Basin  from  the  southern  extremity  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake. 
Knowing  that  the  relations  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States  were  critical,  he  left  his  party  on  the  frontier  and  went 
alone  to  Monterey  to  obtain  permission  from  the  authorities  of 
the  province  to  go  to  the  valley  of  the  San  Joaquin  to  recruit. 

"  The  leave  was  granted,"  says  Secretary  Marcy,  in  his  report  of 
December  5,  18-16,  "but  scarcely  had  he  reached  the  desired  spot  for 
refreshment  and  repose  before  he  received  information  from  the  Ameri- 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  279 

can  settlements,  and  by  expresses  from  our  consul  at  Monterey,  that  Gene- 
ral Castro  was  preparing  to  attack  him  with  a  comparatively  large  force 
of  artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry,  upon  the  pretext  that,  under  the  cover 
of  a  scientific  mission,  he  was  exciting  the  American  settlers  to  revolt. 
In  view  of  this  danger,  and  to  be  in  a  condition  to  repel  an  attack,  he 
then  took  a  position  on  a  mountain  overlooking  Monterey  at  a  distance 
of  about  thirty  miles,  intrenched  it,  raised  the  flag  of  the  United  States, 
and  with  his  own  men,  sixty-two  in  number,  awaited  the  approach  of  the 
commandant-general. 

"  From  the  7th  to  the  10th  of  March,  Colonel  Fremont  and  his  little 
baud  maintained  this  position.  General  Castro  did  not  approach 
within  attacking  distance,  and  Colonel  Fremont,  adhering  to  his  plan 
of  avoiding  all  collisions,  and  determined  neither  to  compromit  his 
Government  nor  the  American  settlers,  ready  to  join  him  at  any  hazards 
if  he  had  been  attacked,  abandoned  his  position,  and  commenced  his 
march  for  Oregon,  intending  by  that  route  to  return  to  the  United  States. 
Deeming  all  danger  from  the  Mexicans  to  be  past,  he  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  some  of  his  men  who  desired  to  remain  in  the  country,  dis- 
charged them  from  his  service,  and  refused  to  receive  others  in  their 
stead,  so  caiitious  was  he  to  avoid  doing  any  thing  which  would  compro- 
mit the  American  settlers  or  give  even  a  color  of  offence  to  the  Mexican 
authorities.  He  pursued  his  march  slowly  and  leisurely,  as  the  state  of 
his  men  and  horses  required,  until  the  middle  of  May,  and  had  reached 
the  northern  shore  of  the  great  Klamath  Lake,  within  the  limits  of  Ore- 
gon Territory,  when  he  found  his  further  progress  in  that  direction  ob- 
structed by  impassable  snowy  mountains  and  hostile  Indians,  who, 
having  been  excited  against  him  by  General  Castro,  had  killed  and 
wounded  four  of  his  men,  and  left  him  no  repose  either  in  camp  or  on 
his  march.  At  the  same  time,  information  reached  him  that  General 
Castro,  in  addition  to  his  Indian  allies,  was  advancing  in  person  against 
him,  with  artillery  and  cavalry,  at  the  head  of  four  or  five  hundred  men  ; 
that  they  were  passing  around  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  to  a 
rendezvous  on  the  north  side  of  it ;  and  that  the  American  settlers  in  the 
valley  of  the  Sacramento  were  comprehended  in  the  scheme  of  destruc- 
tion meditated  against  his  own  party. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  he  determined  to  turn  upon  his  Mexican 
pursuers,  and  seek  safety  both  for  his  own  party  and  the  American  set- 
tlers not  merely  in  the  defeat  of  Castro,  but  in  the  total  overthrow  of  the 
Mexican  authority  in  California,  and  the  establishment  of  an  independent 
government  in  that  extensive  department.  It  was  on  the  6th  of  June, 
and  before  the  commencement  of  the  war  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  could  have  there  been  known,  that  this  resolution  was  taken; 
and  by  the  5th  of  July  it  was  carried  into  effect  by  a  series  of  rapid 
attacks  by  a  small  body  of  adventurous  men,  under  the  conduct  of  an 
intrepid  leader,  quick  to  perceive  and  able  to  flirect  the  proper  measures 
for  accomplishing  such  a  daring  enterprise." 


280  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

The  Secretary  then  enters  into  the  details  of  Fremont's  move- 
ments,— the  raising  of  the  flag  of  the  United  States  by  him  and 
his  followers  on  hearing  of  the  capture  of  Monterey  by  Commo- 
dore Sloat, — his  arrival  with  one  hundred  and  sixty  men  at 
Monterey, — the  pursuit  of  the  enemy  by  Commodore  Stockton, 
with  a  force  composed  of  Fremont  and  his  men  and  a  detachment 
of  marines, — the  capture  of  Los  Angelos, — and  the  entire  sub- 
jection of  the  country, — and,  in  conclusion,  says,  "  Thus,  in  the 
short  space  of  sixty  days  from  the  first  decisive  movement,  this 
conquest  was  achieved  by  a  small  body  of  men  to  an  extent  be- 
yond their  own  expectations,  for  the  Mexican  authorities  pro- 
claimed it  a  conquest,  not  merely  of  the  northern  part,  but  of 
the  whole  province  of  the  Californias." 

Fremont  left  Los  Angelos  in  September  for  the  Sacramento. 
In  his  absence  an  extensive  insurrection  broke  out  in  Southern 
California.  He  immediately  set  about  raising  a  battalion  among 
the  settlers  on  the  Sacramento  to  suppress  it,  and  several  hun- 
dred had  joined  him,  when  a  report  came  that  the  northern  In- 
dians had  become  hostile,  and  that  about  a  thousand  of  them 
were  invading  the  settlements.  He  went  immediately  to  the 
Indians,  taking  but  three  men  with  him,  and  not  only  pacified 
them,  but  recruited  his  battalion  from  their  warriors. 

Fremont  arrived  at  San  Francisco  in  October,  and  sailed  for 
Santa  Barbara,  but,  hearing  on  his  way  that  he  could  procure  no 
horses  there,  he  proceeded  to  Monterey,  and  there  made  prepara- 
tions for  a  winter  march.  The  insurgents  had  defeated  four 
hundred  sailors  and  marines  marching  on  Los  Angelos.  That 
place  and  Santa  Barbara  were  in  their  hands.  Colonel  Fremont 
started  with  four  hundred  men  on  a  dark  night,  surprised  San 
Luis  Obispo,  an  important  place,  and  captured  Don  Jesus  Pico, 
the  leader  of  the  insurgents  in  that  quarter.  Two  days  after- 
ward, on  the  16th  of  December,  Pico  was  tried  by  a  court-martial 
and  condemned  to  be  shot  for  violating  his  parole.  An  hour 
before  the  execution  was  to  take  place,  the  mother,  wife,  chil- 
dren, and  relations  of  the  condemned  came  weeping  before  Fre- 
mont, and  with  natural  fervor  begged  for  mercy.  He  was 
affected,  and  wisely,  as  the  result  proved,  yielded  to  their 
entreaties.  Pico,  who  had  hitherto  been  calm  and  defiant,  now 
prostrated  himself  before  Fremont,  clasped  his  knees,  and  vowed 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  281 

eternal  fidelity.  He  was  true  to  his  pledge.  This  clemency 
toward  a  member  of  the  most  influential  family  in  the  province 
contributed  greatly  to  conciliate  the  people.  Fremont  met  no 
resistance  afterward.  On  the  27th  of  December  he  entered 
Santa  Barbara,  and  resumed  his  march  on  the  3d  of  January. 

Stockton  had  defeated  the  insurgents  in  an  engagement,  and 
re-entered  Los  Angelos.  On  the  llth,  Fremont  learned  that 
they  were  then  within  a  short  distance  of  him,  and  next  day 
two  of  their  officers  came  to  his  camp  to  treat  for  peace,  and 
the  u  Capitulation  of  Cowenga"  was  made.  He  granted  them 
liberal  terms,  and  they  agreed  to  return  to  their  homes  and  aid 
in  keeping  the  country  quiet.  This  was  done;  and  thus  ended 
the  war  in  California. 

When  Fremont  reached  Los  Angelos,  on  the  14th  of  January, 
1847,  he  found  General  Kearney  there,  contending  with  Commo- 
dore Stockton  for  the  right  to  command.  Both,  it  appeared,  had 
received  instructions  to  conquer  California  and  establish  a  civil 
government.  But  Kearney  knew  of  the  conquest  by  Stockton 
and  Fremont,  and  of  the  existence  of  civil  government  there, 
before  he  left  New  Mexico,  from  Carson,  on  his  way  to  Wash- 
ington with  the  information.  Nevertheless,  he  turned  Carson 
back  to  guide  him  and  a  small  escort  to  California,  where  he  ar- 
rived in  the  midst  of  the  insurrection. 

Attempting  to  surprise  a  party  of  the  insurgents  at  San  Pas- 
qual,  he  was  defeated,  had  thirty-three  of  his  officers  and  men 
killed  and  wounded,  and  his  entire  party  would  have  been  cut 
off  but  for  the  timely  assistance  sent  him  by  Stockton,  which 
brought  him  and  the  remnant  of  his  party  safely  into  San  Diego. 
Stockton  then  offered  the  command  to  Kearney,  not  because  he 
thought  him  entitled  to  it,  but  because  he  thought  him  better 
fitted  than  himself  for  the  land-service.  Kearney  refused  to  ac- 
cept it,  but  offered  to  serve  under  him,  and  accordingly  did  serve 
as  his  subordinate  in  the  action  which  followed.  Quiet  being 
restored  by  the  capitulation,  he  claimed  that  the  government 
should  be  turned  over  to  him  by  Stockton,  and  required  Frd- 
inont  to  recognise  his  authority. 

Fremont  had  been  appointed  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  rifle- 
regiment  by  the  President,  and  had  received  his  commission  in 
October;  but  the  California  battalion  had  been  previously  organ- 

24* 


282  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE 'MEN. 

ized  under  Stockton's  authority,  and  was  not  composed  of  enlisted 
soldiers,  but  of  mountain-men,  Californians,  and  Indians,  and 
partly  commanded  by  officers  of  the  navy;  and  therefore,  though 
friendly  with  Kearney,  he  thought  it  not  right  to  turn  over  to 
him  troops  thus  called  into  action  by  naval  authority,  and  refused 
to  do  so. 

Stockton  had  appointed  Fremont  Governor,  to  take  effect  when 
he  left  the  country. 

Thinking  Fremont's  refusal  to  recognise  his  authority  pro- 
ceeded from  a  desire  to  retain  this  appointment,  Kearney  sought 
an  interview,  in  which  he  assumed  a  most  friendly  tone,  advising 
him,  as  an  old  soldier  and  as  an  old  friend  of  Benton,  to  recall 
his  decision,  and  concluded  by  saying  that  he  designed  leaving 
the  country  himself  in  forty  days,  and  intended  to  devolve  the 
government  on  him.  But  Fremont  was  accessible  to  no  such 
suggestion,  and  adhered  to  Stockton.  This  drew  upon  him  the 
enmity  of  Kearney  and  the  army-officers  generally,  who  were  pre- 
disposed to  regard  him  unfavorably  because  his  was  a  citizen 
appointment. 

Instructions  came  in  the  spring  to  Stockton,  directing  him  to 
relinquish  the  government  to  General  Kearney, — which  termi- 
nated the  controversy. 

Kearney,  being  now  vested  with  authority,  undertook  to  avail 
himself  of  it  to  mortify  and  humble  Fremont.*  He  refused  him 
permission  to  join  General  Taylor  in  Mexico,  and,  on  the  14th 
of  June,  ordered  him  to  attend  him  to  Missouri,  where  they 
arrived  on  the  22d  of  August.  He  treated  him  with  deliberate 
disrespect  all  the  way,  placed  him  under  arrest  on  his  arrival, 
and  ordered  him  to  report  himself  to  the  adjutant-general  at 
Washington.  Fremont's  enemies  had  filled  the  newspapers  with 
every  species  of  slander  against  him;  but  the  citizens  of  St.  Louis, 
to  whom  he  and  his  bold  companions  were  known,  hailed  his 
arrival  with  enthusiasm.  The  citizens  of  Charleston,  also, 
testified  their  admiration  by  presenting  him  a  beautiful  sword. 
He  declined  the  public  reception  and  festival  offered  him  at 
St.  Louis,  and  hurried  to  Washington  to  have  the  charges  pre- 
ferred against  him  by  General  Kearney  investigated, — not  sup- 

*  For  particulars,  see  Bigelow's  "Life  of  Fremont,"  p.  204. 


JOHN   C.  FREMONT.  283 

posing  that  an  army  court  could  be  impartial  between  a  general 
and  a  commodore,  (which  was  the  real  controversy,)  but  anxious 
to  go  before  any  tribunal  by  which  the  facts  could  be  brought 
authentically  before  the  country. 

The  court  found  him  guilty  of  "mutiny,"  "disobedience  of 
lawful  orders,"  and  "conduct  to  the  prejudice  of  good  order  and 
military  discipline,"  and  sentenced  him  to  be  dismissed.  A 
majority  of  the  court,  however,  joined  in  a  recommendation  of 
clemency  to  the  Executive. 

The  President  disapproved  the  finding  on  the  charge  of  mutiny, 
and  approved  it  as  respected  the  remaining  charges,  but  remitted 
the  penalty. 

Fremont  would  not  hold  a  commission  on  such  terms,  and 
therefore  promptly  resigned  it.  The  investigation  was  protracted 
till  the  15th  of  May,  1848;  and  the  testimony  extended  to  every 
transaction  connected  with  the  conquest  of  California.  But 
nothing  was  elicited  to  impeach  the  integrity  and  good  faith  with 
which  the  accused  had  acted  throughout.  General  Brooke,  the 
then  president,  and  two  others  of  the  court,  said  the  question  was 
one  "  well  calculated  to  excite  the  doubts  of  officers  of  more  expe- 
rience than  the  accused."  The  action  of  the  court  was  attributed 
by  Commodore  Stockton  (see  his  Life,  p.  154)  to  the  esprit  du 
corps  of  the  army.  The  motive  of  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  War  in  bringing  Fremont  to  trial,  and  sustaining  the  proceed- 
ing of  the  court,  after,  as  Stockton  says,  having  approved  his 
appointment  of  him  as  civil  Governor,  is  attributed  to  the  political 
aspects  of  the  day,  and  the  position  occupied  by  Benton  and 
Fremont  in  reference  to  them. 

Since  the  conquest  of  California  by  "the  intrepid  leader,  quick 
to  perceive  and  alle  to  direct  the  proper  measures  for  accom- 
plishing the  daring  enterprise"  as  described  in  the  official  report 
of  Governor  Marcy,  above  quoted,  Mr.  Calhoun  had  imposed  on 
the  Administration  and  party  the  dogma  that  slavery  could  not 
be  excluded  from  the  Territories.  Benton  and  Fremont  had 
given  effective  support  to  the  Administration  in  the  Senate  and 
in  the  field;  but  this  counted  for  nothing  without  conformity  to 
the  new  dogma.  Benton  had  vehemently  denounced  Calhoun's 
firebrand  resolutions — as  he  called  them — on  their  first  introduc- 
tion into  the  Senate,  on  the  19th  of  February,  1847. 


284  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Fremont  had  been  the  protege  of  Poinsett  and  was  the  son-in- 
law  of  Ben  ton,  had  exemplified  his  political  principles  and  fore- 
cast and  won  a  world-wide  reputation  by  his  devotion  to  an  idea 
which  the  "  slave-power"  was  at  no  loss  to  perceive  involved  its 
destruction.  It  was  the  antagonism  to  Benton  and  Fremont 
with  which  the  Administration  had  been  thus  imbued  which 
tolerated  Kearney's  violation  of  orders  in  dragging  Fremont 
across  the  continent,  to  be  tried  and  turned  out  of  the  army  for 
what  it  had  lauded  both  Stockton  and  Fremont  for  doing. 

These  transactions  only  served  to  inflame  Fremont  against  the 
doctrines  of  the  South.  The  development  of  the  West,  and  the 
cre*ation  there  of  an  overshadowing  power,  appeared  to  him  to  be 
the  surest  means  to  preserve  the  Government  from  their  influ- 
ence. The  Pacific  Road,  which  would  rapidly  accomplish  this 
and  thus  be  a  perpetual  bond  of  union,  was  the  measure  for  which 
he  had  toiled,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  times  seemed  to 
demand  of  him  new  efforts  to  demonstrate  the  practicability  of 
constructing  it.  Having  exerted  himself  with  success  to  procure 
from  Congress  some  compensation  for  the"  California  battalion 
and  for  those  whose  property  had  been  applied  to  the  conquest, 
he  devoted  all  the  money  he  could  command  to  equip  himself  for 
a  winter  expedition  across  the  mountains,  to  disabuse  the  public 
mind  of  the  impression  which  the  disunionists  had  labored  to 
create, — that  the  snow,  as  well  as  the  precipitous  character  of 
the  central  route,  rendered  it  impracticable.  It  was  a  disastrous 
expedition.  He  aimed  to  go  from  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande 
to  those  of  the  Colorado,  through  the  Cochatopee  Pass;  but  his 
guide  mistook  the  way,  and  led  him  into  mountains  12,000  feet 
above  the  sea,  where  he  encountered  a  most  terrific  snow-storm. 
All  the  animals  and  many  of  his  men  perished ;  and  the  latter 
would  have  all  been  lost,  but  that  he  went  himself  and  brought 

/  O 

them  relief. 

The  expedition,  though  disastrous  to  him.  verified  the  exist- 
ence of  the  pass  and  the  practicability  of  the  route.  On  reaching 
California,  he  made  his  home  there,  upon  a  large  tract  of  land 
known  as  the  Mariposas,  situated  about  two  hundred  miles  south- 
west from  San  Francisco,  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  which 
he  had  purchased  for  $3000,  in  1847,  of  Governor  Alvarado. 
Before  he  arrived,  he  learned  that  gold  had  been  discovered  to 


JOHN   C.  FREMONT.  285 

abound  on  it;  and  he  engaged  and  took  with  him  some  men  to 
dig  the  gold.  Mrs.  Fremont  joined  him  in  June,  and  he  went 
to  work  with  energy.  He  was  not  permitted  to  remain  long  thus 
profitably  and  agreeably  occupied. 

Having  warmly  advocated  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the 
State,  and  being  identified  in  the  minds  of  the  pioneer  settlers 
and  native  Californians  with  all  their  great  interests,  they  turned 
to  him  with  great  unanimity  to  represent  the  State  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States;  and  he  was,  accordingly,  the  first  Senator 
chosen  by  the  Legislature,  in  December,  1849. 

He  proceeded  immediately  to  Washington ;  but  the  protracted 
struggle  upon  the  admission  of  the  State  prevented  him  from 
occupying  his  seat  save  only  for  a  few  weeks.  He  offered,  imme- 
diately, a  series  of  measures  comprehending  all  the  legislation 
required  for  California;  among  them  were  bills  to  open  a  road 
across  the  continent,  to  donate  lands  to  settlers,  to  settle  land 
titles,  to  grant  lands  to  the  State  for  purposes  of  education,  to 
regulate  working  the  mines,  and  to  preserve  peace  among  the 
Indians.  Of  the  two  latter,  which  alone  could  be  got  before  the 
Senate  at  so  late  a  period  of  the  session,  he  gave  admirable  expo- 
sitions, presenting,  with  remarkable  brevity,  most  of  the  practical, 
historical,  and  legal  considerations  pertinent  to  each  subject; 
unfortunately,  he  was  disabled  from  pressing  his  measures  at  the 
next  session  by  an  attack  of  the  Panama  fever,  which  prevented 
him  from  taking  his  seat;  and  he  had  drawn  the  short  term, 
which  ended  March  3,  1851. 

He  was  not  returned  at  the  ensuing  election.  But  Fremont, 
and  the  party  which  warmly  supported  him  for  re-election,  have 
been  strong  enough,  so  far,  in  spite  of  the  ascendency  of  their 
adversaries,  to  defeat  the  great  measure  in  the  programme  of 
Nullification, — the  project  to  divide  the  State  and  establish 
slavery  in  the  Southern  division. 

The  acts  of  Congress  purporting  to  settle  land  titles  in  Cali- 
fornia required  every  claimant  to  sue  himself  before  Commis- 
sioners, before  the  courts  of  the  United  States  in  California,  and 
before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  if  the  Attorney- 
General  required  it,  before  he  could  have  his  land.  The  object 
of  conferring  this  vast  power  over  individual  rights  upon  the 


286  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Executive,  by  the  Southern  men,  was  to  command  the  fealty  of 
the  claimants. 

The  Mariposas  Grant  was  unquestionable.  It  had  been  made 
to  Alvarado,  a  former  Governor  of  the  Province,  for  distinguished 
services,  and  Fremont  acquired  it  from  him,  in  1847,  for  what 
was  then  regarded  as  a  full  price.  But,  not  satisfied  with  com- 
pelling Fremont  to  prosecute  his  claim  to  the  Mariposas  through 
all  the  courts,  and  opposing  him  there  by  every  means  which 
zeal  and  industry  could  suggest,  the  Attorney-General,  Mr. 
Gushing,  "stimulated  to  vindictiveness  by  the  intense  hatred 
with  which  the  slave-power  regarded  Fremont,  attempted  to  take 
a  second  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  caused  the  patent  to 
be  withheld,  even  after  that  court  had  rebuked  him  for  the 
attempt."  Fremont  finally  came  to  Washington  himself,  and 
Gushing  yielded  the  patent. 

Soon  after  the  discovery  of  its  mineral  wealth,  and  before  it 
had  passed  the  ordeal  of  the  courts,  a  London  company,  of  ample 
means,  offered  Colonel  Benton,  who  was  acting  as  Fremont's 
agent,  $1,000,000  for  his  title;  and  on  their  depositing  the  first 
payment,  $100,000,  Colonel  Benton  strenuously  advised  Fremont 
to  accept  the  offer. 

He  refused  to  sell,  and  went  to  Europe,  in  1852,  to  negotiate 
for  means  to  work  the  mines.  While  there,  his  military  and 
scientific  reputation  secured  him  the  most  flattering  attentions 
from  the  Queen  of  England,  the  Emperor  of  France,  great  num- 
bers of  distinguished  military  and  scientific  men,  and  learned 
societies.  He  had  before  been  elected  an  honorary  member  of 
the  Geographical  Society  of  Berlin,  had  received  the  "  Founders' 
Medal"  from  that  of  London,  and  "  the  Great  Golden  Medal" 
from  the  King  of  Prussia,  by  the  hands  of  Humboldt. 

Fremont  returned  to  the  United  States  in  June,  1853,  to  com- 
plete the  survey  of  the  direct  line  for  the  Pacific  Road  to  San 
Francisco,  from  the  point  at  which  he  left  it  in  the  winter  of 
1848-49,  and  set  out  on  this  second  survey  at  his  own  expense, 
in  August,  1853. 

This  also  was  a  winter  expedition,  and  in  weather  of  unusual 
severity ;  but  it  was  the  crowning  success  of  all  his  explorations. 
He  found  safe  and*  easy  passes  through  a  fine  country,  all  the 
way  between  the  thirty-eighth  and  thirty-ninth  parallels  of  lati- 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  287 

tude  to  San  Francisco;  and  the  pictures  taken  of  the  passes  by 
a  daguerrean  artist,  carried  along  for  the  purpose,  confirm  his 
narrative  and  instrumental  observations,  and  are  almost  of  them- 
selves sufficient  to  expose  the  positions  of  the  adversaries  of  the 
road. 

A  complete  and  beautifully-illustrated  account  of  all  of  Colo- 
nel Fremont's  expeditions  has  been  for  some  time  in  preparation, 
and  will  be  published  by  Childs  &  Peterson,  of  Philadelphia, 
during  the  year  1860.  The  resume  of  the  first  and  second  expe- 
ditions will  be  prepared  by  Hon.  George  S.  Hillard.  The  scien- 
tific portion  of  the  work  will  contain  articles  from  the  pens  of 
Professors  Torrey,  Blake,  Cassin,  and  Hubbard,  compiled  from 
material  furnished  by  Colonel  Fremont.  In  the  prospectus  of 
the  publishers,  it  is  stated  that 

"  The  work  is  feeing  prepared  with  great  care  by  Colonel  J.  C.  Fre"- 
mont,  and  will  contain  a  re'sumS  of  the  First  and  Second  Expeditions  in, 
the  years  1842,  '43,  and  '44,  and  a  detailed  account  of  the  Third  Expe- 
dition during  the  years  1845,  '46,  and  '47,  across  the  Rocky  Mountains 
through  Oregon  into  California,  covering  the  conquest  and  settlement  of 
that  country;  the  Fourth  Expedition,  of  1848-49,  up  the  Kansas  and 
Arkansas  Rivers  into  the  Rocky  Mountains  of  Mexico,  down  the  Del 
Norte,  through  Sonora  into  California ;  the  Fifth  Expedition,  of  1853 
and  '54,  across  the  Rocky  Mountains  at  the  heads  of  the  Arkansas  and 
Colorado  Rivers,  through  the  Mormon  settlements  and  the  Great  Basin 
into  California.  The  whole  will  embrace  a  period  of  ten  years  passed 
among  the  wilds  of  America." 

Though  decided  and  ardent  in  his  political  sympathies,  and 
of  unceasing  activity  respecting  the  measures  which  a  large  fore- 
cast taught  him  were  most  effectual  to  work  out  his  policy,  he 
took  little  part  in  the  public  discussion  of  current  political  topics; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  outrages  in  Kansas  called  for  a  man  of 
courage  and  judgment  that  the  politicians  thought  of  him  for 
the  Presidency.  His  private  letter  of  counsel  to  Governor  Robin- 
son, of  Kansas,  urging  him  to  a  cautious  but  resolute  resistance, 
and  cheering  him  by  the  expression  of  his  own  sympathy  and 
determination  to  support  him, — believing  that,  in  the  encl,  the 
nation  would  also  sustain  him, — fixed  the  attention  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  on  him  as  a  suitable  person  for  the  Presidency. 

In  April,  1856,  he  was  waited  on  by  a  committee  from  a  poli- 
tical meeting  ic  New  York,  to  obtain  an  expression  of  sentiment 


288  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

on  the  question  of  the  day.     In  his  brief  and  prompt  reply, 
written  at  the  moment  in  a  public  room  amid  a  crowd,  he  said, — 

"  I  heartily  concur  in  all  movements  which,  have  for  their  object  to 
repair  the  mischief  arising  from  the  violation  of  good  faith  in  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  I  am  opposed  to  slavery  in  the  abstract 
and  open  principle,  sustained  and  made  habitual  by  long-settled  convic- 
tions. While  I  feel  inflexible  in  the  belief  that  it  ought  not  to  be  inter- 
fered with  where  it  exists  under  the  shield  of  State  sovereignty,  I  am  as 
inflexibly  opposed  to  its  extension  on  this  continent  beyond  its  present 
limits." 

The  Republican  National  Convention,  which  assembled  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  17th  of  June,  1856,  nominated  him  unani- 
mously for  the  Presidency,  it  being  ascertained  informally  that 
he  was  preferred  by  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  body.  William 
L.  Dayton  was  nominated  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  asserts  the  settled 
principles  of  the  Republican  party  founded  by  Jefferson;  de- 
nounces the  crimes  committed  by  those  controlling  the  Govern- 
ment to  establish  slavery  in  Kansas;  maintains  the  power,  and 
deems  it  the  duty,  of  the  Government  to  exclude  slavery  from 
the  Territories;  declares  the  Ostend  Circular  infamous;  and 
favors  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  Railroad.  In  his  reply  to 
the  committee  notifying  him  of  his  nomination,  after  saying  that 
the  resolutions  of  the  convention  express  the  sentiments  in  which 
he  had  been  educated,  and  which  have  ripened  into  convictions 
by  personal  observation  and  experience,  he  remarks  more  particu- 
larly upon  the  two  forms  of  abuse  of  the  Government  by  the 
slave-power,  then  engaging  public  attention, — one,  the  seizure 
of  Cuba,  proposed  in  the  Ostend  Circular;  the  other,  the  seizure 
of  Kansas, — and  deprecates  both  in  the  strongest  terms.  The 
characteristic  feature  in  the  letter,  and  that  which  marks  it  as 
the  production  of  an  efficient  leader,  is  that  it  points  to  the  means 
by  which  the  victory  may  be  won  and  its  advantages  secured,-  — 
telling  his  partisans  how  to  bring  home  to  the  people,  whose 
suffrages  were  sought,  their  interest  in  the  contest. 

"The  great  body  of  the  non-slaveholding  freemen,  including  those  of 
the  South,"  he  says,  "upon  whose  welfare  slavery  is  an  oppression,  will 
discover  that  the  power  of  the  General  Government  over  the  public  lands 
may  be  beneficially  exerted  to  advance  their  interests  and  secure  their 
independence.  Knowing  this,  their  suffrages  will  not  be  wanting  to 
maintain  that  authority  in  the  Union  which  is  absolutely  essential  to  the 


JOHN    C.  FREMONT.  289 

maintenance  of  their  own  liberties,  and  which  has  more  than  once  indi- 
cated the  purpose  of  disposing  of  the  public  lands  in  such  a  way  as  would 
make  every  settler  a  freeholder."  Lands  for  the  landless  was  his  battle- 
cry. 

The  Republicans  were  defeated  in  the  Presidential  election  of 
1856  by  the  October  election  in  Philadelphia.  It  was  conceded 
that  the  success  of  the  Union  State  ticket  in  Pennsylvania  would 
be  decisive  of  the  Presidential  contest  in  November,  and  scarcely 
a  doubt  was  entertained  of  its  success. 

Fremont's  friends  say  that  "at  the  last  moment  a  bargain  was 
made  between  the  Fillmore  organization  and  the  Democratic 
managers,  and  15,000  naturalization -papers  were  forged." 

Colonel  Fremont  has  been  closely  occupied  of  late  years  with 
the  management  of  the  Mariposas  estate.  After  suffering  much 
from  intrusting  its  management  to  others,  he  determined  to  be 
his  own  manager. 

"  In  the  spirit  of  that  determination,"  says  Mr.  Greeley,  writing  from 
San  Francisco,  after  a  recent  visit  to  Colonel  Fremont,  "he  has  lived  and 
labored,  rising  with  the  lark,  and  striving  to  obtain  a  complete  know- 
ledge and  mastery  of  the  entire  business ;  taking  more  and  more  labor 
and  responsibility  on  his  own  shoulders,  as  he  felt  himself  able  to  bear 
it,  until  he  is  now  Manager,  Chief  Engineer,  Cashier,  Accountant,  and  at 
the  head  of  every  other  department  but  that  of  Law,  for  which  he  still 
finds  it  necessary  to  rely  on  professional  aid.  And  his  mines  are  at 
length  becoming  productive  and  profitable.  His  first  (steam)  mill,  near 
his  dwelling,  runs  eight  stamps  night  and  day;  his  second  (water)  mill, 
three  miles  distant,  on  the  Merced,  at  the  north  end  of  his  estate,  runs 
twelve  stamps,  also  constantly ;  and  the  two  are  producing  gold  at  the 
rate  of  at  least  $250,000  per  annum,  at  an  absolute  cost,  I  am  confident, 
of  not  more  than  $150,000.  Of  course,  he  needs  all  the  profits,  if  not 
more,  to  extend  and  perfect  his  works,  having  already  a  much  larger 
water-mill  nearly  ready  to  go  into  operation,  besides  that  on  the  Merced, 
m  which  he  expects,  I  believe,  to  run  fifty-six  stamps ;  and  he  hopes  to 
have  one  hundred  in  all  running  before  the  close  of  1860.  With  that 
number  I  believe  he  would  be  able,  by  giving  his  constant  personal  atten- 
tion to  the  business,  aided  by  faithful  and  capable  assistants,  to  realize  a 
net  profit  of  $10,000  per  week,  which  would  very  soon  clear  him  of  debt, 
and  leave  him  unencumbered  in  the  ownership  of  perhaps  the  finest 
mining-country  in  the  world." 

The  latest '  mention  of  Fremont  was  the  record  of  his  having 
headed  the  subscription-list  for  a  monument  to  the  brave  and 
lamented  Senator  Broderick  with  five  hundred  dollars, 
T  25 


290  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


JAMES  GUTHRIE, 

OF  KENTUCKY. 

JAMES  GUTHRIE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  Cabinet 
cf  President  Pierce,  was  born  near  Bardstown,  Nelson  County, 
Kentucky,  in  the  year  1795.  Remotely,  he  has  Scottish  blood 
in  his  veins,  but  his  more  immediate  ancestors  emigrated  to  this 
country  from  Ireland.  His  father,  General  Adam  Guthrie,  was 
an  early  pioneer  westward  from  Virginia.  A  man  of  energy  and 
activity,  he  participated  with  distinction  in  the  struggle  with  the 
Indians  for  the  region  now  embracing  six  or  seven  States  and  as 
many  millions  of  inhabitants.  Among  other  fights,  he  was  in 
the  memorable  battle  of  the  Saline,  fought  some  ten  miles  west 
of  Shawneetown,  Illinois,  in  which  General  William  Hardin  was 
seriously  wounded.  After  the  peace  with  the  Indians,  General 
Guthrie  entered  upon  civil  pursuits,  and  represented  his  county 
in  the  Kentucky  Legislature  for  eight  or  ten  years. 

The  son,  James,  was  educated  chiefly  at  Bardstown,  in  the 
academy  presided  over  by  a  Scotchman  named  McAlister, — "  by 
no  means  an  ordinary  man." 

When  about  twenty  years  old,  he  engaged  in  the  enterprise — 
common  in  those  days — of  sending  produce  to  New  Orleans,  and 
made  two  voyages  on  his  own  flatboats,  returning  home  by  land 
through  the  Indian  country  with  the  profits  of  his  venture. 
Becoming  dissatisfied  with  this  business,  he  determined  to  em- 
brace the  profession  of  the  law,  which  he  did  under  the  instruc- 
tion of  Judge  Rowan,  of  Bardstown,  one  of  the  most  high-toned 
gentlemen  as  well  as  profound  and  acute  lawyers  in  Kentucky. 
Mr.  Guthrie's  manner  of  study  is  worthy  of  attention  from  the 
young  candidate  for  distinction  and  fortune  in  these  days.  He 
studied  as  much  daily  as  his  physical  capacity  would  admit;  and, 
the  more  fully  to  discipline  and  perfect  his  mind,  it  was  a  regu- 
Jar  practice  with  him,  in  reading  reports,  to  carefully  consider 


JAMES    GUTHRIE.  291 

the  facts,  weigh  the  arguments  of  counsel  on  both  sides,  and 
then,  before  looking  at  the  decision,  to  write  out  one  of  his  own. 

At  the  end  of  two  years  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Not 
being  of  a  disposition  to  rest  satisfied  with  the  reputation  to  be 
gained  in  a  provincial  town,  he  removed  in  1820  to  Louisville, 
then,  as  now,  the  commercial  capital  of  the  State.  It  was  not 
long  before  he  "  made  his  mark/'  and  was  appointed  by  the 
Governor  prosecuting  attorney  for  the  county,  the  duties  of 
which  office  he  fulfilled  with  great  zeal  and  ability.  An  inci- 
dent will  serve  to  illustrate  his  firmness  of  character  about  this 
period.  Uncommonly  slender  in  appearance, — he  was  what  might 
have  been  called  li  a  gawky  young  man."  He  had  prosecuted  a 
noted  bully  with  such  explicit  force  for  some  offence  that,  not- 
withstanding great  ability  on  the  opposite  side,  the  jury  convicted 
the  culprit.  Passing  to  dinner,  after  the  adjournment,  through 
the  courtyard,  in  which,  owing  to  a  fall  of  rain,  but  a  narrow 
pathway  was  left,  he  encountered  the  bully,  armed  with  a 
bludgeon,  who,  raising  it,  thus  accosted  him: — "Mr.  Guthrie, 
in  your  speech  this  morning  you  took  the  most  unwarrantable 
liberties  with  my  character,  and  now,  sir,  you  have  got  to  answer 
for  it."  To  this  Mr.  Guthrie  replied,  "  Why,  look  here,  my 
friend ;  I  got  twenty  dollars  for  convicting  you  :  I  don't  think 
I  should  get  a  cent  for  putting  you  to  death.  Get  out  of  my 
way."  The  fellow,  either  struck  by  the  philosophy  of  the  re- 
mark,— for  vagabonds  are  generally  shrewd  philosophers, — or 
awed  by  Mr.  Guthrie's  undaunted  eye,  slunk  away. 

Of  Mr.  Guthrie's  forensic  history  it  is  unnecessary  to  say 
much.  He  continued  in  the  profession  until  he  entered  the 
Treasury  Department.  It  is  known  to  the  whole  country  that 
he  acquired  great  wealth.  A  large  portion  of  it  is  unquestion- 
ably due  to  his  great  sagacity  and  sound  judgment  in  his  invest- 
ments in  property,  for  which,  however,  the  profits  of  his  profes- 
sion furnished  the  original  means.  His  success  at  the  bar  sprung 
from  two  causes :  first,  his  remarkable  legal  acumen  and  saga- 
city, which  were  largely  availed  of  in  the  adjustment  of  a  vast 
proportion  of  the  most  occult  and  complex  laud  and  other  causes 
in  the  State;  secondly,  the  explicitness  of  his  statements  and  the 
universal  confidence  in  his  veracity.  In  criminal  cases,  it  was 
a  common  remark  that  the  jury  placed  more  reliance  on  Mr. 


292  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

Guthrie's  statement  of  the  case  than  on  tjiat  of  the  judge  on  the 
bench. 

It  was  about  this  period,  and  while  still  a  young  man,  that  Mr. 
Guthrie  had  his  noted  difficulty  with  Hays.  The  latter  was  a 
member  of  the  old  Federal  party,  a  man  of  brilliant  talents,  who 
looked  with  disfavor  upon  what  he  regarded  as  the  presumption 
of  young  Guthrie  in  assuming  a  position  of  equality  with  himself 
and  others  of  more  experience  and  standing  at  the  bar.  Guth- 
rie was  not  the  man  to  brook  intolerance  or  intimidation ;  and 
it  is  understood  that,  on  a,n  occasion  of  some  public  discussion, 
he,  stung  by  what  he  deemed  a  combination  to  put  him  down, 
spoke  with  severity  of  the  course  and  conduct  of  the  ringleader, 
Mr.  Hays.  Nothing  immediately  occurred.  A  few  days  after- 
ward, and  when  Mr.  Guthrie  supposed  the  offence,  if  any,  had 
blown  over,  he  was  sitting  on  the  steps  of  the  Gait  House,  Louis- 
ville, one  afternoon,  in  company  with  several  other  gentlemen,  and 
amusing  himself  by  whittling  a  stick.  Happening  to  raise  his  eye, 
he  perceived  Hays,  at  the  distance  of  about  six  or  eight  yards, 
advancing  upon  him  with  a  pistol  already  cocked  and  pointed. 
Guthrie  instantly  sprang  upon  him  with  the  vigor  of  a  tiger, 
and  received  Hays's  fire  as  he  advanced,  the  ball  passing  through 
his  right  groin.  Raising  himself  on  his  sound  limb,  he  jerked 
the  pistol  out  of  Hays's  hand,  and  was  in  the  act  of  bringing  it 
down  upon  his  head  with  a  force  that  would  have  killed  him, — 
Hays  crying  u  Murder  !"  all  the  time  at  the  top  of  his  voice, — * 
when  the  gentlemen  who  had  followed  him  from  the  steps  ar- 
rested his  arm  and  carried  him  back  to  the  hotel.  By  this 
means,  no  doubt,  the  life  of  Hays  was  saved.  Mr.  Guthrie's 
wound  proved  to  be  one  of  the  utmost  severity.  He  was  confined 
by  it  to  his  bed  for  years ;  and  even  now,  having  left  a  slight 
twist  in  his  leg,  it  occasions  some  difficulty  in  his  walk.  The 
popular  indignation  drove  Hays  from  the  place.  His  fondness 
for  the  bottle  increased,  and  in  a  fit  of  mania-potu  he  committed 
suicide  by  dashing  his  head  against  the  wall. 

For  seven  or  eight  years,  dating  from  about  1821,  party  poli- 
tics raged  with  great  vehemence  in  Kentucky.  The  rival  feelings 
were  almost  unexampled  in  their  violence,  and  the  reminiscences 
of  the  days  of  the  "  Old-Court"  and  "  New-Court"  parties  are 
filled  with  animosities  characteristic  of  a  state  of  excitement 


JAMES    GUTHRIE.  293 

little  short  of  civil  war.  This  state  of  things  grew  out  of  what 
were  called  "  relief  measures"  adopted  by  the  Legislature, — stay 
and  replevin  laws,  in  connection  with  the  State  Bank  and  the 
reorganization  of  the  Court  of  Appeals.  Mr.  Guthrie,  though 
opposed  on  principle  to  any  legislative  interference  between 
debtor  and  creditor,  believed  that  the  Legislature  had  the  right 
'and  power  to  remodel  its  judicature,  and  so  joined  the  New- 
Court  party  and  was  one  of  its  ablest  defenders.  Of  the  relief 
measures,  the  Commonwealth's  bank  was  perhaps  the  boldest 
experiment,  and  it  was  as  successful  as  bold*  Nothing  else  of 
the  kind  has  ever  been  so  successfully  carried  out  in  this  country. 
Three  millions  of  paper  dollars  were  put  into  circulation  without 
any  metallic  basis  whatever,  and  with  no  capital  except  the  pub- 
lic faith;  and,  after  doing  good  service  to  the  country,  saving 
thousands  of  debtors  from  ruin,  and  materially  aiding  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  State,  the  whole  was  in  a  few  years  called  in, 
cancelled,  and  destroyed.* 

From  1825  to  the  present,  Mr.  Guthrie  has  been  a  Jackson 
Democrat.  He  secured  the  State  for  the  hero  of  New  Orleans, 
and  to  his  exertions  is  largely  due  the  gallant  front  the  Demo- 
crats of  Kentucky  have  made,  though  almost  constantly  in  the 
minority. 

It  may  be  further  stated  that  he  was  elected  for  nine  years 
successively  from  Louisville  to  the  lower  branch  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, and  was  six  years  in  the  Senate,  at  the  end  of  which  time 
he  declined  re-election.  In  1851,  he  was  elected  president  of 
the  convention  called  to  revise  the  Constitution  of  the  State.  In 
all  these  bodies  he  was  an  active  member,  giving  the  closest  at- 
tention to  the  business  of  the  committees,  and  a  frequent  and 
impressive  debater.  His  inexhaustible  fund  of  hard  common 
sense — to  use  the  language  of  the  "  New  York  Tribune" — was 
constantly  at  hand  to  shape  and  guide  the  legislative  provisions 
for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  State ;  and  a  general  convic- 
tion of  his  probity  and  judgment  on  all  occasions  gave  the  utmost 
scope  and  weight  to  his  opinions.  Perhaps  there  are  few  men  in 
the  country  who,  considering  the  various  measures  which  came 


*  "  Eminent  Americans,  &c.,"  by  John  Livingston,  of  the  New  York  Bar. 
Vol.  iv.  p.  23. 

25* 


2\) 4  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

before  these  bodies  while  he  was  successively  in  them,  have  had 
a  more  extended  or  more  practical  experience  than  Mr.  Guthrie 
in  the  business  of  a  legislative  assembly. 

His  first  contest  for  the  Senate  with  the  celebrated  Frank  John- 
son was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  the  annals  of  Kentucky. 
Mr.  Clay  was  in  the  zenith  of  his  influence.  Mr.  Guthrie  had 
been  an  inflexible  Democrat  from  his  boyhood.  Frank  Johnson 
was  an  able  and  accomplished  man,  the  intimate  friend  of  Clay, 
and  a  prominent  leader  of  the  dominant  party.  It  was  well 
known  that  there  was  a  Whig  majority  in  the  district  of  upward 
of  fifteen  hundred.  Yet  against  these  almost  hopeless  odds  Mr. 
Guthrie,  who  is  not  easily  intimidated,  and  who,  say  his  friends, 
never  fails  in  any  thing  he  undertakes,  entered  the  lists  and  beat 
his  opponent.  An  incident  of  this  contest  is  related  w^iich  is  too 
significant  of  the  kindly  traits  of  Mr,  Guthrie's  nature  and  of  his 
sympathy  with  the  people  to  be  omitted. 

It  was  the  practice  in  that  day,  as  it  is  now,  in  Kentucky,  for 
rival  candidates  to  meet  each  other  in  debate  at  different  places 
in  their  district.  It  happened  that  Johnson  and  Guthrie  had  an 
appointment  at  a  place  about  ten  miles  from  Louisville.  At  a 
mile  or  so  from  this  place  a  settler  was  at  the  time  engaged  in 
raising  a  barn,  and,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  country, 
his  neighbors  had  collected  to  assist  him.  The  day  was  warm, 
and  the  men,  getting  hold  of  an  unusually  heavy  log  and  failing 
to  lift  it  readily  into  its  place,  came  to  a  stand-still.  They  began 
to  consider  whether  they  should  not  give  up  the  job  for  the  day 
and  try  the  log  when  they  were  fresh  next  morning,  when  one 
of  the  party  proposed  that — as  the  rival  candidates  would  soon 
be  passing  along  home — the  whole  party  should  vote  at  the  coming 
election  for  whichsoever  of  them  who  gave  assistance,  be  he  Whig 
or  Democrat.  It  was  agreed  to.  Mr.  Johnson  was  the  first 
candidate  who  arrived  on  the  ground.  He  stopped  his  horse, 
spoke  kindly  to  the  men,  inquired  into  their  difficulty,  advised 
them  to  rest  satisfied  for  the  present  and  come  fresh  to  the  work 
in  the  morning,  and,  reminding  them  that  the  election  would 
take  place  on  such  a  day,  "  when  lie  expected  to  see  all  his 
friends/'  passed  on.  After  a  while,  Mr.  Guthrio  came  along. 
He  inquired  into  their  difficulty,  and  heard  the  proposition  to 
adjourn  until  the  morning.  "My  friends,"  said  he,  "my  rule 


JAMES    GUTHRIE.  295 

is  never  to  put  off  till  to-morrow  what  can  be  done  to-day j  and  if 
one  good  strong  back  can  do  any  good,  here  it  is."  Thereupon 
he  tied  his  horse ;  they  all  went  to  work  and  got  the  log  in  its 
place.  This  is  perhaps  the  first  and  only  attempt  of  Mr.  Gruth- 
rie  at  log-rolling.  It  need  scarcely  be  added  that  the  whole 
crowd  voted  for  him,  and  many  others  who  heard  the  story. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  Mr.  Gruthrie's  charac- 
ter is  his  indomitable  firmness  and  his  invariable  practice  always 
to  do,  and  not  to  be  deterred  therefrom  by  any  personal  con- 
siderations, what  he  deems  just  and  right.  Louisville  was  the 
political  hotbed  of  the  State,  and  party  spirit  then,  as  now,  was 
tinged  with  the  utmost  asperity.  The  inflexibility  of  his  Demo- 
cracy as  well  as  of  his  character  made  him  always  obnoxious  to 
the  dominant  faction,  and  various  were  the  schemes,  since  he 
could  not  be  seduced  or  cajoled,  to  drive  or  put  him  out  of 
the  way.  On  one  occasion,  at  an  election  of  unusual  heat,  a 
combination  of  bullies  was  formed  to  put  him  to  death  if  he 
attempted  to  deposit  a  vote  or  assist  by  his  presence  or  authority 
his  friends — including  a  large  number  of  the  foreign  population 
— in  their  access  to  the  polls.  Mr.  Guthrie  was  appealed  to  by 
his  friends — first,  to  abstain  from  attending;  second,  to  allow 
them  to  arm  in  his  defence.  He  declined  both  propositions, 
declaring  that  he  would  never  surrender  his  rights  as  an  Ame- 
rican freeman  but  with  his  life,  but  that  he  would  meet  the 
danger  alone,  and  would  not,  by  permitting  his  friends  to  attend 
him,  furnish  a  pretext  for,  or  give  occasion  to,  civil  dissension 
and  bloodshed.  He  armed  himself  with  a  pistol  and  deposited 
his  vote.  Being  asked  some  time  afterward  by  his  friends  what 
his  calculations  and  reliance  were  in  encountering  so  imminent 
a  peril,  he  said  he  felt  himself  good  for  one  man,  at  least, — 
the  leader  of  the  band ;  and  that  he  put  his  eye  upon  him  on 
entering  the  crowd.  Perceiving  that  his  determination  was 
known,  and  that  the  eye  of  the  ringleader  fell  under  his  own, 
he  felt  himself  safe.  Another  anecdote  of  his  firmness,  exerted 
not,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  in  the  maintenance  of  his  dearest 
rights  as  a  freeman,  but  in  the  ordinary  execution  of  the  laws,  is 
worth  relating. 

An  unprovoked  murder  had  been  committed  upon  a  very 
worthy  citizen  of  Louisville.  The  exasperation  of  the  community 


296  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

was  so  great  as  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  murderer  could 
not  have  a  fair  trial  in  Louisville,  and  a  motion  was  made  in  the 
court  to  change  the  venue  to  a  different  county.  The  judge  put 
the  usual  question,  "Is  the  prisoner  in  court?"  The  sheriff 
answered,  he  was  not.  The  judge  then  directed  him  to  bring 
him  in.  The  sheriff  said  that  there  was  a  furious  populace  of 
five  thousand  around  the  jail,  for  the  purpose  of  tearing  him  to 
pieces  the  moment  he  was  brought  out.  "If  that  is  the  case," 
said  the  judge,  "summon  the  posse '  comitatus."  "I  have  done 
so,"  said  the  sheriff;  "  and  I  cannot  get  a  force  sufficient  for  the 
purpose."  Mr.  Gruthrie,  sitting  in  court,  raised  his  head,  and 
said  to  the  sheriff,  "  Summon  me."  They  proceeded  immediately 
to  the  jail;  the  man  was  brought  out,  and  Mr.  Gruthrie,  grasping 
him  by  the  breast  of  his  coat,  carried  him  through  the  crowd, — 
his  presence  and  bearing  commanding  their  respect,  and  con- 
vincing them  that  it  would  cost  them  at  least  two  lives  to  get 
the  one  they  wanted. 

While  Mr.  Gruthrie  was  a  member  of  the  Kentucky  Senate,  he 
procured  a  charter  for  the  Bank  of  Louisville.,  and  perhaps  others, 
and  was  a  director  in  that  bank  until  he  left  Louisville,  in  1853. 
Griving  to  the  affairs  of  that  institution,  both  in  general  and  detail, 
the  strength  of  his  mind  and  attention,  he  laid  the  foundation  of 
that  masterly  knowledge  of  finance  which  he  exhibited  to  the 
admiration  and  surprise  of  the  country  while  at  the  head  of  the 
Treasury  Department.  In  the  same  body  he  secured  a  charter 
for  the  University  of  Louisville,  which,  under  his  superintend- 
ence, was  eminently  successful,  and  yielded  its  appropriate  fruits 
to  many  of  the  now  most  promising  men  in  the  Southwestern 
States.  It  may  also  be  said  that  he  is  the  founder  of  the  railroad- 
system,  and  has  uniformly  given  the  weight  of  his  influence  and 
exertions  to  the  improvement  and  development,  first,  of  his  own 
State,  and  then  of  the  rest  of  the  Union,  in  all  their  industrial 
resources. 

The  history  of  one  of  these  railroads — the  Nashville  and  Louis- 
ville, one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  in  length — is  not  a  little 
remarkable.  Charters  from  both  States, — Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee,— legislative  authority  from  both  for  the  counties  to  sub- 
scribe through  which  the  road  passes,  grants  from  both  States, 
and  individual  subscriptions,  were  needed  to  start  the  work. 


JAMES   GUTIIRIE.  297 

Mr.  Guthrie,  as  president  of  the  road,  perfected  all  these  arrange- 
ments,  and  secured  subscriptions  and  grants  to  the  amount  of 
two  millions,  made  the  road  about  twenty  miles,  and,  estimating 
that  to  complete  it  would  cost  from  $1,500,000  to  $2,000,000, 
executed  a  mortgage  on  the  road,  and  entered  into  a  contract 
with  a  leading  banking-house  in  London  to  furnish  the  latter 
sum  on  bonds  of  the  company  secured  by  State  mortgage.  In 
this  condition  of  the  road,  the  finances  were  fully  arranged;  and, 
with  the  assured  prospect  of  an  early  completion,  Mr.  Guthrie 
left  Louisville  to  occupy  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Another  distinguished  gentleman  of  Kentucky  was  elected  to 
succeed  him  as  president  of  the  road.  By  some  accident  the 
preparation  of  the  bonds  was  delayed,  and  they  did  not  reach 
England  until  after  the  day  stipulated  with  the  London  bankers. 
The  Eastern  War  was  then  impending,  and  these  gentlemen, 
sharing  the  common  apprehension  in  money-circles  of  the  coming 
event,  took  advantage  of  the  failure  of  the  bonds  at  the  appointed 
time  to  repudiate  the  contract.  The  result  was  that,  after  expend- 
ing the  amount  subscribed,  the  road  came  to  a  dead  lock.  Various 
efforts  were  made  to  induce  Mr.  Guthrie  to  leave  the  Treasury 
and  resume  the  management  of  the  road.  He  said  "No:  he  had 
been  very  handsomely  invited  to  the  Cabinet  by  President  Pierce, 
and  felt  bound  as  a  man  of  honor  to  remain  with  him  to  the  end 
of  his  term."  The  road  remained  in  this  condition- until  the 
close  of  President  Pierce' s  Administration.  Upon  his  return  to 
Louisville  in  the  spring  of  1857,  Mr.  Guthrie,  although  refusing 
to  become  president  of  the  road,  consented  to  act  as  a  director, 
and  as  such  has  had  the  management  of  it,  particularly  of  its 
finances.  It  will  be  recollected  that  in  a  month  or  two  after  his 
return  home  the  convulsion  of  1857  took  place.  To  talk  of  sell- 
ing a  railroad-bond  at  that  time,  and  particularly  of  a  road  not 
completed,  would  almost  provoke  derision;  and  yet,  notwith- 
standing this  state  of  things,  Mr.  Guthrie  succeeded  in  obtaining 
money,  from  time  to  time,  sufficient  to  complete  the  road, — and 
that,  too,  without  getting  a  dollar  from  New  York  or  Europe. 
These  facts  furnish  a  not  inapt  illustration  of  the  remark  respect- 
ing Mr.  Guthrie  already  quoted,  "  that  he  never  fails  in  what  he 
undertakes." 

The  circumstances  attending  his  appointment  to  the  Treasury 


298  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Department  must  not  be  overlooked.  It  is  believed  that  Mr.  A. 
0.  P.  Nicholson,  now  United  States  Senator  from  Tennessee,  first 
suggested  to  General  Pierce  the  name  of  Mr.  Guthrie,  as  the  most 
prominent  man  in  the  circle  of  border  slave  States.  It  is  known 
that  many  other  persons  from  that  region,  and  others  passing 
through  Kentucky,  contributed  to  strengthen  this  predilection 
in  favor  of  Mr.  Guthrie.  But,  when  General  Pierce  reached 
Washington,  he  was  still  uninformed  in  respect  to  Mr.  Guthrie's 
opinions  on  some  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  the  Democratic 
party, — such  as  Tariff,  Internal  Improvements,  Currency,  &c. 
He  requested  a  mutual  friend  to  write  to  Mr.  Guthrie,  asking 
his  views  on  these  subjects.  The  Kentuckian  answered  his 
friend,  that  all  his  opinions  upon  these  and  other  national 
questions  were  to  be  found  in  the  speeches  he  had  made  at  dif- 
ferent times  in  the  Legislature  and  Convention  of  Kentucky;  and 
desired  him  to  refer  General  Pierce  to  them.  The  result  is 
before  the  country.  The  President  became  satisfied  that  Mr. 
Guthrie  cherished  sentiments  coincident  with  his  own  on  all  the 
great  issues  of  the  country,  and  gave  him  a  prompt  invitation  to 
come  to  Washington. 

In  1858  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This,  it 
will  be  remembered,  writes  a  competent  authority,  was  the  era 
of  the  Gardner  and  Galphin  claims,  of  the  employment  of  secret 
inspectors  of  the  customs  and  of  unnecessary  officers,  of  the  use  of 
the  public  funds  by  bankers  arid  other  favorites,  and  of  general 
neglect,  derangement,  and  delay  in  the  business  of  the  Treasury. 
In  the  four  years  during  which  he  held  the  seals,  a  change  that 
astonished  the  whole  country  took  place.  The  money  of  the 
nation,  amounting  to  some  $5,000,000,  was  taken  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  many  irresponsible  individuals  who  had  shared  its 
illegal  use ;  and  the  Independent  Treasury,  with  all  its  admirable 
safeguards  and  sanctions,  was  put  fully  and  fairly  into  operation. 
The  secret  inspectors  were  dismissed;  the  unsettled  accounts 
and  balances,  amounting,  when  he  enter-ed  the  Treasury,  to  the 
enormous  sum  of  $132,000,000,  were  reduced,  at  the  end  of  four 
years,  to  $24,000,000,  Order,  system,  method,  the  vigorous 
despatch  of  business,  without  respect  of  persons,  took  the  place 
of  confusion  and  favoritism.  During  this  period  some  noble 
vessels  were  added  to  our  navy;  the  army  was  increased  in 


JAMES   GUTHRIE.  299 

order  to  afford  more  ample  protection  to  our  extensive  frontier; 
$10,000,000  were  paid  to  Mexico  for  the  Mesilla  Valley,  and 
large  sums  invested  in  the  construction  of  public  edifices  for 
the  use  of  the  Government  at  Washington,  and  the  accommo- 
dation of  branch  mints,  custom-houses,  post-offices,  &c.,  else- 
where. Yet,  after  all  these  extraordinary  drafts  upon  the  Trea- 
sury, Mr.  Guthrie  paid  off  $40,000,000  of  the  public  debt,  besides 
the  interest  thereon,  and  premium  on  its  purchase,  and  turned 
over  to  his  successor,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1857,  a  balance  of 
nearly  $20,000,000. 

Such  is  a  summary  of  Mr.  Guthrie's  material  acts  in  the  Trea- 
sury Department. 

His  annual  reports,  which,  it  is  hoped,  readers  will  examine  for 
themselves,  abound  in  sentiments  of  the  noblest  nationalism  and 
the  soundest  statesmanship,  and  show  that  he  understands  our 
people  and  their  interests  thoroughly,  and  has  a  heart  for  both. 

But  the  purpose  of  this  sketch  is  not  so  much  to  exhibit  the 
public  acts  of  Mr.  Guthrie  on  those  points  which  are  open  toi  the 
people  and  can  be  known  by  them,  as  to  show  the  interior  work- 
ing and  cast  of  his  mind.  Mr.  Guthrie  is  essentially  a  reformer. 
He  was  not  content  to  administer  the  Treasury,  but  he  was  deter- 
mined to  correct  the  abuses  of  the  Department,  to  scrutinize  its 
recent  transactions,  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  Government  where 
they  had  been  sacrificed,  and  he  introduced  regulations  and  safe- 
guards to  protect  the  nation  for  the  future;  in  other  words,  Mr 
Guthrie  served  in  the  Treasury  not  so  much  for  his  ease  or  fame 
as  for  the  common  welfare  of  his  country. 

The  change  in  the  system' of  accounts  is  one  of  those  reforms 
the  benefits  of  which  will  probably  last  to  all  time.  When  he 
accepted  the  office,  receiving  and  disbursing  officers  submitted 
their  accounts  for  each  quarter  of  the  year,  and  were  allowed  an 
additional  quarter  in  which  to  make  up  their  accounts  and  trans- 
mit them  to  the  Treasury.  When  they  got  to  the  Treasury,  the 
accounting  officers  were  occupied  from  three  to  six  months,  if  not 
more,  in  settling  such  accounts.  The  result  was  that  the  trans- 
actions of  these  collecting  and  disbursing  officers  did  not  come 
under  review  of  the  controlling  authority  for  approval  or  rebuke, 
in  general,  for  more  than  a  year. 

The  new  Secretary's  notion  was  the  homely,  hard-sense  doc- 


800  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

trine  that  short  accounts  make  long  friends;  and,  perhaps,  of  all 
the  reforms  he  wrought  in  the  Treasury,  none  was  more  difficult 
than  the  one  he  effected  in  this  regard.  He  took  "the  bull  by 
the  horns/' — the  largest  of  them  all,  the  Collector  of  New  York, 
whose  accountability  embraces  thirty  millions  a  year.  He  sent 
for  Mr.  Bronson,  and  talked  the  matter  over  with  him;  and, 
although  that  gentleman  was  startled  at  the  proposition  to  make 
the  settlements  monthly,  and  believed  it  impracticable,  referring 
to  the  ineffectual  effort  of  a  former  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
achieve  the  same  object,  to  his  credit  be  it  spoken,  he  admitted 
the  great  advantage  that  would  accrue  to  him  as  well  as  to  the 
Government,  and  promised  to  do  every  thing  that  he  could  to 
carry  into  effect  the  plan  of  Mr.  Guthrie.  This  he  did;  and 
Greene  C.  Bronson  is  well  entitled  to  share  with  Mr.  Guthrie 
the  credit  of  having  achieved  one  of  the  greatest  reforms  ever 
made  in  our  system  of  finance.  A  correspondence  ensued,  con- 
ducted in  the  most  amicable  spirit,  in  which  Mr.  Bronson  can- 
didly stated  the  difficulties  and  embarrassments  in  the  way  of 
reform,  and  Mr.  Guthrie  argued  to  countervail  and  remove  them. 
Mr.  Bronson  finally  yielded  his  objections,  and  admitted  that  the 
plan  was  practicable.  Of  course,  when  Bronson  yielded,  no  lesser 
collector  could  say  nay,  and  Mr.  Guthrie  put  the  new  regulation 
into  authoritative  force.  The  result  is,  that  from  that  time  Trea- 
sury accounts  have  been  rendered  monthly  instead  of  quarterly, 
and  within  four  days  of  the  end  of  each  month  have  been  made 
to  pass  through  all  the  forms  of  settlement  in  the  Treasury  before 
the  close  of  the  next  month.  It  is  not  singular  that,  with  this 
system,  there  were  no  defaults  during  Mr.  Guthrie's  administration. 
In  the  Department  there  are  six  Auditors,  two  Controllers,  one 
Commissioner  of  Customs,  one  Treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
one  Register  of  the  Treasury,  one  Solicitor,  and  one  Light-House 
Board,  making,  in  all,  thirteen  bureaus.  Prior  to  Mr.  Guthrie's 
time,  the  heads  of  these  bureaus  had  been  left  to  manage  them  in 
their  own  way,  and  according  to  their  own  views  of  the  laws 
establishing  them.  He  prescribed  regulations  to  improve  the 
condition  of  these  bureaus  in  many  particulars  of  public  duty; 
but,  what  was  perhaps  most  important  and  efficacious,  he  required 
each  head-officer  to  make  to  him  an  annual  report  of  the  doings 
and  proceedings  of  his  office.  In  speaking  of  this  regulation,  Mr. 


JAMES    GUTHRIE.  801 

Gutlirie  said  to  a  friend,  "Of  course,  when  they  make  the  report, 
they  will  exhibit  their  offices  in  the  best  condition  they  can ;  and 
the  next  time  they  report  they  will  try  to  improve  on  their  former, 
and,  to  do  this,  will  have  to  work  up  to  their  successive  reports 
and  improve  on  them."  Here  was  another  practical  illustration 
of  his  hard  common  sense. 

The  full  exhibition  of  the  Sub-Treasury  Act  was  not  an  ordi- 
nary piece  of  official  duty,  in  which,  when  a  head  of  a  Department 
pronounces  a  decision,  the  parties  affected  have  nothing  to  do  but 
to  acquiesce.  On  the  contrary,  this  act  of  Mr.  Guthrie  affected, 
pecuniarily,  and  to  a  large  degree,  the  interests  of  some  of  the 
most  potent  men  in  the  country,  and  subjected  him  to  their  most 
bitter  denunciations.  It  will  be  remembered  that  three  of  Mr. 
Guthrie's  predecessors  had  pronounced  the  Act  impracticable 
and  had  placed  the  public  funds  to  vast  amounts  in  the  hands 
of  irresponsible  bankers,  for  deposit,  for  the  purchase  of  stocks, 
for  the  transfer  of  money  from  point  to  point,  and  other  purposes. 
Immense  fortunes  had  been  made  by  individuals  from  the  use  of 
the  public  money.  The  storm  of  wrath  which  sprung  from  the 
apprehensions  of  the  threatened  destruction  of  this  source  of  gain 
was  terrific. 

A  gentleman  of  high  standing  in  this  country  remonstrated 
with  Mr.  Guthrie  on  the  subject.  He  stated  to  him  that  in 
changing  the  practice  of  the  Treasury  in  this  regard  he  would 
disappoint  the  expectations  of  many  of  the  friends  of  General 
Pierce;  that  he  would  make  a  split  in  the  Democratic  party ; 
and  that  he  himself  would  be  driven  from  office.  Mr.  Guthrie 
answered,  that  as  to  going  back  to  Kentucky,  it  would  not  cost 
him  a  second  thought,  as  he  had  never  sought  office;  that  he 
should  regret  to  disappoint  the  just  expectations  of  any  friend  of 
General  Pierce,  and  would  deplore  any  division  in  the  Demo- 
cratic ranks;  but,  if  these  results  were  to  happen — though  he 
could  hardly  suppose  they  would — from  this  action  of  his,  he 
must  submit  to  them  all,  and  would  sooner  see  the  continent 
shivered  to  atoms  than  violate  his  oath,  his  duty,  and  his  con- 
science. 

Pursuing  the  idea  of  giving  the  interior  workings  of  Mr. 
Guthrie's  mind,  it  is  to  be  stated  that  in  the  session  of  the  Senate 
of  1855-56,  a  committee  was  raised  on  retrenchment  and  reform, 

26 


302  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

of  which  the  late  Senator  Adams,  of  Mississippi,  was  chairman. 
This  gentleman  addressed  a  letter — perhaps  a  circular — to  Mr. 
Guthrie,  requesting  him  to  point  out  any  abuses  which  had  fallen 
under  his  observation,  or  any  reforms  to  be  made  in  the  conduct- 
ing of  the  business  of  the  Government.  It  has  been  already  re- 
marked that  Mr.  Guthrie  is  by  nature  a  reformer  j  and  at  this 
time  he  had  been  more  than  two  years  in  office.  Mr.  Guthrie 
answered  by  stating,  first,  that  he  had  already  corrected  all  the 
abuses  and  made  all  the  reforms  within  the  province  of  the  Trea- 
sury Department  which  were  within  his  competency  as  the  head 
of  that  Department,  and  gave  a  list  of  these  reforms  in  detail. 
He  next  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Adams  the  abuses  existing  and  the 
reforms  to  be  made,  which  could  only  be  effected  by  the  author- 
ity of  Congress;  adding  that  he  had  repeatedly  brought  them 
before  its  notice  without  being  able,  as  yet,  to  procure  its  action 
thereon;  and,  thirdly,  he  subjoined,  that  if  there  were  any 
abuses  to  be  corrected  or  reforms  to  be  made  in  Congress,  or  in 
Departments  of  the  Government  other  than  the  Treasury,  he 
supposed  that  it  was  not  for  him  to  suggest  them,  but  for  Con- 
gress itself,  or  the  heads  of  such  Departments,  to  move  in  the 
matter. 

There  is  much  more  of  a  like  kind  in  the  history,  character, 
and  services  of  this  eminent  statesman  which  gladly  would 
be  presented  if  space  permitted.  One  more  anecdote,  however, 
to  show  not  merely  the  cast  of  Mr.  Guthrie's  mind,  but  his  ideas 
of  the  authority  and  responsibility  devolving  on  the  guardian 
of  the  public  Treasury  relatively  to  the  other  members  of  the 
Government.  This  anecdote  is  given  on  the  authority  of  Gene- 
ral Gushing,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  Faneuil  Hall.  A  claim  had 
been  presented  on  the  Treasury  by  a  gentleman  in  Washington, 
arising  out  of  legislation  of  Congress,  to  the  amount  of  $100,000 
or  more,  and  the  Secretary,  upon  full  argument  on  the  law  and 
facts  of  the  case,  had  rejected  the  claim  in  writing.  Some  time 
after  this  decision,  the  President,  having  sent  to  the  Treasury 
for  the  papers,  brought  the  subject  up  in  Cabinet  meeting.  It 
was  discussed, — various  gentlemen  expressing  their  views,  Mr. 
Guthrie  remaining  silent.  The  President  at  length  said,  "  Mr. 
Guthrie,  this  is  a  claim  against  your  Department:  we  should 
like  to  hear  your  opinion  on  it."  Mr.  Guthrie  immediately  rose 


JAMES   GUTHRIE.  303 

and  said,  "  Gentlemen,  this  case  has  been  decided  in  the  Treasury. 
Good-morning,"  and,  putting  on  his  hat,  walked  out;  thereby 
intimating,  General  Gushing  supposes,  that  if  they  were  about  to 
allow  the  claim  they  must  get  some  other  Secretary  to  do  it. 

Since  Mr.  Gruthrie's  return  to  Kentucky  he  has  been  devoted 
almost  exclusively  to  the  pursuit  of  his  railroad-enterprise,  and 
to  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  and  social  intercourse.  He  does  not 
understand,  and,  consequently,  cannot  practise,  the  arts  of  the 
politician.  He  probably  thinks,  with  Lowndes,  that  the  Presi- 
dency is  neither  to  be  sought  nor  shunned. 


304  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


JAMES  H.  HAMMOND, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

SENATOR  HAMMOND  is  a  native  of  the  State  he  in  part  repre- 
sents in  the  Upper  House  of  Congress,  having  been  born  in 
the  Newberry  District,  on  the  15th  of  November,  1807.  His 
father  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  and  emigrated  from  that 
State  to  South  Carolina,  in  1802.  The  elder  Hammond,  an 
erudite  and  accomplished  scholar,  occupied  the  post  of  Professor 
of  Mathematics  in  the  (Columbia)  South  Carolina  College,  and 
bestowed  the  most  anxious  attention  upon  the  education  of  his 
son, — training  him  with  a  care  at  once  assiduous  and  genial, 
unremitting  and  unwearying.  Those  who  delight  in  tracing  or 
accounting  for  the  mature  effects  of  intellect  will  readily  perceive 
in  the  speeches  and  writings  of  the  Legislator,  Governor,  and 
statesman,  the  benefits  of  the  solid  foundation  so  devotedly  laid 
by  paternal  solicitude  in  young  Hammond's  mind. 

Admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  Mr.  Hammond 
continued  in  the  practice  of  that  profession  long  enough  to  test 
his  ability  and  give  promise  of  future  distinction. 

Whenever  great  principles  agitate  localities,  lawyers,  more 
generally  than  the  members  of  the  other  professions,  become 
participants  in  the  discussion  of  them.  Their  constant  appear- 
ance in  public,  their  readiness  with  pen  and  tongue,  their  re- 
sources in  argument,  naturally  suggest  to  themselves  and  others 
the  duty  of  expounding  the  leading  questions  of  the  day. 
Hence  we  find  Mr.  Hammond  taking  a  leading  part  in  the  arena 
of  politics  as  editor  of  the  "  Southern  Times,"  of  Columbia. 

The  Tariff  policy  inaugurated  by  the  Federal  Government  in 
1828  was  regarded  by  South  Carolina  as  a  palpable  assumption 
of  undelegated,  or  rather  as  a  gross  abuse  of  delegated,  power. 
The  late  General  James  Hamilton  openly  announced  his  intention 
to  abandon  his  seat  in  Congress,  being  determined  to  resist  at 


JAMES    H.  HAMMOND.  305 

home  what  he  considered  a  stupendous  system  of  fraud  and 
iniquity;  and  "he  boldly  uttered  to  his  constituents  the  startling 
announcement  that  it  was  the  imperative  duty  of  South  Carolina 
to  resist,  at  all  and  every  hazard."  That  proud  State,  in  her 
capacity  of  sovereignty,  was  about  to  assume  an  attitude  of  re- 
sistance. Mr.  Hammond,  having  been  educated  in  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  school  of  State's  Rights,  believed  that  in  such  cases  a  sove- 
reign State  had  the  right  to  interpose  her  veto.  Accordingly, 
in  the  "  Southern  Times,"  he  supported,  and  gave  full  illustration 
to,  the  arguments  in  favor  of  Nullification,  in  a  series  of  spirited 
and  able  essays,  which  did  much  to  shape  and  control  public 
opinion  in  the  exciting  times  which  followed. 

In  1831,  Mr.  Hammond  withdrew  from  politics  and  law,  and, 
having  married  Miss  Fitzsimmons,  a  young  lady  of  wealth  and 
accomplishments,  devoted  himself  to  the  independent  life  of  a 
planter  on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Savannah.  His  health  had 
never  been  remarkably  good,  and  an  agricultural  life,  to  which 
he  became  enthusiastically  devoted,  afforded  an  agreeable  relaxa- 
tion from  severe  studies  and  the  exciting  and  exacting  labors  of 
public  life. 

The  part  Mr.  Hammond  had  taken  in  giving  voice  to  the 
unanimous  feelings  of  South  Carolina  pointed  him  out  to  his 
fellow-citizens  as  one  fitted  to  represent  them  in  the  National 
Councils;  and  his  private  life  was  invaded,  in  1834,  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  his  district.  He  was  elected  to  Congress,  and  went 
to  Washington.  Unfortunately,  from  the  state  of  his  health, 
he  was  unable  to  serve  out  his  term ;  but,  while  he  occupied 
his  seat,  he  greatly  distinguished  himself  by  an  elevated  tone  of 
eloquence  and  patriotism.  The  question  of  the  reception  of 
Abolition  petitions  having  been  recently  sprung  upon  Congress 
by  the  Society  of  Friends,  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, — who 
begged  the  enactment  of  laws  for  the  removal  of  slavery  from 
the  District  of  Columbia, — Calhoun  objected  on  the  instant  of 
their  presentation  to  all  such  petitions,  and  used  the  argu- 
ments by  which  President  Jackson  had  recommended,  and  he 
(Calhoun)  had  advocated,  the  suppression  by  law  of  the  circula- 
tion of  all  anti-slavery  publications  by  mail  in  the  Southern 
States.  After  a  lengthened  debate,  the  Senate  recognised  the 
right  of  petition  by  receiving  the  one  in  question,  but,  two  days 
U  26* 


306  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

after,  on  the  llth  of  March,  1836,  rejected  its  prayer  by  a  vote 
of  34  to  6. 

In  the  House  the  same  subject  was  under  discussion.  Mr. 
Hammond  had  made — the  first  time  it  ever  had  been  made — 
the  question  on  the  reception  of  petitions,  John  Quincy  Adams 
taking  the  lead  on  the  part  of  the  Abolitionists.  Scenes  of  great 
excitement  took  place,  Mr.  Adams  persisting  in  presenting  nume- 
rous petitions  from  men,  women,  and  children.  A  general  expres- 
sion against  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
was  elicited,  and  a  resolution  passed  in  opposition  to  a  petition 
presented  by  Mr.  Adams,  which  purported  to  be  from  eleven 
slaves  in  the  town  of  Fredericksburg,  declaring  that  slaves  were 
not  vested  with  the  right  to  petition  Congress. 

Into  this  debate  Mr.  Hammond  threw  himself.  He  defended 
the  constitutional  rights  of  the  Southern  States  with  a  prompti- 
tude and  efficiency  that  for  a  time  silenced  all  opposition,  and 
secured  for  the  orator  the  hearty  and  unanimous  approbation  of 
his  constituents,  and  indeed  of  the  whole  South.  "  Never,"  says 
a  political  writer  of  the  South,*  in  a  communication  on  the  sub- 
ject of  this  sketch  and  this  period  of  his  career, — "  never  was  a 
more  timely  or  effective  blow  struck  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  or  for  the  rights,  the  honor,  and  the  salvation  of  the  South." 

On  withdrawing  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr. 
Hammond  determined  to  pay  a  short  visit  to  Europe,  with  a  view 
to  combine  the  pleasures  and  instruction  of  foreign  travel  with 
the  restoration  of  his  health.  Having  spent  a  year  and  a  half  in 
Europe,  visiting  the  chief  seats  of  literature  and  art,  and  collect- 
ing many  fine  specimens  of  the  latter,  he  returned  to  his  home. 
He  again  engaged  in  the  occupation  of  a  planter,  declining  posi- 
tively the  urgent  solicitations  of  his  friends  to  suffer  his  name  to 
be  put  a  second  time  in  nomination  for  Congress. 

He  consented,  however,  to  accept  from  his  fellow-citizens  the 
honor  of  an  appointment  to  the  office  of  General  of  Brigade  of 
the  State  militia,  his  attention  having  been  for  some  time  pre- 
vious occupied  with  the  importance  of  a  complete  reorganization 
of  the  militia  system  of  South  Carolina.  On  this  subject  he 


*  Mr.  D.  K.  Whitaker,  formerly  of  the  "Southern  Review,"  who  kindly  fur- 
nished me  with  many  dates. 


JAMES   H.  HAMMOND.  307 

made  important  suggestions  to  Governor  Hayne,  who  gave  them 
form  in  the  excellent  system  of  brigade-encampments  which  he 
introduced  during  his  administration. 

In  1842,  General  Hammond  was  elected  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  and  his  messages  to  the  State  Legislature  while  in  this 
prominent  position  are  highly  commended  for  their  "  practical 
wisdom/'  and  as  being  "  among  the  best  State  papers  extant ;" 
while  his  letters  on  domestic  slavery  to  Thomas  Clarkson,  the 
celebrated  English  philanthropist,  are  regarded  as  affording  some 
of  the  most  conclusive  arguments  that  have  ever  emanated  from 
any  pen  on  this  vexed  question. 

Some  three  or  four  years  previous,  the  eminent  divine,  John 
England,  Bishop  of  Charleston,  had  disposed  of  the  Slavery 
question  as  involving  a  domestic  institution,  and  in  so  far  as  his 
Catholic  flock  were  theologically  concerned. 

Governor  Hammond  also  met -the  question  as  presented  to 
him,  exposing  the  unnatural  heartlessness  of  that  English  phi- 
lanthropy which  appeals  to  America  to  abolish  negro  slavery, 
while  it  fosters  a  white  slavery  of  the  most  debasing  character. 
Bishop  England's  letters  were  brought  out  by  the  appearance  of 
an  Apostolical  Letter  of  Pope  Gregory  XVI.,  said  to  be  against 
slavery,  but  actually  against  the  slave-trade.  Governor  Ham- 
mond's were  called  forth  by  a  circular  of  the  lay  chief  of  English 
philanthropists.  Taken  together,  as  they  emanate  from  the  same 
State,  they  form  a  most  remarkable  review,  theological,  political, 
moral,  and  social,  of  the  whole  question. 

It  is  argued  on  the  basis  of  the  one  that  it  is  an  impossibility 
that  Catholic  theology  "can  ever  be  tinctured  with  the  fanaticism 
of  Abolition  •"  and  the  writer  who  thus  argues  condenses  the  views 
of  Bishop  England  in  a  comprehensive  manner.  He  shows  that 
Catholics  may  and  do  differ  in  regard  to  slavery,  and  other  points 
of  human  policy,  when  considered  as  ethical  or  political  ques- 
tions ;  but  their  theology  is  fixed,  and  is,  and  must  be,  the  same 
now  as  it  was  for  the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries  of  Christianity. 
During  that  period,  as  Bishop  England  has  shown  in  his  series 
of  "Letters  to  the  Hon.  John  Forsyth,"  the  Church,  (Letter 
XVI.,)  by  the  admonitions  of  her  earliest  and  holiest  pastors;  by 
the  decrees  of  her  councils,  made  on  a  variety  of  occasions ;  by 
her  synodical  condemnation  of  those  who,  under  pretext  of  reli- 


308  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

gion,  would  teach  the  slave  to  despise  his  master;  by  her  sanction 
and  support  of  those  laws  by  which  the  civil  power  sought  to 
preserve  the  rights  of  the  owner;  by  her  own  acquiring  such 
property,  by  deeds  of  gift  or  of  sale,  for  the  cultivation  of  her 
lands,  the  maintenance  of  her  clergy,  the  benefit  of  her  monaste- 
ries, of  her  hospitals,  of  her  orphans,  and  of  her  other  works  of 
charity,  repeatedly  and  evidently  testified  that  she  regarded  the 
possession  of  slave-property  as  fully  compatible  with  the  doctrines 
of  the  gospel;  and  this,  whilst  she  denounced  the  pirate  who 
made  incursions  to  reduce  into  bondage  those  who  were  free  and 
unoffending,  and  regarded  with .  just  execration  the  men  who 
fitted  out  ships  and  hired  others  to  engage  in  the  inhuman 
traffic.  "In  Catholic  theology,  the  question  is  a  settled  one;  and 
no  one  would  be  recognised  as  a  Catholic  who  would  utter  the 
expressions  we  have  heard  from  the  lips  of  American  Abolition- 
ists who  call  themselves  Protestants : — '  If  the  Bible  allows 
slavery,  it  should  be  amended.'  .  .  .  i  The  Christianity  of  the 
nineteenth  century  should  as  far  excel  the  Christianity  of  the 
early  Church,  as  that  did  the  old  Jewish  law/  "  &c.* 

Governor  Hammond,  in  his  letters  to  Clarkson,  did  not  pro- 
pose to  defend  the  African  slave-trade,  but  he  showed  that  it 
could  not  be  abolished  by  th"e  use  of  force,  and  that  it  had  thus 
far  signally  defeated  the  philanthropy  of  the  world.  Coming  to 
Clarkson's  new  hobby,  American  Slavery,  he  declines  to  speak 
of  it  as  an  abstraction,  because,  in  his  opinion,  abstractions  sel- 
dom lead  to  useful  ends. 

"I  might  say,"  writes  Hammond,  "that  I  am  no  more  in  favor  of 
slavery  in  the  abstract  than  I  am  of  povei'ty,  disease,  deformity,  idiocy, 
or  any  other  inequality  in  the  condition  of  the  human  family, — that  I  love 
perfection,  and  think  I  should  enjoy  a  millennium  such  as  God  has  pro- 
mised. But  what  would  it  amount  to  ?  A  pledge  that  I  would  join  you 
to  set  about  eradicating  those  apparently  inevitable  evils  of  our  nature, 
in  equalizing  the  condition  of  all  mankind,  consummating  the  perfection 
of  our  race,  and  introducing  the  millennium  ?  By  no  means.  To  effect 
these  things  belongs  exclusively  to  a  higher  power.  And  it  would  be 
well  for  us  to  leave  the  Almighty  to  perfect  his  own  works  and  fulfil  his 
own  covenants." 

*  "  United  States  Catholic  Miscellany,"  Dec.  9,  1843. 


JAMES    H.  HAMMOND.  309 

Attacking  the  "wretched  subterfuge  that  the  precise  word 
' slave'  is  not  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible/'  he  argues  that  not 
the  words  of  translators,  but  the  meaning  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
must  be  regarded  as  divine  revelation,  and  shows  that  "  servant/3 
"bondman,"  and  "slave,"  were  usually  synonymous  in  the  Greek 
and  Hebrew.  It  is  needless,  however,  to  follow  the  Biblical  quo- 
tations and  allusions  of  the  Governor. 

As  to  his  own  convictions,  he  endorsed,  without  reserve,  the 
much-abused  sentiment  of  McDuffie,  that  "  slavery  is  the  corner- 
stone of  our  republican  edifice,"  and,  in  the  event  of  the  Abo- 
litionists dissolving  the  Union,  had  no  objection  whatever  to  cast 
in  his  lot  with  a  confederacy  of  States  whose  citizens  might  all  be 
slaveholders.  He  did  not  believe  that  "all  men  are  born  equal." 
As  a  commentary  on  the  discontent  of  European  free-labor,  he 
reminds  Mr.  Clarkson  that,  excepting  the  United  States,  there  is 
no  country  in  the  world  whose  existing  government  would  not 
be  overturned  in  a  month  but  for  its  standing  armies,  maintained 
at  an  enormous  and  ruinous  cost  to  those  whom  they  are  destined 
to  overawe, — so  rampant  and  combative  is  the  spirit  of  discontent 
wherever  nominal  free-labor  prevails,  with  its  ostensible  privi- 
leges and  its  dismal  servitude. 

Admitting  that  slavery  increases  Southern  representation  in 
Congress,  Governor  Hammond  showed  that  it  also  increases 
Southern  taxes,  and  that  the  balance  of  profit  arising  from  the 
connection  between  the  North  and  the  South  is  in  favor  of  the 
former.  In  fact,  he  reviewed,  with  brevity  but  sufficient  force, 
all  the  arguments  or  accusations  brought  against  domestic 
slavery  and  the  reported  ill  state  of  society  in  which  it  was  said 
to  result.  He  showed  that  slavery  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
tales  of  murder,  affrays,  and  horrors  which  are  constantly  set 
forth.  "  Stability  and  peace  are  the  first  desires  of  every  slave- 
holder, and  the  true  tendency  of  the  system."  "We  have  been 
so  irreverent  as  to  laugh  at  Mormonism  and  Millerism,  which 
have  created  such  commotions  farther  North ;  and  modern  pro- 
phets have  no  honor  in  our  country.  Shakers,  llappists,  Bunkers, 
Socialists,  Fourierists,  and  the  like,  keep  themselves  afar  off. 
Even  Puseyism  has  not  yet  moved  us."  "  Miss  Martineau,  with 
peculiar  gusto,  relates  a  series  of  scandalous  stories;  which  would 
have  made  Boccaccio  jealous  of  her  pen,  but  which  are  so  ridicu- 


310  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

lously  false  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  some  wicked  wag,  knowing 
she  would  write  a  book,  has  furnished  her  materials/'* 

The  irresponsible  power  of  one  man  over  his  fellow-men  is  the 
subject  of  vehement  denunciation  on  the  part  of  Abolitionists. 
Governor  Hammond  denies  that  the  slaveholder  in  America  is 
irresponsible.  He  is  responsible  to  God,  to  the  world,  to  the 
community  in  which  he  lives,  and  to  the  laws  under  which  he 
enjoys  his  civil  rights.  "  Those  laws  do  not  permit  him  to  kill, 
to  maim,  or  to  punish  beyond  certain  limits,  or  to  overtask,  or  to 
refuse  to  feed  and  clothe,  his  slave.  In  short,  they  forbid  him  to 
be  tyrannical  or  cruel/'  It  is  the  interest  as  well  as  the  desire 
of  Governor  Hammond  and  all  slaveholders  to  treat  their  slaves 
with  proper  kindness. 

"Slaveholders,"  he  says,  "are  no  more  perfect  than  other  men.  They 
have  passions.  Some  of  them,  as  you  may  suppose,  do  not  at  all  restrain 
them.  Neither  do  husbands,  parents,  and  friends.  And  in  each  of  these 
relations  as  serious  suffering  as  frequently  arises  from  uncontrolled  pas- 
sions as  ever  does  in  that  of  master  and  slave,  and  with  as  little  chance 
of  indemnity.  Yet  you  would  not  on  that  account  break  them  up.  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  our  slaveholders  are  kind  masters,  as 
men  usually  are  kind  husbands,  parents,  and  friends, — as  a  general  rule, 
kinder.  A  bad  master — he  who  overworks  his  slaves,  provides  ill  for 
them,  or  treats  them  with  undue  severity — loses  the  esteem  and  respect 
of  his  fellow-citizens  to  as  great  an  extent  as  he  would  by  the  violation 
of  any  of  his  social  and  most  of  his  moral  obligations.  What  the  most 
perfect  plan  of  management  would  be  is  a  problem  hard  to  solve.  From 
the  commencement  of  slavery  in  this  country,  this  subject  has  occupied 
the  minds  of  all  slaveholders,  as  much  as  the  improvement  of  the  general 
condition  of  mankind  has  those  of  the  most  ardent  philanthropists ;  and 
the  greatest  progressive  amelioration  of  the  system  has  been  effected. 
You  yourself  acknowledge  that  in  the  early  part  of  your  career  you 
were  exceedingly  anxious  for  the  immediate  abolition  of  the  slave-trade, 


*  "But  her  [Margaret  Fuller's]  friendship  for  the  latter  [Miss  Martineau]  did 
not  preclude  her  giving  her  candid  opinion  on  Martineau's  book  on  America. 
Agreeing  with  much  of  it,  she  condemned  the  gross  inaccuracies  with  which 
that  work  was  filled;  and,  writing  to  the  author  of  it,  Miss  Fuller  says,  'A 
want  of  soundness,  of  habits  of  patient  investigation,  of  completeness,  of  ar- 
rangement, are  felt  throughout  the  book;'  and  again,  'I  do  not  like  that  your 
book  should  be  an  Abolition  book.  You  might  have  borne  your  testimony 
as  decidedly  as  you  pleased ;  but  why  leaven  the  whole  book  with  it?' " — "Demo- 
cratic Review,"  June,  1852,  Article  "  Vanity  versus  Philosophy. — Margaret  Fuller 
(Ossoli)." 


JAMES    H.  HAMMOND.  311 

lest  those  engaged  in  it  should  so  mitigate  its  evils  as  to  destroy  the  force 
of  your  arguments  and  facts.  The  improvement  you  then  dreaded  has 
gone  on  steadily  here,  and  would  doubtless  have  taken  place  in  the  slave- 
trade,  but  for  the  measures  adopted  to  suppress  it." 

After  going  over  the  South,  so  to  say,  and  showing  the  average 
morality  and  happiness  of  slaves,  and  the  nature  of  the  relations 
between  them  and  their  masters,  Grovernor  Hammond  charges 
home  on  Mr.  Clarkson  and  his  fellow-philanthropists  the  fact 
that  the  poor  and  laboring  classes  of  their  own  race  and  color 
in  Great  Britain — men  not  oixly  their  fellow-beings,  but  fellow- 
citizens — are  more  miserable  and  degraded,  morally  and  physic- 
ally, than  the  slaves  in  the  South, — "to  be  elevated  to  the  actual 
condition  of  whom/'  he  adds,  "  would  be  to  these,  your  felloic- 
citizens,  a  most  glorious  act  of  emancipation." 

In  proof,  Grovernor  Hammond  makes  some  extracts  from  the 
published  reports  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  Parliament. 
Here  are  a  few  of  these  passages  as  quoted  by  the  correspondent 
of  Mr.  Clarkson  :— 

"  Collieries. — The  pits  about  Brompton  'are  worked  altogether  by  boys 
from  eight  to  twelve  years  of  age,  on  all-fours,  with  a  dog-belt  and  chain.' 
In  Mr.  Barnes's  pit  these  poor  boys  have  to  drag  the  barrows  with  one 
hundred-weight  of  coal,  or  slack,  sixty  times  a  day,  sixty  yards,  and  the 
empty  ban-ows  back,  without  once  straightening  their  backs, — unless  they 
choose  to  stand  under  the  shaft  and  run  the  risk  of  having  their  heads 
broken  by  a  falling  coal." — Report  on  Mines,  1842,  p.  71. 

'"At  the  Booth  pit,'  says  Mr.  Scriven,  'I  walked,  rode,  and  crept 
eighteen  hundred  yards  to  one  of  the  nearest  faces.' " — Ibid. 

"  Robert  North,  aged  16:  'Went  into  the  pit  at  seven  years  of  age,  to 
fill  up  skips.  I  drew  about  twelve  months.  When  I  drew  by  the  girdle 
and  chain  my  skin  was  broken,  and  the  blood  ran  down.  I  durst  not  say 
any  thing.  If  we  said  any  thing,  the  butty,  and  the  reeve,  who  works 
under  him,  would  take  a  stick  and  beat  us.'" — Ibid. 

"Robert  Crucilon,  aged  16  :  ' I  don't  know  any  thing  of  Moses.  Never 
heard  of  France.  I  don't  know  what  America  is.  Never  heard  of  Scot- 
land or  Ireland.  Can't  tell  how  many  weeks  in  a  year.  There  are  eight 
pints  in  a  gallon  of  ale.'  " — Ibid. 

"Ann  Eggly,  aged  18:  'I  walk  about  and  get  fresh  air  on  Sundays. 
I  never  go  to  church  or  chapel.  I  never  heard  of  Christ  at  all.'  " — Ibid. 

"  Elizabeth  Barrett,  aged  14 :  'I  always  work  without  stockings,  shoes, 
or  trousers.  I  wear  nothing  but  a  shift.  I  have  to  go  up  to  the  head- 
ings with  the  men.  They  are  all  naked  there.  I  am  got  used  to  that.'" 
—Ibid. 


312  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"  Others  :  '  I  don't  know  who  made  the  world.'  'I  never  heard  about 
God.'  'I  don't  know  Jesus  Christ:  I  never  saw  him ;  but  I  have  seen 
Foster,  who  prays  about  him.'  " — Ibid. 

"Employer:  'You  have  expressed  surprise  at  Thomas  Mitchel's  not 
hearing  of  God.  I  judge  there  are  few  colliers  hereabout  that  have.'  " — 
Ibid. 

"As  to  illicit  sexual  intercourse,  it  seems  to  prevail  universally,  and 
from  an  early  period  of  life.  They  have  no  morals." — Ibid. 

"It  is  by  no  means  uncommon,  in  all  the  districts,  for  children  five  or 
six  years  old  to  be  kept  at  work  fourteen  to  sixteen  hours  consecutively." 
—Report  on  Children,  1842,  p.  59. 

"There  have  been  found  such  occurrences  as  seven,  eight,  and  ten 
persons  in  one  cottage,  I  cannot  say  for  one  day,  but  for  whole  days, 
without  a  morsel  of  food.  They  have  remained  on  their  beds  of  straw 
for  two  successive  days,  under  the  impression  that  in  a  recumbent  pos- 
ture the  pangs  of  hunger  were  less  felt." — Lord  Brougham's  Speech,  July 
11,  1842. 

It  is,  as  Governor  Hammond  says,  shocking  beyond  endurance 
to  turn  over  these  records.  He  believes  that  if  the  slaves  could 
but  see  the  condition  of  the  free  laboring-classes  of  England 
"they  would  join  us  in  lynching  the  Abolitionists, — which,  by-the- 
bye,  they  would  not  now  be  loath  to  do."  "  We  never  put  them 
to  any  work  under  ten, — more  generally  at  twelve  years  of  age, — 
and  then  the  very  lightest.  Destitution  is  absolutely  unknown  : 
never  did  a  slave  starve  in  America ;  while  in  moral  sentiments 
and  feelings,  in  religious  information,  and  even  in  general  intelli- 
gence, they  are  infinitely  the  superiors  of  your  operatives." 

Having  completed  the  term  of  his  Gubernatorial  office,  Governor 
Hammond  once  more  returned  to  the  duties  and  pleasures  of 
agricultural  life.  He  passed  many  years — indeed,  all  the  years 
from  that  period  to  his  call  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1857 
— in  comparative  retirement.  His  intellect,  however,  was  not 
inactive;  and  several  addresses  made  and  published  at  intervals 
disclose  a  still  growing  force  and  capacity.  In  November,  1849, 
he  delivered  an  address  before  the  South  Carolina  Institute, 
advocating  the  manufacture  of  their  own  cotton  in  that  State, 
and  showing,  by  statistics,  the  great  benefit  it  would  be.  It  was 
contended  that  the  introduction  of  manufacturing  into  the  South 
would  undermine  its  free-trade  principles  and  destroy  the  last 
hope  of  the  great  agricultural  interest.  He  thought  the  results 
would  be  precisely  the  reverse.  "The  manufacturing  people  of 


JAMES   II.  HAMMOND.  313 

the  North  desire  a  high  tariff,  for  no  other  purpose  but  to  compel 
the  non-manufacturing  people  of  the  South  to  buy  from  them  in 
preference  to  foreigners.  If  the  South  manufactures  for  itself, 
the  game  is  completely  blocked.  We  will,  of  course,  use  the 
productions  of  our  own  looms  and  workshops  in  preference  to 
any  others  j  and  the  North  will  then  clamor — as  the  English 
manufacturers  are  now  clamoring — for  entire  free-trade,  that  they 
may  exchange  their  industrial  products  on  the  most  favorable 
terms  with  foreign  nations.  The  result  is  as  inevitable  as  it  is 
obvious." 

In  the  following  month  of  the  same  year,  Governor  Hammond 
delivered  an  oration  before  the  two  societies  of  the  South  Carolina 
College,  combating  the  too  prevalent  idea  of  the  ultra  enlighten- 
ment and  progress  of  the  day  we  live  in,  and  the  causes  from 
which  they  result.  It  was  largely  received  that  modern  progress 
dates  from  Lord  Bacon ;  but,  Mr.  Hammond  remarks,  "  we  owe  a 
very  large  proportion  of  the  discoveries  and  inventions  of  modern 
times  to  Italy,  where  this  philosophy  has  not  yet  penetrated." 
The  basis  of  his  review  is  that  discovery  has  done  more  for 
Bacon  than  he  has  done  as  yet  for  it,  and  that,  after  all,  there  is 
little  new  under  the  sun.  It  is  an  exceedingly  interesting  essay. 

In  November,  1850,  at  the  request  of  the  City  Council  of 
Charleston,  Governor  Hammond  delivered  an  oration  on  the  life, 
character,  and  services  of  John  Caldwell  Calhoun,  which  was 
listened  to  by  thousands  of  the  admirers  of  the  great  states- 
man of  the  South.  To  balance  the  services,  analyze  the  motives, 
comprehend  the  life  and  principles,  of  a  man  of  such  undoubted 
genius  as  Calhoun,  demands  rare  and  remarkable  qualifications. 
Of  all  the  eulogies  and  orations  upon  the  subject,  "it  is  that 
of  General  Hammond  in  particular,"  says  the  "  Southern  Quar- 
terly Review,"*  "  which  impresses  us  not  only  with  the  truth 
and  felicity  of  the  broad,  bold  outlines,  but  with  the  perfect 
propriety,  the  fitness,  and  the  finish  of  the  whole.  In  him  seem 
to  have  been  combined  all  the  requisite  qualifications  for  the 
analysis  of  such  a  subject;  and  we  venture  to  predict  that  this, 
of  all  others,  will  be  the  production  which  will  survive  as  an  his- 
torical document." 


July,  1851,  pp.  107-109. 
27 


311  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

In  addition  to  these  publications  may  be  named  a  pamphlet  on 
"  Marl,"  one  on  the  Railroad  System  and  Banks  of  the  State,  and 
a  review  of  Ellwood  Fisher's  "North  and  South,"  published  in 
the  "Southern  Quarterly."  All  of  these  writings  are  character- 
ized by  force,  fervor,  and  clearness  of  style,  and  exhibit  the 
thinker  and  scholar  much  more  than  the  mere  politician  and 
seeker  after  meretricious  effects. 

Governor  Hammond's  elevation  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  November,  1857,  would,  it  "  was  confidently  expected,  be  salu- 
tary throughout  the  State,  in  throwing  off  the  attempted  domina- 
tion of  cliques  and  breaking  down  the  divided  leadership  of 
mediocrities."* 

In  his  new  sphere,  Senator  Hammond  very  soon  commanded 
national  attention,  and  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  Southern 
champion,  in  contradistinction  to  Seward  as  the  foremost  man 
of  the  Republican  party.  His  speech  during  the  famous  Kansas 
debate  of  March,  1858,  drew  all  eyes — as  well  as  the  tongues 
of  all  the  Abolition  side  of  the  Chamber — upon  him.  I  well 
remember  its  effect,  having  attended  the  Senate  day  and  night 
throughout  that  famous  session.  Hammond  was  sick  of  Kan- 
sas, and  would  say  little  about  it  if  Douglas — whom  he  regarded 
as  the  Ajax  Telamon  of  the  debate — did  not  press  the  question 
of  fraud.  Senator  Douglas  believed  there  were  irregularities, 
but  would  waive  them  if  he  could  be  certain  that  the  Lecomp- 
ton  Constitution  presented  the  will  of  the  people. 

Senator  Hammond  could  not  see  where  to  look  for  the  will  of 
the  people,  save  in  convention.  The  Territorial  Legislature  was 
a  petty  corporation  paid  by  Congress;  the  convention  was  the 
voice  of  the  people.  Swiftly  passing  over  Kansas,  he  gave  a  bold 
and  vivid  review  of  the  position  of  the  South,  and  her  capacity 
to  sustain  herself  whether  in  or  out  of  the  Union.  The  declara- 
tion by  Senator  Seward  the  day  previous,  as  well  as  on  a  former 
occasion,  that  the  "battle  had  been  fought  and  won,"  induced 
the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  to  place  the  North  and  South 
face  to  face. 

The  Senator  exhibited  the  exports  of  the  South.  As  to  the 
North,  he  looked  upon  them  as  a  great,  intelligent  people.  They 


Correspondence  of  "  Charleston  Mercury,"  Dec.  1857. 


JAMES    H.  HAMMOND.  315 

were  full  of  intellect;  but  they  produced  no  great  staple  which 
was  not  produced  by  the  South,  while  the  South  produced  several 
not  found  in  the  North.  Cotton  was  King:  and  no  power  on 
earth  dare  make  war  on  cotton.  Senator  Seward  had  said  that 
the  whole  world  had  abolished  slavery.  Senator  Hammond 
thought  it  was  only  in  name  it  was  abolished.  Our  slaves  are 
black,  said  he.  They  are  elevated  from  the  position  in-  which 
God  made  them  by  being  under  our  charge.  The  Northern 
slaves  are  white, — brothers  in  blood  and  political  equals.  Our 
slaves  do  not  vote.  Yours  (to  the  North)  do  vote;  and  they  are 
the  repositories  of  all  your  political  power.  If  your  white  slaves 
remembered  that  the  ballot-box  was  more  powerful  than  an  army, 
where  would  your  institutions  be  ? 

On  the  demise  of  his  venerable  friend  and  colleague  Senator 
Evans,  Senator  Hammond  made  some  brief  and  suitable  re- 
marks. On  the  question  of  British  aggression,  he  supported  the 
resolutions  introduced  by  Senator  Mason,  of  Virginia,  as  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  He  was  not  opposed 
to  a  war  with  England,  but  thought  it  would  be  the  most 
momentous  occurrence  that  had  happened  for  three  centuries. 
He  was  for  giving  England  a  chance  to  postpone  an  event  that 
must  change  the  whole  face  of  human  affairs.  In  .the  debate  on 
the  Naval  Appropriation  Bill,  Senator  Hammond  reiterated  his 
position  as  not  being  an  alarmist,  while  he  was  ready  to  meet  war 
when  it  came.  The  navy  was  in  a  most  ridiculous  condition; 
and  he  was  in  favor  of  ten  new  steam-sloops,  as  a  peace  measure, 
and  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce.  During  a  very  warm 
debate,  he  said,  "  I  am  not  willing  to  take  one  step  toward  a  war 
that  I  would  ever  retreat  from.  I  will  vote  for  no  gasconading 
resolutions,  and  support  no  war  speeches,  to  alarm  so  great  a 
nation  as  England,  or  to  alarm  anybody."* 

On  his  return,  he  addressed  his  constituents  at  Barnwell  Court- 
House  (October  28, 1858)  in  a  speech  which  attracted  even  more 
attention  than  his  first  speech  in  the  Senate.  More  than  twenty 
years  had  elapsed  since  he  addressed  the  fathers  of  the  men  then 
present  at  that  place.  The  gallant  spirits  who  surrounded  him 
then  had  for  the  most  part  passed  away;  but  the  theme  remained. 

*  Cong.  Globe,  1st  Sess.  35th  Cong.  vol.  3. 


316  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Twenty  years  past  his  theme  was  the  Constitution,  the  Union, 
and  the  rights  and  wrongs  of  South  Carolina  in  the  Confederacy. 
It  is  still  the  same.  In  this  speech  he  gave  his  views  in  full  on 
the  Kansas  question.  The  leading  features  of  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Bill  of  1854  were,  he  said :  "  It  enacted  that  every  Terri- 
tory, in  forming  its  Constitution  for  the  purpose  of  applying  for 
admission  into  the  Union,  should  have  the  right  to  establish  its 
own  organic  or  constitutional  laws,  and  come  in  with  its  own 
institutions,  with  the  single  condition  that  they  should  be  repub- 
lican ;"  and  "  The  other  feature  of  the  bill  was  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line."  Neither  of  these  features  had  any 
practical  importance  in  his  eyes,  but,  magnified  by  the  press  into 
a  great  Southern  victory,  "  led  the  South  into  the  delusion  that 
Kansas  might  be  made  a  slave  State,  and  induced  it  to  join  in  a 
false  and  useless  issue,  which  has  kept  the  whole  country  in  tur- 
moil for  the  last  four  years,  and  given  fresh  life  and  vigor  to  the 
Abolition  party."  He  confessed  his  opinion  that  the  South  her- 
self should  have  "  kicked  the  Lecompton  Constitution  out  of  Con- 
gress." But  the  South  thought  otherwise.  "When  the  bill  for 
its  adoption  was  framed,  with  what  is  called  the  Green  Proviso, 
I  strenuously  objected  to  it,  and  felt  very  much  disposed  to  vote 
against  the  whole,  but  again  gave  up  to  the  South,  which  accepted 
it  by  acclamation." 

In  this  speech,  Senator  Hammond,  whom  many  had  looked 
upon  as  a  Disunionist,  disavowed  being  one.  For  many  years 
he  believed  that  Southern  safety  was  only  to  be  found  in  a  disso- 
lution of  the  Union.  He  had  openly  avowed  it.  He  now  as 
openly  disavowed  it,  in  the  belief  that  the  Southern  States  could 
fully  sustain  themselves  in  the  Union  and  control  its  action 
in  all  great  affairs.  He  also  announced  that  upon  investigation 
he  had  abandoned  the  idea  of  the  reopening  of  the  slave-trade. 

Seldom  has  a  speaker  on  such  an  exciting  topic  received  such 
general  commendation.  The  conservative,  moderate  men  of  the 
South  pronounced  the  speech  fair  and  powerful,  while  it  was 
read  with  mingled  feelings  of  surprise  and  admiration  at  the 
North. 

In  a  letter  excusing  his  absence  from  the  banquet  commemo- 
rating the  seventy-seventh  anniversary  of  Webster's  birthday, 
his  allusion  to  South  Carolina  and  Massachusetts,  "the  ex- 


JAMES    II.  HAMMOND.  317 

tremes,"  was  so  pointed  that  it  cannot  be  here  omitted.     He 
writes  to  Mr.  Harvey,  of  Boston  : — 

"  You  say  that  in  the  Revolution  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina 
'stood  shoulder  to  shoulder.'  It  would  be  well  for  the  world  if  they 
stood  so  now.  And  why  do  they  not?  To  have  brought  about  their 
present  relations,  one  of  them  must  have  erred  much ;  possibly  both : 
another  age  will  decide  between  us. 

"Born  and  bred  in  South  Carolina,  of  which  State  my  mother  is  a 
native,  my  father  is  a  Massachusetts  man — a  college-friend  of  Mr.  Web- 
ster— and  descended,  I  am  proud  to  say,  from  your  earliest  Puritan  immi- 
grants. In  the  antagonistic  positions  of  these  two  small  but  noble  States 
I  have  personally  much  to  regret;  as  a  patriot,  still  more.  I  wish  the 
breach  could  be  filled  up  and  obliterated.  If  we  have  done  you  wrong, — 
if  we  have  been  the  aggressors, — I  think  I  can  assure  you  that  there  is 
not  a  man  in  South  Carolina  who  is  conscious  of  it;  not  one  who  would 
deprive  Massachusetts  of  a  single  political  right ;  not  one  who  would  in- 
terfere with  any  of  her  institutions  ;  not  one  who  would  thwart  in  the 
least  any  of  her  peculiar  and  legitimate  interests ;  and,  could  it  be  shown 
that  we  have  done  any  of  these  things,  not  one  but  would  desire  to  make 
prompt  and  ample  reparation.  If  the  same  spirit  animates  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  to  the  same  extent,  we  may  justly  hope  that — the  de- 
luding falsehoods  of  political  aspirants  trampled  under  foot — our  two 
States  may  yet  stand  '  shoulder  to  shoulder,'  the  pillars  of  a  constitutional 
Republic,  wisely  and  justly  administered  for  the  protection  and  advance- 
ment of  all,  without  special  privileges  or  endowments  to  any  section, 
class,  or  individual,  but  insuring  to  all  and  each  the  full  development  of 
themselves." 

Senator  Hammond  is,  in  the  words  of  Mitchel,  "a  gentleman 
of  enlarged  views  and  great  information ;  a  good  example  of  the 
Southern  planter  of  the  more  refined  sort ;  with  an  educated 
taste  for  art,  literature,  and  all  the  embellishments  of  life  $  author, 
too,  of  one  of  the  ablest,  warmest,  and  most  convincing  vindications 
of  Southern  slavery  that  have  ever  been  produced."* 

*  "  The  Southern  Citizen/'  March,  1859. 


27* 


318  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


SAM  HOUSTON, 

OF  TEXAS. 

ONE  of  the  most  remarkable  men  in  the  United  States  Senate 
was  General  Sam  Houston,  of  Texas, — one  from  whose  history 
the  pioneers  of  empire  will  take  hope  and  encouragement,  and 
upon  which  the  student  will  dwell  with  admiration. 

Descended  on  both  sides  from  ancestors  who  left  Ireland  after 
participating  in  the  siege  of  Derry,  Sam  Houston  was  born  at 
a  place  called  Timber  Ridge  Church,  in  Rockbridge  County, 
Virginia,  on  the  2d  of  March,  1793, — a  date  significantly 
famous  afterward  in  connection  with  the  declaration  of  Texan 
Independence.  His  father — a  man  of  gallant  bearing,  great 
courage,  and  moderate  fortune — had  a  passion  for  military  life, 
served  in  the  Revolution,  was  successively  inspector  of  Gene- 
ral Bowyer's  and  General  Moore's  brigades,  and  died  in  the 
latter  capacity  while  on  a  tour  of  inspection  in  the  Alleghany 
Mountains  in  1807.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  young  Sam, 
with  eight  other  children,  was  left  to  the  charge  of  his  mother, 
— a  noble  woman,  of  dignified  character  and  great  moral  and  in- 
tellectual force.  The  subject  of  our  sketch  went  to  school  when 
he  could  be  spared  from  work,  and  at  his  father's  death  the 
amount  of  his  attendance  is  estimated  altogether  at  about  six 
months.  The  orphaned  family,  with  the  mother  at  their  head, 
crossed  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  and  stopped  not  until  within 
eight  miles  of  the  Tennessee  River,  then  the  boundary  between 
white  men  and  the  Cherokee  Indians.  All  hands  had  now  to 
work,  and  Sam's  not  less  arduously  than  those  of  his  brothers. 
He  seems  to  have  gone  through  his  share  doggedly  enough  j 
but,  getting  possessed  of  a  few  books  somehow,  his  imagination 
awoke  and  life  expanded  before  him  in  new  and  rapturous  phases. 
The  heroes  of  Greek  and  Latin  story  conjured  the  youth  into 
admiration  and  a  passionate  desire  to  know  more  of  his  new 


SAM    HOUSTON.  319 

acquaintances.  He  wished  to  learn  Greek  and  Latin,  and,  on 
being  refused  permission,  he  declared  his  positive  intention  of 
never  reciting  another  lesson.  He  had,  however,  received  that 
spark  which  waits  but  the  slightest  breath  to  enkindle  the  true 
fires  of  thought. 

Against  his  will,  the  youth  was  placed  behind  the  counter 
of  a  store,  but  soon  escaped  therefrom.  After  several  weeks' 
search,  he  was  found  among  the  Cherokee  Indians,  and,  being 
questioned,  drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height  and  said  "he 
preferred  measuring  deer-tracks  to  tape,  liked  the  wild  liberty 
of  the  red  men  better  than  the  tyranny  of  his  own  brothers, 
and,  if  he  could  not  study  Latin  in  the  academy,  he  could 
at  least  read  a  translation  from  the  Greek  in  the  woods,  and 
read  it  in  peace  j  so  they  could  go  home  as  soon  as  they 
liked."  When  his  clothes  were  worn  out,  he  returned  for  a 
refit,  but,  on  the  first  act  of  tyranny  on  the  part  of  his  brothers, 
he  was  off  to  the  woods  again,  "  where  he  passed  entire  months 
with  his  Indian  mates,  chasing  the  deer  and  engaging  in  all  the 
gay  sports  of  the  happy  Indian  boys,  and  wandering  along  the 
banks  of  the  streams  by  the  side  of  some  Indian  maiden,  shel- 
tered by  the  deep  woods,  conversing  in  that  universal  language 
which  finds  its  sure  way  to  the  heart."  The  inception  of  the 
ideas  which  led  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  to  lose  his  life  in  a  revo- 
lutionary cause  is  traced  to  his  residence  with  Joseph  Brant  and 
the  Indians.  In  like  manner,  the  experiences  of  Houston  at  this 
period  of  his  life  are  regarded  as  having  largely  fitted  him  for 
the  path  he  was  to  pursue. 

Houston  followed  this  wild  and  romantic  life,  paying  one  or  two 
visits  annually  to  his  family,  until  his  eighteenth  year.  On  these 
visits  he  purchased  many  little  things  to  present  to  his  forest 
friends,  and  thus  incurred  a  debt,  to  defray  which  he  took  it  into 
his  head  to  be  a  schoolmaster.  It  may  readily  be  imagined  he 
found  it  difficult  to  get  pupils,  but,  not  being  of  the  kind  that 
yield  easily,  he  succeeded,  and  received  what  was  then  an  enor- 
mous remuneration, — namely,  eight  dollars  per  annum,  "one- 
third  to  be  paid  in  corn  delivered  at  the  mill  at  thirty-three 
and  a  third  cents  per  bushel,  one-third  in  cash,  and  one-third  in 
domestic  cotton  cloth  of  variegated  colors,"  in  which  our  Indian 
professor  was  dressed.  He  discharged  his  debts,  and,  after  a  vain 


320  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

attempt  to  master  Euclid,  enlisted,  in  1813,  as  a  private  in  the 
United  States  army  when  the  country  was  excited  with  the  second 
war  with  England.  His  "  friends"  were  outraged  at  his  becom- 
ing "  a  common  soldier/'  to  which  he  indignantly  replied,  "  What 
have  your  craven  souls  to  say  about  the  ranks  ?  Go  to  with  your 
stuff!  I  would  much  sooner  honor  the  ranks  than  disgrace  an 
appointment.  You  don't  know  me  now,  but  you  shall  hear  of 
me."  He  had  his  father's  memories  and  his  mother's  blessing 
with  him.  Handing  him  a  musket,  she  heroically  said,  "  There, 
my  son,  take  this  musket,  and  never  disgrace  it;  for,  remember, 
1  had  rather  all  my  sons  should  fill  one  honorable  grave  than 
that  one  of  them  should  turn  his  back  to  save  his  life.  Go;  and 
remember,  too,  that,  while  the  door  of  my  cottage  is  open  to 
brave  men,  it  is  eternally  shut  against  cowards." 

Houston  was  soon  promoted  to  the  rank  of  sergeant,  and  after- 
ward to  that  of  ensign,  in  which  capacity  he  distinguished  him- 
self at  the  battle  of  the  Horse-Shoe,  March  27,  1814,  under 
Jackson.  "While  leading  his  men  over  the  breastworks,  a  barbed 
arrow  struck  deep  into  his  thigh.  Having  the  wound  staunched, 
he  returned  to  the  fight,  and  received  two  rifle-balls  in  the  right 
shoulder.  His  life  was  despaired  of,  and  for  months  he  wavered 
between  recovery  and  death. 

After  the  peace  he  was  retained  as  lieutenant,  and  attached  to 
the  First  Regiment,  then  stationed  at  New  Orleans.  In  the  fall 
of  1815  he  embarked  on  the  Cumberland  in  a  small  skiff  with 
two  young  men,  one  of  whom,  then  a  beardless  youth,  afterward 
became  distinguished  as  Governor  White,  of  Louisiana.  Pass- 
ing down  the  Cumberland,  they  entered  the  Ohio,  and  at  last 
found  their  way  to  the  Mississippi  and  floated  through  that  vast 
solitude  which  was  then  unbroken  by  the  noise  of  civilized  life. 
With  a  few  books, — his  mother's  Bible,  his  old  Pope's  Iliad, 
Shakspeare,  Robinson  Crusoe,  the  Vicar  of  WTakefield,  and  others, 
— the  young  soldier  and  his  comrades  passed  leisurely  along. 
After  many  days  their  skiff  turned  a  bend  of  the  Mississippi 
above  Natchez,  and  far  down  the  river  they  saw  a  vessel  coming 
up  the  stream  without  sails  and  sending  up  a  heavy  column  of 
smoke.  Instead  of  its  being  a  vessel  on  fire,  as  they  had  at  first 
supposed,  it  proved  to  be  the  first  steamboat  that  ever  went  up 


SAM   HOUSTON.  321 

the  Mississippi.*  At  Natchez  they  exchanged  their  skiff  for  the 
steamboat,  and  in  eight  days  they  reached  New  Orleans,  where 
Houston  reported.  After  suffering  severely  from  his  wounds, 
and  being  detailed  on  extra  duty  as  sub-Indian  agent  by  General 
Jackson,  who  reposed  the  highest  confidence  in  his  utility  and 
services,  he  conducted  a  delegation  of  Indians  to  Washington, 
and  while  there  found  that  attempts  had  been  made  to  injure 
him  with  the  Government  for  having  prevented  African  negroes 
from  being  smuggled  into  the  Western  States  from  Florida,  then 
a  Spanish  province.  He  vindicated  himself  before  the  President 
and  the  Department,  and  it  was  Jackson's  opinion  that  his  mag- 
nanimity should  have  met  with  more  cordial  recognition.  Hous- 
ton considered  himself  aggrieved,  resigned  his  lieutenancy,  and, 
returning  with  the  delegation  to  Hi-Wasse,  resigned  also  his 
sub-agency,  and  went  to  Nashville  to  study  law. 

He  commenced  his  studies  in  the  office  of  the  Hon.  James 
Trimble,  June,  1818,  and,  after  a  determined  application  for  six 
months,  was  admitted  with  eclat.  Purchasing  a  small  library  on 
credit,  he  established  himself  at  Lebanon.  His  military  services 
led  to  his  appointment  as  Adjutant-General  of  the  State,  with  the 
rank  of  colonel ;  but  so  assiduous  was  he  in  his  law-studies  that 
in  October  of  the  same  year  he  was  elected  District  Attorney  of 
the  Davidson  district,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Nashville, 
where  he  came  in  contact  with  the  ablest  men  of  the  Western 
bar.  The  fees  of  the  office  did  not  correspond  with  its  duties } 
so  Houston  resigned  in  a  year  and  resumed  regular  practice,  in 
which  he  soon  rose  to  distinction. 

In  1821,  Colonel  Houston  was  elected  Major-General,  and  in 
1823,  so  popular  had  his  talents  become,  he  was  sent  to  Congress 
without  opposition.  At  the  expiration  of  his  term  he  was  re- 
elected,  and  won  such  confidence  by  his  acts  in  the  National 
Legislature,  that  he  was  in  1827  elected  Governor  of  Tennessee 
by  a  majority  of  over  twelve  thousand.  Thus  has  the  refrac- 
tory tape-seller,  the  forest-dreamer  of  the  Iliad,  the  wild  hunter 
of  the  woods,  the  comrade  of  the  red  man,  risen  to  the  proud 
position  of  chosen  chief  of  a  republican  State.  But  an  unfor- 


*  Seo  "  An  Authentic  Life  of  General  Houston,"  published  New  York,  1855, 
p.  39. 

V 


322  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

tunate  event  burst  like  a  whirlwind  upon  his  brilliant  prospects. 
A  domestic  affliction  led  him,  in  1829,  to  resign  his  office,  and 
he  turned  his  back  upon  "  the  palefaces,"  and  once  more  sought 
comfort  among  the  Indians.  He  landed  at  the  mouth  of  White 
River,  ascended  the  Arkansas  to  Little  Rock,  and  pursued  his 
way,  by  land  and  water,  to  the  Falls  of  the  Arkansas,  four  hun- 
d,red  miles  to  the  northwest.  He  was  touchingly  welcomed  by 
his  adopted  father,  the  old  chief  Oolooteka,  who  said  the  cloud 
which  had  fallen  on  Houston  was  a  visitation  of  the  Great  Spirit, 
so  that  the  red  men  might  have  the  benefit  of  his  counsel.  "  I 
know/'  he  said,  "  you  will  be  our  friend,  for  our  hearts  are  near 
to  you,  and  you  will  tell  our  sorrows  to  the  great  father,  General 
Jackson.  My  wigwam  is  yours ;  my  home  is  yours ;  my  people 
are  yours  :  rest  with  us." 

For  three  years  the  exile  dwelt  with  the  Cherokees.  He 
studied  the  red  man  and  his  wrongs,  and  is  proud  to  declare 
that,  during  an  intimacy  of  years,  he  never  was  deceived  or 
betrayed  by  a  son  of  the  forest.  Though  always  invited  to  min- 
gle in  their  councils,  he  never  participated  in  their  deliberations ; 
but  he  shared  the  confidence  of  the  chief,  and  determined  to  de- 
vote himself  to  the  interests  of  his  friends.  Feeling  that  he  had 
the  respect  and  affection  of  Jackson,  who  was  then  President,  he 
resolved  to  scrutinize  the  doings  of  the  Indian  agents  and  report 
his  observations.  Alluding  to  the  result  in  a  speech  in  after- 
times,  he  said  there  was  not  a  tribe  which  had  not  been  outraged 
and  defrauded;  and  nearly  all  the  wars  we  have  prosecuted 
against  the  Indians  have  grown  out  of  the  cruel  injustice  prac- 
tised toward  them  by  our  Indian  agents  and  their  accomplices. 
In  1832  he  visited  Washington  and  caused  an  investigation  to  be 
held,  the  result  of  which  was  the  dismissal  of  five  agents  and 
sub-agents. 

This  involved  him  in  a  series  of  difficulties  at  Washington, 
which  lasted  nearly  a  year.  Combinations  were  formed  against 
him  by  the  influence  of  the  dismissed  agents ;  the  Congressional 
majority  hostile  to  Jackson  readily  undertook  to  attempt  the  dis- 
grace of  his  friend  \  personal  violence  was  resorted  to,  to  inti- 
midate or  get  rid  of  Houston ;  and  charges  of  extortion  were 
made  against  him.  Seldom,  says  one  of  his  biographers,  after 
giving  a  detailed  outline  of  these  difficulties, — seldom,  if  ever, 


SAM   HOUSTON.  323 

in  the  history  of  this  country  has  so  malignant  a  persecution 
been  waged  against  a  public  man.  Seldom  in  the  history  of  the 
world  has  a  man  been  able  to  withstand  so  mighty  a  conspiracy. 
.But  Houston  came  off  triumphant.  During  this  entire  period  of 
attack  and  abuse,  he  had  displayed  no  cowardice  nor  shunned  the 
most  searching  scrutiny.  He  had  bared  his  breast  to  his  foes  and 
invited  their  weapons.  And  now,  when  they  had  given  over  the 
contest  and  retired  from  it  loaded  with  mortification  and  con- 
tempt, this  hunted  and  persecuted  man  deliberately  abandoned 
once  more  the  haunts  of  civilization,  and  went  voluntarily  where 
his  foes  never  could  have  driven  him, — back  to  his  exile.  He 
returned  through  Tennessee,  and  everywhere  met  with  evidences 
of  deep  regard.  Recent  persecution  won  for  him  a  deeper  sym- 
pathy, and  the  universal  desire  was  that  he  should  remain  in  the 
State.  His  purpose  was  fixed.  Posts  of  honor  and  emolument 
offered  by  Jackson  were  rejected,  and  he  sought  shelter  and 
succor  by  the  hearthstone  of  a  savage  king,  in  bitter  satire  on 
the  persecutions  of  civilized  life. 

While  on  a  private  mission  to  the  Comanches  at  San  Antonio 
de  Bexar,  Houston  was  earnestly  pressed,  at  Nacogdoches,  to 
allow  his  name  to  be  put  forward  as  a  candidate  to  a  conven- 
tion to  be  held  in  the  following  April.  He  was  unanimously 
elected,  and  took  up  his  residence  with  his  new  constituents. 
The  convention  was  composed  of  more  than  fifty  members,  as- 
sembled at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  met  in  a  rude,  narrow  apirt- 
ment  on  the  1st  of  April,  1833,  and  was  the  first  deliberative 
assembly  "made  up  of  men  descended  from  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  which  had  ever  assembled  within  the  limits  of  the  ancient 
dominions  of  Cortez."  In  thirteen  days  a  State  Constitution  was 
completed,  and  a  memorial  addressed  to  the  Supreme  Government 
of  Mexico,  setting  forth  the  reasons  why  Texas  should  be  recog- 
nised as  one  of  the  States  of  the  Mexican  Confederacy,  was  pre- 
pared. It  was  at  this  convention  that  Houston  displayed  that  wise 
policy  which  has  linked  his  name  forever  with  Texas  \  and  those 
who  were  present  attribute  to  his  influence  there  the  tone  of 
feeling  which  followed. 

Matters  quickly  ripened.  Austin,  who  carried  the  memorial 
to  the  city  of  Mexico,  after  having  been  immured  in  a  dungeon 
for  several  months  without  even  the  form  of  a  trial,  was  libe- 


324  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

rated  by  Santa  Anna.  On  Austin's  return  to  Texas,  he  found 
the  public  feeling  excited.  An  edict  of  Santa  Anna  demanding 
the  surrender  of  arms,  which  would  have  left  the  Texans  defence- 
less against  the  Indians,  fanned  the  slumbering  fire  into  a  flame. 
The  seizure  of  a  four-pounder  at  Gonzales  brought  the  people 
together ;  Austin  arrived,  was  elected  general  of  the  forces,  and, 
rescuing  the  field-piece,  pursued  the  Mexicans  to  Bexar.  A 
general  alarm  extended  along  the  Sabine :  the  tocsin  had  been 
Bounded,  and  Texas  stood  up  as  one  man.  This  was  in  Octo- 
ber, 1835. 

Committees  of  vigilance  and  safety  and  partial  organizations  of 
militia  sprung  rapidly  into  being,  and  Houston  was  elected  gene- 
ral of  Texas  east  of  the  Trinity.  Austin  proposed  to  give  him 
supreme  command,  but  Houston  declined,  showing  that  the 
troops  then  in  the  field  were  either  those  who  elected  Austin  or 
mustered  in  obedience  to  his  requisition.  A  general  consultation 
was  held,  a  council  of  war  followed,  and  a  provisional  Govern- 
ment and  a  Declaration  was  the  result, — in  all  of  which  Houston 
had  important  influence.  He  still  wore  his  buckskin  and  blanket 
in  the  Indian  fashion ;  apropos  of  which  Jackson  is  reported  to 
have  said  at  the  time  that  "  he  thanked  God  there  was  one  man, 
at  least,  in  Texas  who  was  made  by  the  Almighty,  and  not  by  a 
tailor !"  A  Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Council  were 
created ;  and,  measures  having  been  set  on  foot  to  raise  a  regular 
army  and  organize  the  militia,  the  stalwart  man  in  the  blanket, 
the  adopted  Indian,  was  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies 
of  Texas. 

On  March  2,  1836, — the  anniversary  of  the  general's  birth- 
day,— the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  proclaimed,  and 
Houston  was  returned  by  the  votes  of  the  new  convention  as  chief 
of  the  army.  It  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  work  to  detail  the 
romantic  and  startling  incidents  of  the  Texan  War  of  Independ- 
ence,— to  picture  the  horrors  of  the  massacres  at  Groliad  and  the 
Alamo,  or  the  wondrous  power  of  Houston,  in  convention  and 
camp,  in  keeping  the  men  together  under  difficulties  the  most 
disheartening,  and  inspiring  them  in  the  face  of  the  discontent 
of  some  of  his  leaders,  the  disobedience  of  others,  the  want  of 
courage  of  some,  and  the  want  of  faith  of  many.  With  strag- 
gling forces,  subject  here  and  there  to  the  personal  ambition  of 


SAM   HOUSTON.  325 

self-willed  men,  half  clad,  half  armed,  with  few  resources  and 
crowding  difficulties,  and  the  disparity  of  overwhelming  numbers 
in  the  Mexican  ranks,  the  heroic  fortitude  of  Houston  seems 
more  a  matter  of  poetic  fancy  than  of  historic  fact.  From  his 
assumption  of  the  chief  command  to  that  immortal  day  at  San 
Jacinto, — when  the  Texans,  after  firing,  broke  in  a  headlong 
charge,  like  the  Irish  Brigade  at  Fontenoy,  upon  the  enemy's 
rank,  "  with  empty  guns  clutched  in  their  hands''  like  war-clubs, 
and  finished  them  with  their  pistols  and  bowie-knives, — the 
.struggle  was  of  a  most  trying  and,  at  times,  dismal  character. 
In  one  of  his  despatches  to  Rusk,  General  Houston  says,  "I 
will  do  the  best  I  can;  but,  be  assured,  the  fame  of  Jackson 
could  never  compensate  me  for  my  anxiety  and  mental  pain." 
Owing  to  Houston's  magnanimity,  the  life  of  his  prisoner,  Santa 
Anna,  was  spared.  For  this  he  was  lustily  decried;  but  General 
Jackson  declared  that  he  deserved  as  much  honor  for  his  treat- 
ment of  Santa  Anna  after  the  victory  as  for  the  victory  itself. 
"  Let  those  who  clamor  for  blood,"  said  Jackson,  "  clamor  on. 
The  world  will  take  care  of  Houston's  fame." 

Houston  was  elected  President ;  Senators  and  Representatives 
were  elected  at  the  same  time ;  and  on  the  3d  of  October)  1^36, 
the  delegates  assembled  at  Columbia  and  the  first  Congress  of 
the  Republic  of  Texas  was  organized.  On  the  22d,  the  inaugu- 
ration took  place,  and  President  Houston  delivered  an  address 
outlining  his  future  policy.  The  conclusion — when  he  delivered 
up  his  sword — was  very  touching. 

"  It  now,  sir,"  said  he,  "  becomes  my  duty  to  make  a  presen- 
tation of  this  sword, — this  emblem  of  my  past  office."  The 
President  was  unable  to  proceed ;  but  having  firmly  clenched 
it  with  both  hands,  as  if  with  a  farewell  grasp,  a  tide  of  varied 
associations  rushed  upon  him  in  the  moment,  his  countenance 
bespoke  the  workings  of  the  strongest  emotions,  his  soul  seemed 
to  dwell  momentarily  on  the  glistening  blade,  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  audience  gave  outward  proof  of  their  sympathy. 
It  was  a  moment  of  deep  and  painful  interest.  After  this  pause, 
more  eloquently  impressive  than  the  deepest  pathos  conveyed 
in  language,  the  President  proceeded  : — "  I  have  worn  it  with 
some  humble  pretensions  in  defence  of  my  country ;  and,  should 
the  danger  of  niy  country  again  call  for  my  services,  I  expect  to 

28 


326  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

resume  it,  and  respond  to  that  call,  if  needful,  with  my  blood  and 
my  life."  His  Presidential  term  closed  on  the  12th  of  December, 
1838,  and,  according  to  the  Constitution,  he  could  not  be  re-elected 
for  the  succeeding  term.  Lainar  was  made  President,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Houston  on  the  13th  of  December,  1841,  the  ex-Presi- 
dent having  in  the  mean  time  represented  his  district  in  the  Texan 
Congress. 

President  Houston,  from  the  first,  was  the  able  advocate  of 
annexation  with  the  United  States,  and  exerted  his  influence 
on  the  most  appropriate  occasions.  In  one  of  his  last  communi- 
cations on  the  subject,  he  urged  annexation  as  necessary  to  the 
perpetuation  of  the  United  States.  "  If  this  great  measure  fails, 
the  Union  will  be  endangered,  its  revenues  diminished,  and  a 
European  influence  will  grow  up  in  Texas,  from  our  necessities 
and  interests,  that  will  most  effectually  prejudice  the  interests  of 
the  United  States." 

On  the  admission  of  Texas,  (December  29,  1845,)  its  ex- 
President,  Houston,  and  General  Rusk  were  chosen  to  represent 
the  State  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

Senator  Houston  advocated  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850, 
and  was  opposed  to  the  Nebraska  Bill  and  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  Within  his  recollection,  Alabama,  Mis- 
souri, Florida,  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  Wisconsin,  and  Iowa  had 
been  organized  without  the  principle  deemed  essential  in  the  Ne- 
braska Bill.  To  use  his  own  words,  he  bowed  with  deference  to 
sovereignty,  but  did  not  apply  the  principle  to  the  Territories  in 
their  unorganized  condition.  He  did  not  and  would  not  reflect 
on  those  who  introduced  or  supported  the  bill,  but  he  deprecated 
the  consequences  which  would  flow  from  it.  "  Maintain  the 
Missouri  Compromise,"  he  cried ;  "  stir  not  up  agitation ;  give 
us  peace."  On  the  3d  of  March,  1854,  he  defended  the  three 
thousand  Massachusetts  clergymen  who  petitioned  Congress 
against  the  Nebraska  Bill,  and  called  their  memorial  "  a  respect- 
ful protest  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty  Grod."  As  a  Senator 
he  has  been  the  steady  friend  and  defender  of  the  Indians,  and 
the  persistent  advocate  of  fair  dealings  with  them. 

In  reply  to  a  question  by  Senator  Mallory, — "  Whether  he 
(Houston)  approves  or  does  not  approve  of  so  much  of  the  creed 
attributed  to  the  Know-Nothings  as  would  make  those  who  pro- 


SAM   HOUSTON.  327 

fess  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  ineligible  to  office  ?" — Senator 
Houston  replied,  he  would  not  vote  for  such  a  law,  and  could  not 
approve  it.  The  proscription  charged  upon  the  "  Know-Nothings" 
was  nothing  more,  he  said,  than  what  formerly  existed  between 
Whigs  and  Democrats.  He  desired  that  every  foreigner  coming 
to  live  here  should  be  endorsed  by  one  of  our  consuls  abroad, 
and  he  was  opposed  to  infamous  characters  and  paupers  coming 
among  us. 

In  1854,  General  Houston  was  recommended  as  the  people's 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  The  General 
Committee  of  the  Democracy  of  New  Hampshire  nominated  him ; 
and  his  claims  were  advocated  in  an  able  address  to  the  Union  from 
that  body,  said  to  be  written  by  Edmund  Burke,  of  the  Granite 
State.  In  1856,  he  supported  Fillmore  and  Donelson,  the  nomi- 
nees of  the  "  American"  party  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  Senator  Houston  created  a  wide 
sensation  by  his  proposition  (February  16,  1858)  for  a  United 
States  protectorate  over  the  States  of  Mexico,  Nicaragua,  Costa 
Rica,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  and  San  Salvador,  in  such  form  and 
to  such  an  extent  as  shall  be  necessary  to  secure  to  the  people  of 
said  States  the  blessings  of  stable  republican  government.  He 
held  that  recent  events  showed  the  inability  of  those  States  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  and  our  Government,  as  the  great  Power  of 
North  America,  should  extend  a  helping  hand  to  its  feeble  neigh- 
bors. The  project  was,  however,  deferred.  Senator  Houston  advo- 
cated the  Southern  route  for  the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  took  occa- 
sion to  speak  of  the  South  as  not  favoring  secession  or  disunion, 
and  in  condemnation  of  the  slave-trade.  He  did  not  like  the  term 
"  Southern  Rights;"  for  the  South  had  no  rights  which  were  not 
equally  possessed  by  the  North.  Senator  Iverson,  of  Georgia, 
made  some  remarks  in  response,  denying  the  right  of  Houston  to 
speak  on  behalf  of  the  South,  as  Texas  had  repudiated  him  for 
favoring  union  when  union  could  only  be  maintained  at  the 
sacrifice  of  the  South.  The  next  day  Houston  replied,  and, 
admitting  that  Texas  had  chosen  to  dispense  with  his  services, 
said  he  was  glad  they  were  able  to  get  along  without  him,  for  it 
demonstrated  the  increasing  prosperity  of  the  State.  He  re- 
viewed the  "  gaseous  gentlemen  and  street-corner  politicians" 
who  still  talked  of  secession  when  there  was  no  sentiment  to 


328  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

back  them  up,  and  concluded  by  alluding  to  Iverson's  attack. 
It  reminded  him,  he  said,  of  the  old  fable  of  the  dead  lion,  who 
being  espie.d  by  a  certain  animal,  the  latter  took  advantage  of  his 
defenceless  position  to  plant  his  heels  in  the  lion's  face.  He 
would  not  name  the  animal,  but  it  was  the  same  from  which 
Samson  took  the  jawbone.  Houston  sat  down  amid  great  laugh- 
ter, both  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  in  the  galleries ;  and  the 
Senator  from  Georgia  promptly  and  gracefully  apologized  for 
having,  in  the  heat  of  debate,  wounded  the  sensibilities  of  Gene- 
ral Houston,  for  whom  he  cherished  a  high  regard. 

Returning  to  Texas,  Houston  entered  into  the  Gubernatorial 
campaign ;  and  defined  his  position  in  a  lengthy  speech  at 
Nacogdoches,  which  attracted  general  attention.  He  claimed 
to  be  a  Democrat  of  the  old  school,  and  would  not  be  shackled 
by  conventions.  He  was  older  than  platforms,  and  was  a  states- 
man before  the  days  of  conventions.  Jefferson  was  not  nomi- 
nated by  a  convention.  General  Jackson  refused  to  go  before  a 
convention.  The  people  of  Texas  would  not  be  dictated  to  by  a 
convention  calling  itself  Democratic,  and  they  had  called  upon 
him  to  stand  against  the  nomination  of  the  convention  which 
assembled  at  Houston.  The  sentiment  of  that  convention  was 
in  favor  of  the  reopening  of  the  slave-trade.  The  result  of  re- 
opening the  trade  would  be  a  reduction  in  the  price  of  cotton  by 
over-production.  Freights  would  rise,  and  the  ship-owners  of 
the  North  would  make  the  profits.  Two  years  ago  the  people  of 
Texas  abused  him  for  his  vote  against  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill ; 
but  he  still  maintained  the  correctness  of  that  vote.  In  1856,  he 
voted  against  President  Buchanan,  because  he  did  not  approve  of 
the  Cincinnati  platform ;  but  he  had  since  supported  him,  and 
should  continue  to  do  so,  regarding  him  as  an  honest  man  and  a 
patriot. 

He  was  triumphantly  elected,  showing  that  the  Texans  still 
cling  to  their  old  leader  and  liberator.  "  Houston/'  said  Ben- 
ton,  in  1836,  "  is  the  pupil  of  Jackson ;  and  he  is  the  first  self- 
made  general  since  the  time  of  Mark  Antony  and  the  King 
Antigonus  who  has  taken  the  general  of  the  army  and  the  head 
of  the  Government  captive  in  battle.  Different  from  Antony,  he 
has  spared  the  life  of  his  captive,  though  forfeited  by  every  law; 
human  and  divine." 


B.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  329 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER, 

OF  VIRGINIA. 

THIS  eminent  statesman  was  born  in  the  county  of  Essex, 
Virginia,  on  the  21st  of  April,  1809.  He  was  educated  at  the 
University  of  his  native  State,  and  graduated  with  distinction. 
He  afterward  studied  law  with  Judge  Henry  St.  George  Tucker, 
at  Winchester,  and  joined  the  bar  of  his  native  county  in  the 
year  1830,  where  he  continued  in  successful  practice  for  several 
years. 

Mr.  Hunter's  first  vote  in  a  Presidential  election  was  cast  for 
Andrew  Jackson,  in  1832 ;  but  he  was  opposed  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Proclamation  and  Force  Bill,  and  on  this  issue  was 
elected  to  the  Lower  House  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1834, 
on  the  very  day  on  which  he  became  eligible.  In  this  body, 
composed  of  some  of  the  first  men  of  the  State,  he  soon  attained 
a  high  position,  and  enjoyed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  confidence 
and  respect,  not  only  of  his  associates,  but  of  the  public  at  large. 
At  that  early  day,  his  speeches  upon  the  great  questions  of  State 
policy  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  Legislature,  and  espe- 
cially those  relating  to  finance  and  banking,  exhibited  strong  indi- 
cations of  that  extended  historical  research  and  profound  political 
philosophy  which  have  so*  pre-eminently  distinguished  his  later 
efforts  upon  the  broader  theatre  of  the  National  Councils.  He 
remained  in  the  Legislature  three  years j  during  which  period, 
while  he  opposed  the  Proclamations  and  the  Expunging  Resolu- 
.tions,  he  supported  the  veto  of  the  United  States  Bank,  and  was 
against  Distribution  and  for  Free-Trade. 

In  1836  he  voted  for  Judge  White  for  the  Presidency,  and  in 
the  following  year  was  elected  to  the  National  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives by  the  States-Rights  Whigs. 

When  Mr.  Hunter  entered  Congress,  all  the  great  interests  of 
the  country  were  suffering  under  the  blighting  influence  of  pecu- 

28* 


330  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEX. 

niary  pressure,  resulting  from  a  derangement  of  the  currency 
consequent  upon  an  undue  expansion  of  the  credit  system. 
Distress  and  ruin  pervaded  every  class  of  society  and  paralyzed 
every  department  of  industrial  pursuit.  The  great  question 
which  agitated  the  public  mind,  and  engaged  the  earnest  atten- 
tion of  patriots,  was,  what  measures,  within  the  constitutional 
powers  of  Congress,  were  best  calculated  to  afford  relief  and 
guard  most  effectively  against  a  recurrence  of  the  evil. 

In  considering  this  question,  Mr.  Hunter  deemed  it  best  first 
to  examine  into  the  causes  which  had  produced  the  evil,  when 
he  would  be  better  prepared  to  apply  the  remedy.  In  a  speech 
delivered  by  him  on  the  10th  of  October,  1837,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  on  the  bill  "  imposing  additional  duties,  as  depo- 
sitaries in  certain  cases,  on  public  officers,"  he  traces  those  causes 
in  a  masterly  manner.  I  present  a  couple  of  brief  extracts,  because 
the  one  is  referred  to  by  his  friends  as  indicating  the  elevated  tone 
of  patriotic  feeling  which  has  so  strongly  marked  his  entire  pub- 
lic life,  lifting  him  above  mere  party  considerations  upon  all  ques- 
tions involving  the  vital  interests  of  the  country;  and  because  the 
other  presents  the  true  causes  of  the  then  existing  distress. 

"I  feel,  sir,"  he  said,  "a  most  painful  sense  of  the  responsibility  of 
my  position.  On  the  one  hand,  I  know  that  he  cannot  be  justified  on  the 
plea  of  ignorance  who  lightly  tampers  with  the  important  interests  now 
concerned  in  our  action ;  and,  on  the  other,  if  personal  or  party  consi- 
derations were  to  deter  me  from  doing  whatever  may  be  done  for  the 
relief  of  the  country,  I  feel  that  my  name  would  deserve  to  be  pursued 
through  all  posterity  with  execrations.  I  might,  perhaps,  escape  respon- 
sibility by  .declaring  that,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  in  producing  the 
present  distress,  so  I  was  bound  to  do  nothing  toward  restoring  things 
to  a  sounder  condition.  Sir,  I  scorn  the' excuse.  I  think  I  see  some- 
thing which  may  be  done  for  the  good  of  the  country,  and  I  am  willing 
to  share  the  responsibility  with  those  who  will  attempt  it.  In  taking 
my  course  I  form  no  new  connections,  I  make  no  alliances:  I  act  as  I 
was  sent  here  to  act.  I  legislate  not  for  party,  but  for  the  good  of  our 
common  country.  I  tread  all  personal  and  party  considerations  into  the 
dust,  when  they  present  themselves  in  competition  with  the  most  im- 
portant interests  of  the  people." 

After  showing  that  the  Government  had  no  constitutional 
power  to  extend  immediate  relief,  and  that  a  resort  to  the  expe- 
dient of  a  United  States  Bank  would  only  aggravate  the  evil, 
he  says,  "But  I  pass  from  the  consideration  of  the  means  of 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  331 

immediate  relief,  real  or  imaginary,  which  are  not  within  our 
reach,  to  those  which  may  be.  And  here  I  beg  leave  to  pause 
upon  our  fiscal  policy,  and  its  incidental  effects  upon  currency 
and  trade.  If  it  has  introduced  causes  which  disturb  the  natural 
level  of  circulating  capital,  and  furnished  a  false  excitement  to 
currency  and  credit,  that  policy  ought  to  be  changed.  Public 
convenience  may  require  that  the  change  should  be  gradual,  but 
important  interests  demand  that  it  shall  be  ultimately  made." 
After  much  consideration,  he  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the 
commercial  distresses  had  been  mainly  produced  by  the  American 
banking-system, — a  system  which  precipitated  its  own  downfall ; 
and  this  catastrophe,  he  believed,  was  hastened  by  the  connection 
between  the  system  and  the  Government.  He  demonstrated  these 
propositions  by  a  vigor  of  argument  and  force  of  illustration  which 
placed  him  at  once  in  the  front  rank  of  parliamentary  debaters. 

On  the  8th  of  January,  1839,  Mr.  Hunter  introduced  a  series 
of  resolutions  having  for  their  object  the  extension  of  some  relief 
to  the  country  at  large,  and  on  the  6th  of  February  following,  as 
chairman  of  the  select  committee  to  which  said  resolutions  were 
referred,  presented  an  able  report,  accompanied  by  a  bill  (No. 
1133)  to  carry  out  the  purposes  indicated,  to  wit:  First,  to  leave 
the  public  money  in  the  hands  of  the  public  debtor  until  actually 
wanted  by  the  Government,  and  thus  give  that  portion  of  the 
capital  of  the  country  to  the  uses  of  trade,  and  at  the  same  time 
secure  interest  to  the  public  as  the  consideration  of  its  use. 

Secondly,  to  set  off  periodically  the  liabilities  to  and  from  the 
Government,  by  fixing  certain  days,  at  intervals  of  three  months, 
for  receipts  and  disbursements,  so  as  to  concentrate  as  many 
demands  to  and  from  the  United  States  as  might  be  practicable 
at  the  same  time  and  place. 

Thirdly,  to  diminish  the  risk  of  peculation  and  default  on  the 
part  of  public  officers :  first,  by  this  exchange  of  credit,  which, 
so  far  as  it  could  be  effected,  would  accomplish  at  the  same 
time  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the  revenue  without 
affording  a  temptation  to  theft;  and,  next,  by  providing  for  cash 
transactions,  so  that  the  money  which  passed  through  the  hands 
of  the  public  officers  should  be  limited  in  quantity  to  the  actual 
demands  to  be  made  upon  them  within  a  period  of  twenty  days. 

Fourthly,  to  introduce  greater  order  and  facility  in  the  adminis- 


332  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

tration  of  the  Treasury  Department,  by  fixing  these  stated 
periods  for  receipt  and  disbursement,  so  as  to  enable  the  Secre- 
tary to  obtain  adequate  notice  not  only  of  the  sums  due  from 
the  Grovernment  and  of  the  time  and  place  of  demand,  but  also 
of  the  sums  due  to  the  Grovernment  and  of  the  time  and  place 
of  receipt. 

Throughout  the  Administration  of  President  Van  Buren,  Mr. 
Hunter  occupied  an  independent  position,  as  a  member  of  the 
strict  States-Rights  school  of  Virginia,  opposed  to  the  Clay- Web- 
ster policy  and  party,  and  only  acting  in  opposition  to  the 
Administration  so  far  as  it  coincided  with  that  policy. 

At  the  regular  election  of  members  by  Virginia  to  the  Twenty- 
Sixth  Congress,  Mr.  Hunter  was  chosen  a  second  time.  The 
organization  of  the  body  was  delayed  by  the  acrimonious  contest 
in  regard  to  the  contested  seats  for  New  Jersey.  Parties  in  the 
House  were  nearly  evenly  divided,  and  the  balloting  for  Speaker 
was  protracted.  On  the  eleventh  ballot  Mr.  Hunter  received  119 
votes,  and  was  duly  elected.  He  returned  thanks  in  an  address 
declaring  his  purpose  to  administer  the  duties  with  strict  impar- 
tiality; and  the  general  concurrence  of  the  House  in  his  decisions 
is  a  sufficient  evidence  of  his  success  during  a  Congress  noted  for 
its  partisan  heat  and  excitement,  and  from  the  fact  that  at  the 
close  of  his  term  of  service  a  resolution  of  thanks,  offered  by 
Mr.  Briggs,  of  Massachusetts,  for  the  "able,  dignified,  and  im- 
partial manner  in  which  he  discharged  the  duties  of  the  Chair/7 
was  passed  by  a  unanimous  vote.  This  was  the  first  instance  in 
which  a  member  has  been  chosen  presiding  officer  at  his  second 
term  of  service. 

At  the  election  of  members  to  the  Twenty-Seventh  Congress, 
Mr.  Hunter  was  a  third  time  chosen.  He  took  his  seat  at  the 
extra  session  which  had  been  called  by  President  Harrison  to 
meet  on  the  31st  of  May,  1841.  At  the  preceding  Presidential 
election  the  opposition  to  the  Democracy  had  triumphed  by  a 
large  majority.  They  had  also  secured  overwhelming  majorities' 
in  both  branches  of  Congress.  Flushed  with  their  triumph,  they 
forthwith  repealed  the  Independent  Treasury  Act,  and,  under 
the  lead  of  Mr.  Clay,  proceeded  to  enact  the  favorite  measures  of 
his  political  system.  Among  these  were  a  bank,  the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the  Loan  Bill,  the  Bankrupt 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  333 

Law,  and  a  protective  Tariff.  These  measures  were  sternly  re- 
sisted by  the  Democracy;  and  in  this  work  Mr.  Hunter  took  a 
prominent  and  efficient  part.  It  need  scarcely  be  stated  that 
both  Bank  bills  were  nullified  by  the  veto  of  President  Tyler. 
On  the  10th  of  July,  1841,  Mr.  Hunter  spoke  in  opposition  to 
the  Loan  Bill.  This  bill  was  an  essential  part  of  the  Whig 
scheme  of  policy,  and  to  strike  at  it  was  to  strike  at  the  whole 
system  of  class-legislation.  The  whole  question  of  Government 
taxation  and  expenditure  was  brought  into  review  in  the  debates 
upon  this  measure.  The  tenor  of  Mr.  Hunter's  speech  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  extracts : — 

"Who  does  not  see  that  there  is  a  necessary  connection  between  this 
and  the  question  of  unequal  taxation  and  disbursement  ?  and  hence  have 
arisen  the  great  contests  which  have  disturbed  the  social  condition  of 
man,  not  only  here,  but  elsewhere.  It  is  not,  as  has  been  said,  a  contest 
between  capital  and  labor,  or  between  property  and  numbers,  but  between 
the  tax-consuming  and  the  tax-paying  parties.  By  the  tax-consuming 
party,  I  mean  those  who  receive  more  money  from  the  Government  than 
they  contribute  to  it,  and  by  the  tax-paying,  those  who  contribute  more 
than  they  receive  ;  the  one  looking  to  Government  for  the  means  of  living, 
the  other  viewing  it  as  a  necessary  but  expensive  instrument  for  the  pro- 
tection of  persons  and  property;  the  one  interested  to  have  the  revenues 
as  large  and  the  disbursements  as  unequal  as  possible,  the  other  inte- 
rested in  equal  disbursements  and  in  paying  as  little  as  may  be  con- 
sistent with  the  attainment  of  the  great  moral  ends  for  which  alone  they 
value  their  Government.  In  proportion  as  the  former  prevail,  the  incen- 
tives to  industry  diminish  and  the  moral  feeling  of  the  people  is  depressed. 
The  few  who  administer  the  Government  and  lay  taxes  for  the  mere 
purpose  of  consuming  them  divide  the  great  mass  of  those  opposed  to 
them  by  leading  one  class,  or  one  section  of  the  country,  to  plunder 
another.  But,  when  they  have  thus  rendered  the  honest  returns  of  labor 
and  the  rights  of  property  insecure,  the  people,  forsaking  the  arts  of 
industry,  use  the  ballot-box  for  the  means  of  living,  and,  sinking  under 
indolence  and  depravity,  either  fall  before  the  pressure  of  invasion  from 
without,  or  seek  relief  from  the  oppressions  of  the  few  by  submitting  to 
the  despotism  of  one.  These  parties  have  existed,  and  will  exist,  in  all 
Governments. 

"It  may  seem,  at  the  first  view,  that  the  tax-payers  outnumber  them 
so  far  that  there  could  be  no  possibility  of  their  ascendency.  They 
would,  therefore,  resort  to  art  and  management;  they  would  look  first 
for  the  means  of  bribing  one  class  of  the  community,  or  one  section  of 
the  Confederacy,  by  plundering  some  other.  A  fit  measure  for  such  a 
purpose  would  be  a  protective  Tariff;  a  scheme  to  tax  the  whole  for  the 


334  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

benefit  of  a  part, — the  many  for  the  few.  They  might  thus  secure  the 
assistance  of  the  privileged  and  protected  class,  not  only  in  this,  but,  it 
may  be,  in  other  schemes  to  plunder  the  less  favored  classes  in  the  com- 
munity. Let  us  suppose  now,  sir,  that  having  gained  this  assistance  and 
collected  a  large  revenue,  they  still  felt  their  phalanx  too  weak  for  the 
odds  opposed  to  them:  what  next  would  they  do?  They  would  seek  a 
mode  of  dividing  the  different  sections  of  the  Confederacy,  and  of  calling 
some  one  of  them  to  their  assistance,  by  holding  out  to  them  the  prospect 
of  plundering  the  others.  They  would  set  on  foot  some  grand  plan  for 
expending  large  sums  of  money  upon  works  of  internal  improvement, — 
upon  the  construction  of  artificial  harbors,  the  removal  of  obstructions 
in  rivers,  the  erection  of  piers,  breakwaters,  and  sea-walls, — and  so  con- 
trive it  that  the  benefits  of  these  works  should  be  distributed  as  unequally 
as  possible.  And  now,  having  secured  new  allies,  by  disbursing  upon  a 
part  the  taxes  which  were  raised  from  the  whole,  they  would  have  accom- 
plished much.  But  one  thing  would  still  be  wanting.  They  would  desire 
some  instrument  which  would  enable  them  to  depress  the  value  of  pro- 
perty to-day  and  elevate  it  to-morrow  ;  to  increase  the  profits  of  one  class 
of  producers  and  diminish  those  of  another;  to  transfer  trade  from  one 
section  of  the  community  for  the  benefit  of  some  other;  to  silence  popular 
clamor,  when  they  wished  it,  by  raising  prices;  and  to  produce  it,  if  it 
better  suited  their  purposes,  by  depressing  them;  to  distribute,  in  short, 
the  profits  of  trade  and  labor  as  they  pleased,  and  by  means  so  secret, 
and  machinery  so  invisible,  that  none  but  the  initiated  could  know  by 
whom  and  how  it  was  done.  Where  could  so  admirable,  so  efficient  an 
instrument  be  found?  The  refinements  of  modern  ingenuity  have  fur- 
nished it  in  a  '  National  Bank.'  I  care  not  for  the  name,  sir.  It  is  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  me  whether  it  comes  in  the  flaunting  scarlet  of 
the  Babylonian  harlot,  with  'Bank  of  the  United  States'  written  on  its 
forehead,  or  whether,  reformed  in  name,  but  not  in  spirit,  it  comes  in 
Magdalene  attire  and  calls  itself  a  'Fiscal  Agent.' 

"Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  yet  another  measure  which  would  be  emi- 
nently conducive  to  this  general  design :  I  mean,  sir,  a  distribution  bill, — 
just  such  as  we  have  lately  passed.  A  bill  passed  under  circumstances 
and  upon  principles  which  virtually  affirm  the  power  of  Congress  to  dis- 
tribute the  revenue,  no  matter  how  raised,  and  in  any  manner,  no  matter 
how  unequal.  A  bill  not  only  unequal  upon  its  face,  in  the  distribution 
between  the  different  sections  of  this  Confederacy,  but  which  contains 
the  deadly  seeds  of  future  strife  and  division  between  the  various  classes 
of  society." 

These  extracts  unveil  the  whole  scheme  of  Whig  policy,  con- 
cocted by  Mr.  Clay  and  supported  by  all  the  force  of  the  Whig 
press  and  organization.  Against  this  policy  the  Democracy 
were  unable  to  do  more  than  offer  their  protest  and  to  expose 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  335 

the  dangerous  consequences.  With  the  exception  of  the  Bank 
bills,  which  were  vetoed,  these  measures  became  laws,  in  despite 
of  Democratic  opposition;  but  the  stand  then  taken  and  the 
arguments  made  by  Democratic  statesmen  were  not  without 
their  due  effect.  They  rallied  the  party  from  an  almost  hope- 
less minority,  commanded  the  attention  of  all  thinking  men, 
and,  finally,  led  to  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  1844,  and  the 
overthrow  of  his  policy.  In  the  debates  of  the  time  Mr.  Hun- 
ter took  an  early  and  a  prominent  part.  No  man  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  contributed  more  to  the  vindication  of  Demo- 
cratic and  States-Rights  principles.  We  discover  in  his  speeches 
not  the  temper  of  the  mere  partisan,  but  the  spirit  of  one  who 
feels  that  he  is  pleading  the  cause  of  truth  itself.  We  find, 
throughout,  unfaltering  trust  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the 
true  principles  of  the  Constitution, — a  confidence  based  upon  a 
profound  study  of  the  laws  of  political  economy,  which  has  been 
amply  justified  by  subsequent  events. 

Mr.  Hunter  addressed  the  House,  at  the  same  session,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  Senate  bill  for  the  charter  of  a  Fiscal  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  presenting  at  length  his  objections  upon  the 
grounds  both  of  its  unconstitutionality  and  inexpediency. 

At  the  ensuing  session  of  1841—42,  the  leading  topics  were 
the  Protective  policy,  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands,  and  the  veto  power.  The  President  had  vetoed 
the  Temporary  Tariff  Bill,  which  combined  the  Protective  and 
Distribution  policies.  Mr.  Hunter  defended  this  veto  upon  the 
principles  already  given,  and  spoke  with  much  earnestness  in 
support  of  the  veto  power,  which  had  naturally  become  odious 
to  the  Whigs,  and  was  bitterly  assailed  by  them.  In  fact,  it 
was  proposed  by  them  to  strike  this  power  from  the  Consti- 
tution. 

The  leading  measure  of  the  session,  however,  was  the  Tariff 
Bill  of  1842,  which  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Hunter  in  a  speech  of 
unusual  power  and  eloquence. 

In  the  third  and  last  session  of  the  Twenty-Seventh  Con- 
gress the  repeal  of  the  Bankrupt  Law  was  passed  by  the  Whigs 
at  the  extra  session  of  1841.  For  this  repeal  Mr.  Hunter  voted, 
and  thus  aided  to  overthrow  a  favorite,  and  that  not  the  least 
objectionable,  measure  of  Federal  policy. 


336  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

At  the  election  for  members  of  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congress, 
Mr.  Hunter  was  defeated  by  his  competitor,  Mr.  Willoughby 
Newton,  by  a  small  majority.  The  number  of  representatives 
from  Virginia  had  been  reduced  by  the  preceding  apportionment 
from  twenty-one  to  fifteen.  This  had,  of  course,  changed  in  part 
the  counties  of  the  district  j  and  "  Mr.  Newton  also  used  against 
Mr.  Hunter  with  some  effect  his  views  upon  the  Currency  ques- 
tion, and  charged  that  they  were  the  cause  of  the  pecuniary 
embarrassments  of  the  country."  The  most  prominent  mea- 
sures before  this  Congress  were  the  resolution  for  refunding 
the  fine  imposed  by  Judge  Hall  upon  General  Jackson,  the  bill 
for  the  reduction  of  duties,  and  the  project  for  the  annexation 
of  Texas.  It  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Hunter  warmly  advocated 
all  of  these  measures. 

Though  absent  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  was  by 
no  means  an  idle  spectator  of  the  political  strife  preceding  the 
Presidential  election  of  1844.  He  was  actively  engaged  in  the 
advocacy  of  Mr.  Polk;  and  so  successful  were  his  efforts,  that 
as  the  latter  gentleman  came  into  power  in  1845,  so  did  Mr. 
Hunter  re-enter  Congress,  having  triumphantly  redeemed  his 
district  for  the  Democracy. 

The  session  of  1845-46  was  noted  for  its  discussion  upon  the 
most  important  points  of  foreign  and  domestic  policy.  The 
settlement  of  the  Oregon  Boundary  question,  which  had  occupied 
the  attention  of  Mr.  Polk's  and  the  preceding  Administration, 
threatened  to  involve  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  in 
war.  A  protracted  correspondence  and  negotiation  with  the 
British  Government  had  ended  without  bringing  the  two  parties 
to  any  agreement.  The  whole  subject  was  brought  to  the  notice 
of  Congress,  and  was  there  elaborately  discussed.  Mr.  Hunter 
was  one  of  those  who  were  desirous  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
country,  and  who  thought  the  subject  a  proper  one  for  negotia- 
tion, and  advocated  a  compromise  of  conflicting  claims.  These 
views  he  maintained  in  his  speech  before  the  House  on  the  10th 
of  January,  1846.  The  party  favoring  this  policy  acquired  a 
large  ascendency  in  Congress  and  before  the  country.  The  dis- 
pute was  finally  settled  by  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  concluded 
June  15,  1846,  and  ratified,  by  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  three  to 
one. 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  337 

The  relations  of  our  country  with  Mexico  had,  after  a  suspen- 
sion of  diplomatic  intercourse,  and  a  refusal  by  that  Power  to 
receive  our  minister,  finally  ended  in  war.  It  is  scarcely  neces- 
sary to  say  that  Mr.  Hunter  rendered  cordial  and  efficient  sup- 
port to  all  measures  essential  to  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war. 

This  session  is  memorable  for  the  establishment  of  the  Inde- 
pendent Treasury,  the  passage  of  the  Revenue  Tariff  of  1846, 
and  the  establishment  of  the  Warehousing  system.  Each  of 
these  measures  is  largely  indebted  to  Mr.  Hunter's  aid.  He 
addressed  the  House  at  length  in  favor  of  the  second  measure 
and  in  support  of  the  principles  of  Free  Trade.  At  the  same 
session  he  took  an  active  part  in  promoting  the  retrocession  of 
Alexandria  to  the  State  of  Virginia, — a  measure  which  has 
greatly  inured  to  the  benefit  of  that  town. 

The  second  session  of  the  Twenty-Ninth  Congress  was  marked 
by  a  renewal  of  the  Slavery  agitation.  It  had  become  evident 
that  the  war  with  Mexico  would  result  in  a  large  acquisition  of 
territory  from  that  country.  California  and  New  Mexico  were 
already  in  our  possession.  But  while  our  troops  were  still  en- 
countering the  bullets  of  the  Mexicans,  or  falling  under  the 
deadly  diseases  incident  to  the  climate,  the  Free-Soil  party  en- 
deavored to  press  their  peculiar  views,  and  to  make  it  a  condition 
precedent  to  the  passage  of  the  Three-Million  Bill  that  slavery 
should  be  forever  interdicted  in  the  territory  to  be  acquired. 
Mr.  Wilmot  offered  his  celebrated  Proviso,  and  at  one  time  it 
passed  the  House  by  a  considerable  majority.  The  National 
Democracy,  however,  afterward  succeeded  in  striking  out  this  ob- 
noxious provision.  The  Oregon  Bill  also  led  to  a  discussion  upon 
the  question  of  Slavery,  in  which  the  purpose  of  the  "Abolition 
and  Free-Soil  Party"  to  grasp  all  future  territorial  acquisitions 
was  distinctly  avowed. 

Mr.  Hunter's  character  as  a  leading  mind  of  the  Southern 
Democracy  was  now  unquestioned;  and  the  fact  received  addi- 
tional and  honorable  testimony  in  1846  by  his  elevation  to  a  seat 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  to  which  position  he  has  since  been 
twice  re-elected. 

To  the  leading  questions  of  the  nation  Senator  Hunter  has 
ever  addressed  himself  with  consummate  skill  and  force,  seeking 
W  29 


838  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

to  raise  the  standard  of  sound  common  sense  rather  than  to  ex- 
ercise the  craft  of  the  politician  in  matters  of  legislation  and 
diplomacy. 

Mr.  Hunter  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  at  its  meeting  in  De- 
cember, 1847,  and  was  placed  upon  the  Committee  of  Finance, — 
the  most  important  committee  of  that  body.  At  this  session,  he 
addressed  the  Senate  upon  the  Mexican  War,  and,  while  advo- 
cating its  prosecution,  objected  strongly  to  any  project  for  the 
incorporation  of  the  whole  of  Mexico  into  the  United  States,  as 
had  been  proposed.  He  also  spoke  upon  the  bill  providing  for 
the  Territorial  Government  of  Oregon,  opposing  the  doctrines 
and  propositions  of  the  Free-Soil  party.  He  also,  with  the 
body  of  the  Democratic  Senators,  voted  for  the  Clayton  Com- 
promise. 

The  session  of  1848-49  ended  without  any  definitive  dispo- 
sition of  the  controversy  in  regard  to  slavery  in  the  new  Ter- 
ritories. No  bill  was  passed  for  the  Territorial  Government  of 
California  and  New  Mexico.  The  Presidential  election  had  re- 
sulted in  the  choice  of  General  Taylor;  but  his  policy  in  respect 
to  the  question  had  not  been  disclosed  before  his  election,  and 
thus  this  subject  went  over  to  the  next  Congress  as  a  bone  of 
contention. 

In  the  debate  on  the  resolutions  introduced  by  Senator  Cass 
on  the  24th  of  December,  1849,  recommending  an  inquiry 
into  the  expediency  of  suspending  our  diplomatic  relations 
with  Austria,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  expressing  our  indigna- 
tion at  the  conduct  of  that  Government  in  the  then  recent  Hun- 
garian struggle,  Senator  Hunter  took  opposing  grounds.  He 
thought  the  resolution  was  founded  on  an  utter  misconception 
of  the  nature  of  diplomatic  institutions.  He  could  not  find  in 
history  any  precedent  showing  that  they  had  ever  been  used  to 
punish  other  Governments.  They  were  designed  as  convenient 
means  to  settle  disputes  and  preserve  peace.  Then,  again,  its 
application  in  this  case  was  unequal  and  unjust,  for  there  were 
as  good  reasons  to  punish  Russia,  France,  and  Rome  in  the 
manner  proposed  as  Austria.  A  third  reason  for  his  opposition 
was  that  the  resolution  reflected  on  our  past  conduct  toward 
foreign  Governments.  If  it  were  our  duty  to  chastise  other 
Governments  in  acts  of  oppression  toward  their  own  citizens,  or 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  339 

for  violations  of  what  we  considered  the  rights  of  man,  then,  he 
held,  we  had  grievously  failed  in  our  obligations.  With  how 
many  Governments  should  we  not  have  suspended  diplomatic 
relations  upon  the  partition  of  Poland  ?  With  how  many  during 
the  aggressive  wars  of  Napoleon  ?  Which  of  the  European 
nations  would  have  escaped  after  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  and 
during  the  existence  of  the  Holy  Alliance  ?  "  Why,"  said  he, 
"we  could  not  have  recalled  ministers  fast  enough  about  that 
period  to  have  signalized  our  abhorrence  of  the  daily  violation 
of  the  rights  of  man,  in  the  arbitrary  disruption  of  territories 
long  united  together,  and  the  forced  connection  of  people  to 
Governments  to  which  they  were  averse." 

In  discussing  the  great  issue  pending  between  North  and 
South  in  1850,  and  with  an  earnest  desire  that  it  should  be 
settled, — not  by  any  half-way  compromise,  which  would  cover 
up  the  difficulty  without  removing  it,  but  upon  principles  of 
justice  and  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution, — Senator 
Hunter  made  a  thorough  review  of  the  Territorial  question. 
Founding  his  argument  on  the  postulate  that  the  action  of  Con- 
gress in  the  Territories  was  to  be  governed  by  the  Constitution, 
he  came  to  the  conclusion  "  that  if  a  slave  be  carried  from  a 
slave  State  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  he  is  property 
still, — certainly,  if  there  be  no  law  prohibiting  it,  and  not  so  cer- 
tainly, but  clearly,  in  my  opinion,  even  if  Congress  had  passed 
such  a  law,  for  it  would  be  manifestly  unconstitutional."  In 
continuation,  he  remarked,  "  There  is  an  opinion  that  Con- 
gress is  omnipotent  in  the  Territories,  and  under  no  constitu- 
tional restraints  there;  but  it  has  been  shown  that  this  would 
admit  their  power  to  do  things  actually  forbidden  by  the  Consti- 
tution and  contrary  to  our  whole  system."  Another  class  of 
minds  seemed  to  suppose  that  the  power  of  government  rested  in 
the  people  of  the  Territory.  "  This,  too,"  said  Senator  Hunter, 
"would  lead  to  the  same  extreme  conclusions,  and  admit  their 
right  to  do  things  forbidden  by  the  Constitution  and  contrary 
to  its  spirit." 

At  the  ensuing  session  of  1850-51,  Mr.  Hunter  was  madej 
Chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee, — a  position  which  he  has' 
held  to  the  present  time,  and  in  which  no  man  has  performed  a 


840  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

larger  amount  of  labor  or  enjoyed  in  a  higher  degree  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Senate. 

In  May  of  the  following  year,  some  two  hundred  of  the 
wealthiest  and  most  influential  merchants  of  the  city  of  New 
York — in  appreciation  of  Senator  Hunter's  "active  intelligence 
and  unsectional  spirit  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Finance/' 
and  more  especially  in  regard  to  his  liberal  spirit  in  advocating 
the  establishment  of  a  branch  mint  in  New  York — invited  him 
to  a  public  dinner.  No  personal  compliment  could  have  been 
more  acceptable;  but  he  was  constrained  to  decline — which  he 
did  in  a  suitable  letter.*  Speaking  of  the  struggle  through 
which  the  country  had  passed,  and  of  the  men  who  had  rallied 
for  union,  the  "  Democratic  Review"  awards  a  just  tribute  to 
the  subject  of  this  sketch  for  "that  nationality  of  character 
which  comprehensively  grasps  the  future  and  the  present, — 
which  divests  itself  of  local  and  sectional  prejudices/'  and 
views  with  pride  the  improvement  of  every  section  of  the 
Union. 

The  Thirty-Second  Congress  was  much  more  of  a  business 
body  than  the  preceding  one.  We  find  Mr.  Hunter  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  work  of  the  session.  Among  his  prominent 
efforts  may  be  mentioned  his  speech  upon  the  public-land 
policy,  his  speech  of  the  16th  of  April,  1852,  upon  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Departments  and  the  settlement  of  accounts,  and 
Ijjs  report  upon  the  coinage  and  the  means  of  keeping  the  silver 
currency  in  the  country. 

In  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1852,  Senator  Hunter  eloquently 
advocated  the  claims  of  the  Democratic  candidate. 

He  had  now  served  six  years  in  the  Senate.  His  first  elec- 
tion— like  that  of  Senator  Mason — had  been  the  result  of  a  union 
of  Whigs  and  Democrats,-1— the  majority  of  the  latter  voting 
for  a  different  candidate.  On  the  present  occasion,  he  received 
in  caucus,  as  a  candidate  for  re-election,  the  vote  of  every  Demo- 
crat, with  a  single  exception.  The  Democrats  had  a  large 
majority  in  the  Legislature;  and  on  the  following  day  he  was 


*  The  invitation  and  reply  may  be  found  in  the  "Democratic  Review,"  July, 
1851,  vol.  xxix. 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  341 

again  chosen  Senator,  receiving  the  same  vote  as  in  caucus,  and 
about  one-half  of  the  Whig  vote  of  that  body. 

In  1853,  Senator  Hunter  voted  against  the  bill  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  emigrant-route,  and  the  establishment  of  a  telegraphic 
line,  and  of  an  overland  mail,  between  the  Missouri  River  and  the 
settlements  in  California  and  Oregon.  He  thought  it  one  of  the 
'  most  extraordinary  bills  which  ever  emanated  from  a  committee 
of  the  Senate.  It  in  effect  provided  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  should  be  the  President  of  the  Pacific  Railroad. 
He  was  to  let  out  contracts,  determine  the  route,  the  gauge,  and 
to  have  control  of  the  disbursing  of  the  money :  in  short,  he 
was  to  have  not  only  the  power  which  Congress  ought  to  exer- 
cise, but  the  power  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
the  power  of  the  President  of  a  railroad-company  besides. 
What  party  was  prepared  to  relinquish  the  legislative  power 
and  transfer  it  to  the  Executive?  Was  it  the  Whig  party, 
which  was  organized  solely  upon  the  idea  of  resisting  Executive 
patronage?  Was  it  the  Democratic  party,  whose  fundamental 
maxim  was  to  preserve  all  the  power  it  could,  compatible  with 
good  government,  in  the  hands  of  the  States  and  the  people, 
and  which  has  been  ever  scrupulous  in  insisting  upon  the  pro- 
per distribution  of  power  between  the  Executive,  Judicial,  and 
Legislative  Departments?  Senator  Hunter  thought  that  even 
centralized  France  would  hesitate  to  bestow  such  powers  upon 
its  emperor.  He  would  never  consent  to  vest  such  power  in  the 
President. 

In  1854,  Senator  Hunter  regarded  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
as  "a  great  measure  of  peace"  and  of  "national  strength,"  and 
complimented  Senator  Douglas  upon  having  "manfully  taken 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  introducing"  it.  His  views 
on  the  bill,  and  his  reasons  for  supporting  it,  may  be  succinctly 
stated  in  his  own  words. 

The  bill  provides  that  the  Legislatures  of  these  Territories 
shall  have  power  to  legislate  over  all  rightful  subjects  of  legisla- 
tion, consistently  with  the  Constitution.  And  if  they  should 
assume  powers  which  are  thought  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
Constitution,  the  courts  will  decide  that  question  whenever  it  may 
be  raised.  There  is  a  difference  of  opinion  among  the  friends 

29* 


342  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

of  this  measure  as  to  the  extent  of  the  limits  which  the  Consti- 
tution imposes  upon  the  Territorial  Legislatures.  This  bill 
proposes  to  leave  these  differences  to  the  decision  of  the  courts. 
This  mode  of  settlement  was  once  before  proposed  by  the 
celebrated  Compromise  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware,  (Mr. 
Clayton,) — a  measure  which,  Senator  Hunter  thought,  was  the 
best  compromise  which  was  offered  upon  this  subject  of  slavery ; 
and  he  was  now  perfectly  willing  to  abide  by  it. 

The  protracted  discussions  in  Congress  and  the  press,  how- 
ever, resulted  in  the  removal  of  many  of  the  misconceptions  and 
misrepresentations  made  by  the  Abolitionists  as  to  the  true  cha- 
racter of  the  measure;  and  the  bill  finally  passed,  after  one  of  the 
most  arduous  contests  in  our  political  history.  Mr.  Hunter  sup- 
ported this  measure  by  his  speech  and  his  vote,  upon  the  ground 
that  justice  to  the  South  required  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
restriction.  During  this  and  the  succeeding  session,  he  took 
his  customary  part  in  laborious  attention  to  the  business  of 
the  Senate,  and,  among  other  subjects,  spoke  upon  the  bills 
to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  to  esta- 
blish a  court  to  investigate  claims  against  the  United  States 
Government. 

In  1855,  during  the  great  campaign  in  Virginia,  Senator 
Hunter  made  one  of  the  very  ablest  speeches  against  "  Know- 
Nothingism."  He  considered  the  dogmas  of  the  new  party,  so 
far  as  known,  dangerous  and  mischievous.  "They  propose," 
he  said,  "to  destroy  the  liberty  of  conscience  itself,  by  pro- 
scribing the  members  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  from  all 
offices,  whether  high  or  low."  He  warned  Virginia  against 
"the  blandishments  of  this  new  seducer/'  Far  up  on  the  Mis- 
souri, near  Fort  Benton,  upon  a  high  cliff,  which  commands 
an  extensive  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  it  is  said  that  a 
Blackfoot  Indian  chief  directed  himself  to  be  buried  on  horse- 
back, with  his  face  turned  toward  the  mouth  of  the  stream,  to 
look  out,  as  he  said,  for  the  white  man — the  destroyer  of  his 
race — when  he  should  come  up  the  river.  "  If  you/'  said  Hun- 
ter, "would  look  out  for  the  destroyer  of  your  free  institutions 
and  popular  form  of  government,  fix  your  eye  upon  the  door  of 
the  secret  political  association :  from  that  door  the  worst  enemy 


R.  M.   T.  HUNTER.  343 

of  all  will  come."  In  an  historical  and  political  point  of  view, 
this  speech  was  a  splendid  effort.* 

The  discussions  upon  Kansas  during  the  Thirty-Fourth  Con- 
gress were  varied  somewhat  by  speeches  on  the  Presidential 
issues.  At  the  session  of  1856-57,  Senator  Hunter  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  passage  of  the  Tariff  Bill  known  as  that  of  1857. 

In  1858,  the  Senator  from  Virginia  was  in  favor  of  the  admis- 
sion of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  in  a 
brief  but  lucid  argument  discussed  the  merits  of  the  pending 
question  in  connection  with  the  general  relations  and  destiny 
of  slavery.  After  rapidly  reviewing  the  events  which  resulted 
in  the  Lecompton  instrument,  he  classed  the  objectors  to  it 
under  two  heads, — the  one  denying  the  legality  of  all  the  steps 
which  had  led  to  its  formation,  the  other  questioning  its  validity 
on  the  ground  that  it  had  not  been  framed  under  the  sanction  of 
an  enabling  act  and  had  not  been  submitted  to  popular  ratifica- 
tion in  its  entirety. 

To  the  first  he  replied  by  arguing  that,  even  if  it  were  true  that 
Missourians  had  usurped  the  first  Legislature  of  Kansas,  it  would 
still  remain  an  incontestable  fact  that  the  Government  thus  esta- 
blished was  the  only  one  under  which  the  people  of  that  Terri- 
tory had  been  organized  as  a  political  community,  and  therefore 
was  at  least  a  Government  de  facto,  entitled  to  recognition  by 
Congress.  To  the  second  he  replied  by  denying  the  necessity, 
or  even  expediency,  of  enabling  acts,  whose  only  effect  was  to 
pledge  in  advance  the  assent  of  Congress  to  the  admission  of  a 
State.  The  argument  directed  against  the  Lecompton  Constitu- 
tion, on  the  ground  that  it  had  not  been  ratified  by  the  people  in 
mass,  was  based  upon  a  negation  of  the  principles  of  representa- 
tive government,  and,  if  carried  out  to  its  legitimate  consequences, 
would  be  as  impracticable  in  fact  as  it  was  unsound  in  theory. 

He  defended  the  substitute  of  the  Conference  Committee,  and 
earnestly  invoked  the  Senate  to  adopt  it,  as  its  passage  would  at 
least  bring  a  truce  to  the  pending  sectional  agitation,  which  he 
hoped  would  result  in  a  permanent  peace. 

Senator  Hunter's  position  on  the  Finance  Committee  forces 

#  It  may  be  seen  in  Hambleton's  "Collection  of  Virginia  Politics  in  1855." 


344  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

upon  him  the  consideration  of  the  important  questions  touching 
the  Tariff  and  Finances,  and  makes  him  familiar  with  the  work- 
ing of  the  great  springs  by  which  the  Government  is  moved. 
Upon  him  devolves  the  always  arduous  labor  of  carrying  the 
Appropriation  Bills  through  the  Senate,  which  he  does  with  a 
directness,  persistency,  and  patience  which  make  him  almost 
invincible.  In  every  Congress  in  which  he  occupied  the 
position  of  chairman  on  that  committee,  he  has  taken  the  lead 
on  all  subjects  affecting  the  revenue  and  its  expenditure,  and 
has  ever  been  in  favor  of  keeping  the  latter  within  judicious 
bounds.  In  introducing  and  advocating  the  Fifteen-Million 
Loan  Bill,  in  May,  1858,  he  defended  his  position  in  an  elabo- 
rate speech,  showing  the  Government  necessities  which  called 
for  the  loan,  and  the  considerations  which  induced  the  hope 
that  it  would  meet  the  existing  exigencies.  A  glance  at  his 
extended  argument  on  the  question  of  Tariff  revision — Febru- 
ary 14,  1859 — will  present  Senator  Hunter's  views  on  that 
question. 

Believing  the  pending  issue  to  be  one  between  the  friends  of 
low  taxation  and  reduced  expenditures,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
friends  of  high  taxation  and  profuse  expenditures,  on  the  other, 
he  sided  at  once  with  the  former.  The  part  he  had  borne  in 
the  enactment  of  the  present  Tariff  was  his  apology  for  vindi- 
cating it  against  the  charge  of  having  disappointed  the  expecta- 
tions of  its  framers.  At  the  time  of  its  passage,  it  was  thought 
that  a  revenue  of  fifty  millions  was  ample  to  meet  the  necessary 
expenditures  of  the  Government.  He  thought  so  still,  and 
believed  that  the  present  Tariff  would  raise  that  sum.  If  our 
expenditures  were  to  be  continued  at  the  present  rate  of  eighty 
millions,  neither  the  Tariff  of  1846  nor  that  of  1842  would  suffice 
to  produce  a  revenue  adequate  to  defray  them.  Reviewing  the 
working  of  our  postal  system,  he  invoked  Congress  to  check  its 
extravagance,  and  restrain  the  discretionary  power  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  Postmaster-General,  who  had  under  his  control  a 
vast  machine,  worked  by  agents  more  numerous  than  the  personnel 
composing  the  army  and  navy  of  the  whole  country.  He  thought, 
moreover,  that  the  rates  of  postage  on  letters,  and  especially  on 
printed  matter,  should  be  increased.  He  analyzed  the  relative 


R.  M.  T.  HUNTER.  345 

working  and  effect  of  specific  and  ad  valorem  duties,  and  gave 
the  preference  to  the  latter  on  every  consideration  of  theoreti- 
cal propriety  and  practical  wisdom,  closing  with  an  eloquent 
tribute  to  the  dignity  of  the  American  laborer,  whose  interests 
he  sought  to  promote  by  cheapening  the  necessaries  of  daily  life 
as  well  as  the  implements  of  daily  toil.  He  desired  to  secure  to 
honest  industry  its  full  reward,  as  a  preservative  against  those 
vagrant  schemes  of  territorial  acquisition  which  seemed  to  render 
the  American  as  fierce  and  as  exacting  as  the  Phoenician  or  the 
viking,  who  scrupled  not  to  employ  artifice  and  force  in  order 
to  enlarge  their  landed  possessions. 

A  third  time  Virginia  has  sent  him  to  the  United  States 
Senate. 

Besides  his  efforts  in  that  body,  he  has  occasionally  addressed 
societies  of  a  literary  and  political  nature  on  appropriate  subjects. 
In  the  Buchanan  canvass  he  made  a  famous  speech  at  Pough- 
keepsie,  New  York.  Among  his  other  efforts,  a  discourse  de- 
livered before  the  Virginia  Historical  Society  on  the  history  of 
his  native  State,  in  December,  1854,  and  the  oration  at  the  inau- 
guration of  the  Washington  statue  in  Richmond,  February  22, 
1858,  are  particularly  noticeable.  The  latter  is  a  noble  pro- 
duction, and  was  at  the  time  characterized  as  "almost  miracu- 
lous," being  "on  a  threadbare  topic,  and  one  which  seemingly 
had  been  utterly  exhausted  by  the  orator  of  Massachusetts." 
(Everett.)  The  same  writer,*  contrasting  his  appearance  with 
his  ability,  says,  "But  any  man  who  reads  Hunter's  speeches 
would  declare  that  he  adds  to  the  scholastic  learning  of  Everett 
the  Cabinet  genius  of  Hamilton  and  the  philosophic  scope  of 
Madison.  Hunter  has  this  decisive  mark  of  a  great  man : — he  is 
always  adequate  to  the  occasion."  His  personal  appearance,  and 
the  strength  of  almost  indolent  repose  characteristic  of  his  look, 
are  well  described  by  another  hand,  thus : — "  I  should  imagine  the 
blood  of  Pocahontas  enriched  the  veins  of  Hunter ;  for  his  com- 
plexion, though  faded,  is  tinted  with  the  warm  coloring  of  the 
native  race.  He  is  of  middle  size,  solidly  built,  and  black-haired. 
His  features  are  neither  prominent  nor  expressive,  though  his 

*  In  the  "  New  Orleans  Crescent," 


34P>  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

nose  is  slightly — very  slightly — aquiline.  His  physique  would 
attract  no  inspection  in  public  from  either  sex ;  and  his  quietness 
of  demeanor  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  would  not  designate  to 
the  stranger  the  leading  Senator  of  Virginia  and  the  triarch  of 
the  Slavery  party  in  Congress.  The  pervading  expression  of  his 
countenance  is  that  of  exhaustion,  repose,  indolence,  indifference. 
But  his  ordinary  apathy  and  immobility  give  the  measure  of  his 
force  on  extraordinary  occasions.  It  requires  a  strong  impulse 
to  move  him ;  but  when  the  motive  power  is  adequate  his  mo- 
mentum is  great.''' 


ANDREW   JOHNSON.  347 


ANDREW  JOHNSON, 

OF   TENNESSEE.  * 

ANDREW  JOHNSON  was  born  at  Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  on 
the  29th  of  December,  1808.  His  father  died  from  exhaustion 
after  saving  Colonel  Thomas  Henderson,  editor  of  the  "  Raleigh 
Gazette, "  from  drowning,  leaving  his  son  on  the  world  while  yet 
under  the  age  of  five  years.  The  want  of  pecuniary  means  on 
the  part  of  his  parents  prevented  him  from  receiving  the  benefit 
of  even  the  rudiments  of  an  English  education.  At  the  time  of 
his  father's  death  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  the  neces- 
sity of  bread  then  put  it  out  of  his  power  to  go  to  school.  All 
his  energies  were  needed,  and  a  trade  was  his  only  resource.  The 
boy  was  therefore  apprenticed  to  a  tailor  in  Raleigh,  with  whom 
he  worked  until  the  term  of  his  indentures  expired.  We  next 
find  him  as  a  journeyman  at  work  in  the  vicinity  of  Lawrence 
Courthouse,  South  Carolina.  Several  romantic  stories  are  afloat 
of  his  falling  in  love  here  with  an  estimable  young  lady.  The 
cause  of  his  non-success  and  passionate  flight  from  the  town — 
away  from  cold  hearts  and  the  pitying  smiles  which  his  sensi- 
tiveness could  brook  less  patiently  than  open  sneers — was  his 
being  a  stranger,  and  the  want  of  pecuniary  means.  He  returned 
to  Raleigh  in  the  spring  of  1826 ;  and  in  the  fall  of  that  year, 
taking  his  mother  and  stepfather  with  him,  he  bent  his  steps 
toward  Greenville,  Tennessee,  where  he  stopped  and  counted  his 
eighteenth  year. 

His  good  star  had  led  him  thither.  In  Greenville  the  youth 
found  a  wife  who  became  his  Egeria.  What  material  for  the 
romancist  might  be  found  in  the  history  of  those  days  of  the 
future  Senator,  when  his  wife,  fondly  leaning  by  the  side  of  the 
youth  who  was  earning  bread  for  her,  taught  him  to  read,  and 
decked  with  the  fair  flowers  of  a  healthy  education  the  hitherto 
neglected  garden  of  his  brain !  What  a  group  !  what  a  study ! — 


348  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  youth's  fingers  mechanically  plying  the  needle,  his  brain 
alive,  following  the  instructions^  of  his  wife-teacher,  or  with  a 
bright,  almost  childish,  satisfaction  meeting  her  approval  of  his 
correct  answers !  After  work-hours  she  taught  him  to  write. 
What  a  living,  ennobling  romance  was  there  being  enacted  in 
the  wilds  of  Tennessee  thirty  years  ago !  But  we  must  hurry 
over  this  chapter  of  our  hero's  history  with  a  mere  suggestive 
sentence.  Young  Johnson  and  his  wife  started  "  out  West  to 
seek  their  fortune/'  but  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  a  good 
friend — still  living,  I  believe — he  was  induced  to  return.  He 
worked  at  his  trade  with  great  industry  and  attention,  extend- 
ing, meanwhile,  the  advantages  which  his  capacity  for  know- 
ledge presented.  The  shop-board  was  the  school  where  he 
received  the  rudiments  of  his  education,  which  he  afterwards, 
in  leisure  moments  and  in  the  deep  silence  of  the  midnight 
hours,  applied  to  the  attainment  of  a  more  perfect  system. 

The  disadvantages  of  his  position  would  have  discouraged 
almost  any  other  man,  certainly  with  any  other  kind  of  a  wife. 
But,  cheered  by  his  excellent  companion  and  prompted  by  his 
own  desire  for  self-improvement,  young  Johnson  brought  an 
energy  to  the  difficulties  before  him  which  nothing  could  re- 
press or  conquer.  It  is  not  a  matter  of  surprise  that  he  was 
hostile  to  every  proposition  that  would  give  power  to  the  few  at 
the  expense  of  the  many ;  that  his  hard  and  yet  bright  experi- 
ences made  him  the  exponent  of  the  wants  and  power  of  the 
working-class.  He  soon  gave  voice  to  the  feelings  of  the  work- 
ing-men in  Greenville.  He  made  them  conscious  of  their 
strength  and  feel  proud  of  it,  in  opposition  to  the  aristocratic 
coterie  which  had  until  then  ruled  the  community,  so  that  no 
man  who  worked  for  his  livelihood  could  be  elected  even  an 
alderman.  Johnson,  with  the  dawning  vision  of  intellect  and 
self-reliance,  saw  that  all  this  was  wrong,  and  he  determined, 
with  the  aid  of  his  fellow-workers,  to  right  it.  Meetings  were 
held  in  every  part  of  the  town,  and  the  result  was  the  election 
of  the  young  tailor  to  the  office  of  alderman  by  a  triumphant 
majority.  How  proud  must  the  good  wife  have  felt ! 

His  triumph  over  the  aristocracy  took  place  in  1830.  From 
time  to  time  Mr.  Johnson  was  re-elected,  and,  whenever  he 
would  consent  to  act,  was  chosen  by  the  board  as  mayor.  Invi- 


ANDREW   JOHNSON.  349 

gorated  by  success,  the  working-men  became  a  power,  and  the 
old  parties,  wearying  of  the  strife,  admitted  the  representatives 
of  the  mechanics  to  their  proper  share  of  influence  in  the  Coun- 
cils. The  reforms  thus  initiated  by  Mr.  Johnson  are  apparent 
in  admirable  results  in  Greenville  to  this  day.  Oflice  now  waited 
upon  him.  He  was  soon  elected  by  the  County  Court  a  trustee 
of  Rhea  Academy,  and  held  the  office  until  he  entered  the  lower 
House  of  the  State  Legislature.  In  1834,  Mr.  Johnson  exerted 
himself  influentially  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitu- 
tion,— an  instrument  which  greatly  enlarged  the  liberties  of  the 
masses  and  guaranteed  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press. 
In  1835,  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  from  Washington 
and  Greene  Counties,  and  at  once  became  prominent  by  his  op- 
position to  a  vast  scheme  of  internal  improvements,  which  was 
projected  and  carried  into  a  law  without  the  knowledge  or  appro- 
bation of  the  people.  Before  the  evil  results  of  the  measure  were 
manifest,  Mr.  Johnson  was  defeated  for  the  next  Legislature; 
but,  his  prognostications  having  been  fulfilled,  he  was  returned 
in  1839,  after  a  fierce  and  bitter  contest.  Mr.  Johnson  is  no 
enemy  to  internal  improvement  upon  a  fair  basis ;  but  the  law  he 
so  energetically  opposed  he  regarded  as  a  system  of  wholesale  fraud. 

In  the  famous  Presidential  campaign  of  1840  between  Harrison 
and  Van  Buren,  Mr.  Johnson  took  an  active  part,  being  chosen, 
in  consequence  of  his  telling  power  as  a  speaker,  to  canvass  East- 
ern Tennessee  in  favor  of  the  Democratic  candidate.  In  1841, 
he  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate  from  Hawkins  and  Greene 
Counties  by  a  majority  of  two  thousand,  and,  during  his  term  of 
service,  brought  forward  judicious  measures  of  internal  improve- 
ments in  the  eastern  division  of  the  State.  In  1843,  he  was 
nominated  for  Congress  from  the  First  District,  embracing  seven 
counties.  He  was  opposed  by  Colonel  John  A.  Asken,  a  United 
States  Bank  Democrat,  and  a  gentleman  of  talent  and  eloquence. 
Johnson  was  elected,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  National  House  of 
Representatives  in  December,  1843. 

His  debut  in  Congress  was  a  brief  but  forcible  argument  in 
support  of  the  resolution  to  restore  the  fine  imposed  upon  General 
Jackson  for  having  placed  New  Orleans  under  martial  law.  He 
followed  this  up  by  a  reply  to  John  Quincy  Adams  on  the  right 
of  petition,  which  was  characterized  as  a  highly  creditable  effort, 

30 


350  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

and  by  an  argument  on  the  Tariff,  in  which  he  enforced  the  De- 
mocratic doctrine  that  it  was  a  departure  from  the  principles  of 
justice  and  equality  to  tax  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few, 
under  the  plea  of  protecting  American  labor,  as  was  done  by  the 
Tariff  of  1842.  He  insisted  upon  it  that,  while  Congress  was 
consulting  the  interests  of  the  manufacturer,  it  had  no  right  to 
forget  or  neglect  those  of  the  farmer  and  planter,  as  high-protec- 
tionists were  notoriously  too  apt  to  do,  and  replied  to  Mr.  An- 
drew Stewart,  of  Pennsylvania,  by  a  series  of  circumstantial  details 
showing  that  so  far  as  protection  applies  to  protecting  mechanics 
proper,  there  is  no  reality  in  it ;  for  if  all  are  protected  alike,  the 
protection  paralyzes  itself,  and  results  in  no  protection  at  all. 
"Protection  operates" — said  he — "beneficially  to  none,  except 
those  who  can  manufacture  in  large  quantities,  and  vend  their 
manufactured  articles  beyond  the  limits  of  the  immediate  manu- 
facturing sphere." 

At  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty-Eighth  Congress,  Mr. 
Johnson  warmly  co-operated  with  the  friends  of  Texan  Annexa- 
tion, and  on  the  21st  of  January,  1845,  delivered  an  able  speech 
on  the  subject.  One  of  the  Ohio  delegation  having  alluded  to 
General  Jackson  in  an  uncalled-for  manner,  Mr.  Johnson  gal- 
lantly defended  the  character  of  Jackson — then  living  in  retire- 
ment in  the  forests  of  Tennessee — from  the  unkind  allusions, 
which  seemed  to  him  strange  coming  from  the  quarter  whence 
they  had  emanated.  In  the  course  of  the  exciting  debate  upon 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  Mr.  Clingman  intimated  that  British 
gold  had  been  used  to  carry  the  election  of  Polk.  Mr.  Johnson 
denounced  the  suggestion  as  a  vile  slander,  without  the  shadow  of 
a  foundation,  and  called  on  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina  for 
his  proof,  relying  on  the  fact  that  if  there  were  no  authority  for 
the  assertion,  it  was  a  slander.  In  the  course  of  Mr.  Clingman's 
remarks,  he  said  that  "had  the  foreign  Catholics  been  divided  in 
the  late  election,  as  other  sects  and  classes  generally  were,  Mr. 
Clay  would  have  carried,  by  a  large  majority,  the  State  of  New 
York,  as  also  the  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Louisiana,  and  proba- 
bly some  others  in  the  Northwest."  There  were  but  few  Catho- 
lics in  Mr.  Johnson's  district,  and  he  was  not  called  upon  to  do 
battle  with  the  prejudices  that  might  or  did  exist  against  them; 
but  he  protested  against  the  doctrine  advanced  by  Mr.  Clingman. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON.  351 

He  wished  to  know  if  the  latter  desired  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  per- 
secution,— to  sweep  away  or  divide  all  those  who  dared  to  differ 
from  the  Whig  party.  "  But,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
country  how  ignorant  the  gentleman  was  of  the  fact,  and  how 
reckless  he  was  in  bold  statements,  he  would  read  from  a  pamphlet 
lie  held  in  his  hand,  which  was  written  by  a  Whig  in  the  city  of 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  and  dedicated  to  the  Hon.  John  Bell,  a 
late  member  of  General  Harrison's  Cabinet,  which  shows  conclu- 
sively that  the  Whig  party  had  the  benefit  of  the  Catholic 
influence  in  the  late  Presidential  contest.  The  charge  had  been 
made,  in  his  section  of  the  country,  that  the  Catholics  were  all 
Democrats;  and  he  now  availed  himself  (as  the  door  had  been 
opened)  of  the  opportunity  of  setting  this  matter  right  upon  good 
Whig  authority." 

Alluding  to  the  great  capabilities  of  Texas,  he  thought  it 
probable  that  it  would  "  prove  to  be  the  gateway  out  of  which 
the  sable  sons  of  Africa  are  to  pass  from  bondage  to  freedom  and 
become  merged  in  a  population  congenial  with  themselves."  The 
annexation  would  give  the  Union  all  the  valuable  cotton  soil,  or 
nearly  so,  upon  the  habitable  globe.  Cotton  was  destined  to 
clothe  more  human  beings  than  any  other  article  that  had  ever 
been  discovered.  The  factories  of  England  would  be  compelled 
to  stand  still,  were  it  not  for  cotton.  Without  it,  her  operatives 
would  starve  in  the  street,  and,  if  this  Government  had  the  com- 
mand of  the  raw  material,  it  was  the  same  as  putting  Great 
Britain  under  bonds  to  keep  the  peace  for  all  time  to  come.  He 
was  willing — when  he  glanced  at  the  historic  page  giving  an 
account  of  their  rise  and  progress,  the  privations  they  had  under- 
gone, the  money  and  toil  they  had  expended,  the  valor  and 
patriotism  they  had  displayed — to  extend  to  the  Texans  the  right 
hand  of  fellowship. 

In  the  summer  of  1845,  Mr.  Johnson  was  re-elected  to  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  Twenty-Ninth  Congress  was 
for  several  reasons  one  of  the  most  important  in  our  political  his- 
tory. A  bitter  contention  was  going  on  between  this  country 
and  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  the  line  which  divided  the  posses- 
sion* of  the  two  countries  in  Oregon.  Upon  this  question,  Mr. 
Johnson  assumed  a  decided  position,  maintaining  our  right  to 
the  line  of  54°  40',  yet  insisting  that  the  real  contest  was  for  the 


852  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

territory  between  46°  and  49°,  as  that  embraced  the  Columbia 
River,  which  Great  Britain  was  anxious  to  acquire  on  account  of 
the  invaluable  advantages  it  afforded  for  both  military  and  com- 
mercial purposes.  To  pursue  a  different  course  would,  in  his 
opinion,  be  abandoning  the  substance  and  running  after  the 
shadow.  He  therefore  sustained  President  Polk  in  his  adjust- 
ment of  the  question. 

In  this  session,  Mr.  Johnson  denounced,  as  oppressive,  the  pro- 
posed contingent  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  tea  and  coffee,  laying  it 
down  as  a  fundamental  principle  that  the  expenses  of  the  Govern- 
ment— especially  those  incurred  in  time  of  war — should  be  de- 
frayed by  those  who  enjoyed  the  largest  share  of  its  protection. 
He  thought  it  a  monstrous  injustice  that  the  poor  man  should 
not  only  shed  his  blood  in  defence  of  the  rights  and  honor  of  his 
country,  but  also  be  overburdened  with  taxes.  Having  aided 
in  demolishing  the  proposed  tax,  he  introduced  and  carried 
through  a  bill  providing  a  tax  to  a  certain  amount  of  percentage 
upon  all  bank,  State,  and  G-overnment  stock,  and  other  capital. 
In  the  debate  on  the  River  and  Harbor  Improvement  Bill  of  the 
same  session,  he  took  general  grounds  against  the  insane  policy 
of  indiscriminate  expenditure  of  public  money  for  internal  im- 
provement of  an  entirely  local  nature.  In  the  second  session, 
he  supported  with  great  ability  the  raising  of  men  and  money 
for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  with  Mexico. 

In  1847,  Mr.  Johnson  was  re-elected  to  Congress  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  At  this  time  he  made  an  exceedingly  able 
and  eloquent  argument  in  favor  of  the  veto  power.  Apart  even 
from  its  political  bearing,  this  speech  was  interesting.  He  gave 
an  historical  outline  of  the  veto  power,  which  runs  back  to 
the  times  of  the  Roman  Republic, — the  Tribunes  of  the  people 
having  had  the  right  to  approve  or  disapprove  any  law  passed  by 
the  Senate,  inscribing  upon  the  parchment,  in  case  they  resolved 
to  adopt  the  latter  alternative,  the  word  "veto."  He  traced  this 
power,  through  the  various  stages  of  its  progress,  from  the  days 
of  Augustus,  and  showed  that  since  the  establishment  of  this 
Government  to  the  time  at  which  he  spoke,  the  veto  power  had 
been  exercised  twenty-five  times  :  thus : — by  Washington,  twice ; 
by  Madison,  six  times;  by  Monroe,  once;  by  Jackson,  nine  times ; 
by  Tyler,  four  times;  by  Polk,  thrice.  In  this  session  also  he 


ANDREW   JOHNSON.  353 

continued  his  advocacy  of  the  Mexican  War,  in  opposition  to 
those  who  denounced  it  as  unconstitutional  and  unjust. 

Mr.  Johnson  was  the  prime  mover  in  Congress  of  the  Home- 
stead Bill; — to  give  to  every  man  who  is  the  head  of  a  family, 
and  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  a  homestead  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  of  land  out  of  the  public  domain,  upon  the  con- 
dition that  he  should  occupy  and  cultivate  the  same  for  five 
years.  As  early  as  1847  he  commenced  the  agitation  of  this 
question,  and  has  been  the  forcible  and  untiring  advocate  of  it, 
not  only  in  the  Capitol,  but  everywhere,  and  on  every  occasion. 

Mr.  Johnson  was  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  Twenty- 
Eighth  to  the  Thirty-Second  sessions.  During  all  this  period, 
he  labored  as  few  men  have  ever  labored,  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  people.  He  can  look  back  upon  his  Congressional  career 
as  one  devoted  to  the  service  of  his  country  and  of  humanity. 

At  the  outset  of  his  Congressional  career,  it  was  predicted  that 
his  ultra  notions  would  bury  him  fathom-deep,  and  that  he  would 
go  back  to  Tennessee  and  prey  upon  a  broken  heart  till  carried 
to  his  grave.  But,  as  John  W.  Forney  truly  observes,  "any  one 
who  gazed  into  his  dark  eyes,  and  perused  his  pale  face,  would 
have  seen  there  an  unquenchable  spirit  and  an  almost  fanatic 
obstinacy  that  spoke  another  language."  In  1853,  he  was  elected 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  on  the  17th  of  October 
of  that  year,  delivered  his  inaugural  address.  This  document 
has  been  severely  censured  "  not  only  by  the  conservative  states- 
men of  this  country,  but  by  the  aristocratic  press  of  England 
and  France;"  but  the  "Western  Democratic  Review"  liked  it 
better  than  almost  any  thing  else  from  Governor  Johnson's  pen. 
He  was  re-elected  in  1855,  and  served  as  Governor  until  the  fall 
of  1857,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  for 
the  term  which  ends  in  1863. 

In  April,  1855,  Governor  Johnson  made  a  very  able  speech  at 
Murfreesborough,  Tennessee,  against  "  Know-N  othingism,"  in 
the  course  of  which  he  said, — 

"The  'Know-Nothings'  were  opposed  to  the  Catholio  religion  because 
it  was  of  foreign  origin  and  many  of  its  members  in  this  country  were 
foreigners  also.  He  said  that  if  it  was  a  valid  objection  to  tolerating  the 
Catholic  religion  in  this  country  because  it  was  of  foreign  origin  and 
many  of  its  members  were  foreigners,  we  would  be  compelled  to  expel 
X  30* 


354  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

most  of  the  other  religions  of  the  country  for  the  same  reason.  Who,  he 
asked,  was  John  Wesley,  and  where  did  the  Methodist  religion  have  its 
origin?  It  was  in  old  England,  and  John  Wesley  was  an  Englishman. 
But,  if  John  Wesley  were  alive  to-day,  and  here  in  this  country,  Know- 
Nothingism  would  drive  him  and  his  religion  back  to  England,  whence 
they  came,  because  they  were  foreign.  Who,  he  asked,  was  John  Calvin, 
and  where  did  Calvinism  take  its  rise  ?  Was  it  not  Geneva?  And  were 
Calvin  alive,  this  new  order  would  send  him  and  his  doctrines  back  whence 
they  came.  Who,  he  asked,  was  Roger  Williams  ?  And  would  not  Roger 
Williams  and  the  Baptists  share  the  same  fate  ?  And  so  with  Martin 
Luther,  the  great  Reformer.  He  would  have  been  subjected  to  the  same 
proscriptive  test." 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  Senator  Johnson  was  prominent 
in  his  advocacy  of  his  favorite  project, — the  Homestead  Bill, — 
and  on  other  leading  domestic  and  financial  questions  of  the  day. 
He  offered  a  substitute  for  the  Army  Bill,  reported  by  the 
Military  Committee, — proposing  to  employ  a  force  of  four  thou- 
sand volunteers,  who  should  be  engaged  for  the  specific  purpose 
of  quelling  the  rebellion  in  Utah,  and  who  should  be  disbanded 
at  the  completion  of  the  campaign.  He  protested  against  the 
existence  of  standing  armies;  and  the  time,  in  his  opinion,  was 
most  inopportune  to  propose  any  permanent  addition  to  the  mili- 
tary establishment.  Instead  of  increasing  we  should  seek  to  cur- 
tail expenditure.  The  Democratic  party  was  held  responsible  for 
any  extravagance;  and  these  appropriations  had  already  increased 
to  an  alarming  extent,  and  greatly  beyond  the  proportion  de- 
manded by  the  increasing  expansion  of  the  country.  If  our 
expenses  should  increase  according  to  the  ratio  which  had 
hitherto  prevailed,  the  amount  required  for  the  ordinary  purposes 
of  the  Government,  in  1860,  would  be  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  millions  of  dollars.  Since  the  organization  of  the  Govern- 
ment, the  appropriations  made  for  its  support  had  amounted  to 
thirteen  hundred  and  thirteen  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-seven  millions  had  been  applied  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  leaving  only 
four  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  for  all  other  objects.  He 
was  opposed  to  further  progress  in  this  direction,  and  warned  the 
Democracy  of  the  danger  to  which  their  political  ascendency 
would  be  exposed  by  a  persistence  in  this  path  of  extravagance. 

On  January  4,  1859,  Senator  Johnson  introduced  a  resolu- 


ANDREW   JOHNSON.  355 

tion  of  scrutiny  into  the  expenses  of  the  Government  in  all  its 
Departments,  which  led  to  a  lengthy  and  spirited  debate  between 
Senators  Hunter,  Fessenden,  Toombs,  Shields,  Mason,  Stuart, 
and  others,  and  which  was  continued  at  other  periods,  result- 
ing in  the  reference — on  motion  of  Senator  Gwin,  .January 
17 — of  the  whole  subject  to  a  select  committee.  On  the  25th 
of  the  same  month,  Senator  Johnson,  in  a  speech  of  great  length, 
opposed  the  adoption  of  any  bill  having  for  its  object  to  aid  in 
the  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific.  He  denied  the 
constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  co-operate  in  such  a  work, 
which,  he  thought,  should  be  left  to  private  enterprise.  He  then 
proceeded  to  discuss  the  political  aspects  of  the  present  times, 
which  witnessed,  he  thought,  a  serious  departure  from  the 
maxims  of  the  Constitution  and  the  wise  precepts  of  the  fathers 
and  founders  of  the  Republic.  In  this  degeneracy  the  Demo- 
cratic party  had  shared;  and  he  could  not  recognise  the  right  of 
its  Presidential  Conventions  to  expound  periodically,  beyond  all 
appeal,  the  tenets  which  constituted  a  true  Democrat.  As  to 
the  Union  of  the  States,  he  was  not  one  of  those  who  sang  paeans 
in  its  praise,  because  he  was  one  of  those  who  believed  that  the 
Union  had  never  yet  been,  and  was  not  likely  ever  to  be,  in  any 
danger. 

On  the  Slavery  question,  Senator  Johnson's  position  is — as  he 
stated  in  1849 — "that  Congress  has  no  power  to  interfere  with 
the  subject  of  slavery;  that  it  is  an  institution  local  in  its  cha- 
racter, and  peculiar  to  the  States  where  it  exists;  and  no  other 
power  has  the  right  to  control  it."  In  1850,  he  introduced  into 
the  House,  before  the  bills  embracing  the  Compromise  measures 
were  reported  to  the  Senate,  a  series  of  resolutions  containing 
substantially  the  same  provisions,  and  requiring,  among  other 
things,  the  Committee  on  Territories  to  report  a  bill  providing 
for  ua  more  efficient  mode  for  the  recapture  and  return  of  fugi- 
tive slaves  to  the  slave  States."  On  the  9th  of  June,  1850,  while 
his  resolutions  were  under  discussion,  he  trusted  that  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  the  reflecting  and  patriotic  of  all  sides,  would — in 
view  of  the  amount  of  public  prosperity,  tranquillity,  and  happi- 
ness, as  well  as  the  great  value  of  property,  involved  in  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  pending  difficulties — feel  that  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  was  paramount  to  all  other  considerations.  "I  be- 


356  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

lieve,"  said  Mr.  Johnson,  "that  slavery  has  its  foundation  and 
will  find  its  perpetuity  in  the  Union,  and  the  Union  its  continu- 
ance by  a  non-interference  with  the  institution  of  slavery."  He 
voted  for  the  Compromise  measures,  and  supported,  in  like 
manner,  the  Lecompton  side  of  the  Kansas  question  in  1858. 

In  December,  1859,  Senator  Johnson  made  a  speech  on  Sena- 
tor Mason's  "  Harper's  Ferry  Resolution/'  in  which  he  replied 
to  Senators  Seward,  Trumbull,  and  Doolittle.  He  showed  con- 
clusively the  fallacy  of  the  doctrine  contended  for  by  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  regard  to  the  equality  of  the  white  and  black  races. 
He  also  showed,  in  a  clear  and  satisfactory  manner,  that  there 
was  no  conflict  between  the  free-labor  of  the  North  and  the 
slave-labor  of  the  South, — that  they  were  in  fact  fortunate  in- 
gredients and  operated  as  mutual  benefits  to  each  other,  and,  if 
let  alone,  would  move  on  harmoniously,  and  in  the  end  carry  out 
and  develop  the  great  design  of  our  fathers  who  framed  the  Con- 
stitution and  fulfil  our  important  destiny. 

A  friend  who  served  with  him  in  the  Legislature,  messed  with 
him,  and  knew  him  intimately,  writes,  that  "Johnson  is  bold  and 
indomitable.  His  distinguishing  characteristic  is  energy.  He 
tires  at  nothing;  and  if  he  cannot  succeed  one  way  he  tries 
another,  and  another,  until  he  accomplishes  his  purposes.  He 
is  rather  slow  and  circumspect  in  taking  his  positions;  but  when 
taken  nothing  can  drive  him  from  them.  .  .  .  He  seldom 
fights  his  battles  through  his  friends,  but  relies  mainly  upon  his 
own  fearless  energy  to  carry  him  through;  and  it  is  never  found 
wanting.  As  a  citizen,  he  is  a  quiet,  orderly,  not  to  say  diffident, 
gentleman.  He  is  a  warm  friend  and  a  bitter  enemy.  Em- 
phatically of  the  people  himself,  he  is  the  people's  friend  in 
public  and  private  life.  His  best  efforts,  throughout  his  whole 
life,  have  been  to  ameliorate  their  condition ;  and  every  sympathy 
of  his  heart,  I  am  certain,  is  with  them." 


JOSEPH   LANE.  357 


JOSEPH   LANE, 

OF  OREGON. 

JOSEPH  LANE,  the  second  son  of  John  Lane  and  Elizabeth 
Street,  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  on  the  14th  of  December, 
1801.  In  1804,  the  father  emigrated  to  Kentucky  and  settled 
in  Henderson  County.  He  had  the  benefit  of  having  sprung 
from  Revolutionary  stock,  and,  if  he  learned  little  else,  imbibed 
many  stirring  lessons  of  patriotism  and  its  glorious  results  from 
the  elders  who  surrounded  the  hearthstone  of  his  boyhood.  At 
an  early  age  he  shifted  for  himself,  and  entered  the  employ  of 
Nathaniel  Hart,  Clerk  of  the  County  Court.  In  1816,  he  went 
into  Warwick  County,  Indiana,  became  a  clerk  in  a  mercantile 
house,  married,  in  1820,  a  young  girl  of  French  and  Irish  ex- 
traction, and  settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  in  Vanderburg 
County. 

Young  Lane  soon  became  the  man  of  the  people  among  whom 
he  had  cast  his  lot.  In  1822,  then  barely  eligible,  he  was 
elected  to  the  Indiana  Legislature,  and  took  his  seat,  to  the 
astonishment  of  many  older  worthies.  Hon.  Oliver  H.  Smith, 
a  new  member  likewise,  and  since  a  United  States  Senator  from 
1837  to  1843,  describes,  in  a  work  recently  published,  the  ap- 
pearance of  Lane  on  the  occasion.  "The  roll-calling  progressed 
as  I  stood  by  the  side  of  the  clerk.  f  The  county  of  Vanderburg 
and  Warwick !'  said  the  clerk.  I  saw  advancing  a  slender, 
freckle-faced  boy,  in  appearance  eighteen  or  twenty  years  of  age. 
I  marked  his  step  as  he  came  up  to  my  side,  and  have  often 
noticed  his  air  since :  it  was  General  Joseph  Lane,  of  Mexican 
and  Oregon  fame  in  after-years." 

On  the  Ohio,  Lane  became  extremely  popular  as  a  good 
neighbor  and  a  man  of  enlarged  hospitality.  Near  his  dwelling, 
the  river  has  a  bar,  which  never  fails  at  low-water  to  detain  a 
small  fleet  of  boats.  Lane's  farm-house  had  ever  its  doors  open; 


358  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

an  invitation  was  extended  to  all  to  come  and  help  themselves, 
the  host  never  consenting  to  receive  remuneration,  though 
hundreds  have  partaken  of  his  store.  Any  boatman  on  the 
river,  says  a  reliable  informant,  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  take 
any  of  his  boats  for  temporary  use,  without  asking.  Such  was 
Joseph  Lane  on  his  homestead.  Acquaintance  with  river-life 
made  him  a  good  pilot  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Rivers, — 
which  gained  him  an  additional  meed  of  respect  from  the 
"ri  verm  en." 

As  farmer,  produce-dealer,  and  legislator,  many  years  rolled 
over  his  head, — every  year  adding  to  his  popularity  as  a  man, 
both  in  his  private  and  public  capacity.  He  was  frequently  re- 
elected  by  the  people,  and  continued  to  serve  them,  at  short 
intervals,  in  either  branch  of  the  Legislature,  for  a  period  of 
twenty-four  years. 

Mr.  Lane  was  a  fearless  legislator,  always  acting  from  a  con 
scientious  belief  in  the  truth  of  his  views,  and  following  them 
up  with  spirit  and  undeviating  vigilance.  Those  who  are  best 
acquainted  with  this  portion  of  his  career  delight  to  dwell  upon 
the  zeal  and  tenacity  with  which  he  upheld  the  trusts  confided 
to  him  and  denounced  the  wrongs  which  threatened  to  thwart 
his  designs  for  good.  He  is,  however,  a  man  of  deeds  rather 
than  words, — though  he  does  not  lack  the  power  to  express  his 
views  clearly  and  forcibly. 

Never  in  favor  of  expediency,  he  was  always  for  what  seemed 
right  to  him.  When  it  was  thought  that  Indiana,  overburdened 
with  debt,  would  be  compelled  to  repudiate,  the  prospect  of  the 
disgrace  which  would  thereby  result  to  the  State  aroused  all  his 
indignant  energies.  He  would  not  hear  of  such  a  thing.  He 
felt  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  him,  as  a  working-man  with  the 
will  and  the  strength  to  labor,  to  repudiate  a  debt.  What  was 
it,  then,  to  a  State  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  representatives  ? 
He  toiled  untiringly  to  avert  it,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
his  efforts  successful. 

A  gentleman  who  served  in  the  Legislature  of  Indiana  during 
a  portion  of  the  time  referred  to  has  given  me  several  anecdotes 
illustrating  the  moral  courage,  the  strong  sense  of  justice,  and 
the  love  of  fair  play,  which  have  ever  characterized  General 
Lane's  conduct  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  public  or  private. 


JOSEPH   LANE.  359 

"While  some  men/'  he  writes,  "espouse  the  cause  of  truth  more 
through  accident,  or  the  force  of  circumstances,  than  from  an  in- 
nate love  of  justice  for  justice's  sake,  Lane's  mind  was  so  happily 
constituted  that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  him  to  err  in  refer- 
ence to  any  question  which  had  a  right  and  a  wrong  side  to  it. 
At  the  time  of  which  I  speak,  there  had  assembled  a  large  De- 
mocratic Convention  in  the  State  Capitol  of  Indiana ;  and  among 
other  subjects  claiming  the  consideration  of  the  delegates  in  that 
body  was  the  propriety  of  subjecting  the  nomination  of  two 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  the  test  of  &  party  nomination. 
The  offices  were  filled — and  ably  filled — by  Charles  Dewey  and 
Jeremiah  Sullivan;  and  General  Lane,  though  a  strong  party 
man,  opposed,  with  his  accustomed  earnestness,  the  attempt  to 
bring  the  Judiciary  of  the  State  within  the  vortex  of  party,  or  to 
make  the  polities  of  either  the  incumbents  or  the  aspirants  a  test 
of  party  action.  Judge  Dewey  was  a  gentleman  of  fine  educa- 
tion, of  great  legal  ability,  and,  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
his  high  trust,  held  the  scales  of  justice  with  so  even  a  hand 
that  not  a  word  could  be  said  against  him,  except  that  his  poli- 
tical proclivities  were  of  the  Whig  school.  Judge  Sullivan, 
though  not  so  able  as  a  jurist,  was  far  above  mediocrity,  and 
challenged  universal  respect  by  his  amiable  character  and  spot- 
less integrity.  Among  the  delegates  in  the  Convention  from 
Floyd  County  was  a  young  gentleman  who  was  born,  raised, 
and  educated  in  the  State  of  New  York,  and  who,  having  resided 
only  a  year  in  the  State  of  his  adoption,  could  not,  in  vhw  of 
the  political  dogmas  of  the  Tammany  school,  see  the  propriety 
of  tolerating  a  Whig  official  of  any  kind  while  a  Democrat  could 
be  found  able  and  willing  to  fill  his  place.  No  sooner  had  this 
young  man  (now  the  able  Governor  of  the  State)  commenced 
advocating  his  peculiar  views  in  the  Convention,  than  the  ma- 
jority of  that  body,  to  whom  he  was  a  total  stranger,  positively 
refused  to  give  him  even  a  hearing,  and,  by  shouts  and  all  sorts 
of  noises,  drowned  his  voice  every  time  he  attempted  to  advance 
his  (to  them)  distasteful  and  unpalatable  notions.  Colonel  Lane, 
though  foremost  among  those  who  favored  the  reappointment  of 
the  old  judges,  became  indignant  at  this  treatment  of  the  young 
delegate,  and  made  several  ineifectual  attempts  to  command  for 
him  a  hearing.  Losing  all  patience  with  what  he  considered  the 


360  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

injustice  of  the  majority,  he  at  length  mounted  a  table,  and, 
addressing  the  presiding  officer,  remarked  that  no  member  of 
the  Convention  was  more  radically  opposed  to  the  views  of  the 
young  gentleman  from  Floyd  County  than  himself;  but,  as  he  came 
there  clothed  with  the  power  and  authority  to  represent  a  portion 
of  the  people  of  Indiana,  he  insisted,  in  justice  to  his  constituents 
if  not  to  himself,  that  the  courtesy  of  a  hearing  should  be  given 
to  him.  As  an  advocate  of  the  right  of  free  discussion,  he,  for 
one,  could  not,  by  his  silence,  acquiesce  in  applying  the  gag  to 
any  member  of  that  body;  and  therefore,  until  the  delegate  from 
Floyd  was  heard,  he  pledged  himself  to  oppose,  with  all  his  ener- 
gies, the  transaction  of  any  other  business.  Claiming  to  be  the 
friends  of  liberty  and  of  right,  it  would,  he  continued,  inflict 
indelible  disgrace  upon  the  Convention  to  stifle,  by  brute  force 
or  riotous  clamor,  the  opinions  of  the  humblest  member  of  the 
body,  merely  because  they  were  different  from  those  entertained 
by  the  majority.  Such  was  the  emphatic  and  earnest  manner 
of  the  colonel's  delivery,  and  such  the  justice  and  the  noble 
spirit  of  his  views,  that  the  young  delegate  was  finally,  by  common 
consent,  permitted  to  proceed  until  he  had  finished  his  speech. 

"  This  imperfect  sketch  can  give  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  moral 
grandeur  of  the  scene,  which  neither  time  nor  distance  can  efface 
from  the  memories  of  those  who  witnessed  it." 

In  politics  General  Lane  has  always  been  of  the  Jefferson 
and  Jackson  school.  Possessing  a  strong  intellect,  and  a  me- 
mory retentive  of  facts  and  quick  to  use  them,  he  has  become 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  history  and  politics  of  the  coun- 
try. Mr.  Yulee  well  observes,  "  He  has  written  with  his  plough 
and  sword,  and  spoken  by  his  deeds;  and,  though  unused  to  the 
ornaments  of  rhetoric  and  literature,  he  is,  nevertheless,  powerful 
in  debate,  and  especially  well  qualified  in  political  and  Presi- 
dential conflicts  on  the  stump  to  overwhelm  the  opponents  of 
Democracy."  He  supported  Jackson  in  1824,  '28,  and  '32,  gave 
his  voice  and  energies  for  Van  Buren,  in  1836  and  '40,  "as  long 
as  the  latter  followed  '  in  the  footsteps  of  his  illustrious  predeces- 
sor/ "  and  went  for  Polk  in  1844.  His  activity  and  earnestness 
were  contagious,  and  could  not  but  infuse  into  those  about  him, 
and  into  the  public  men  of  the  State  generally,  the  spirit  which 
had  led  him  to  so  honorable  a  prominence. 


JOSEPH    LANE.  361 

In  the  spring  of  1846,  the  war  commenced  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico,  and  a  call  was  made  upon  Indiana  for  volun- 
teers. Lane,  then  a  member  of  the  State  Senate,  immediately 
resigned,  and  entered  Captain  Walker's  company  as  a  private. 
He  chose  Walker  as  his  commander,  having  a  high  opinion 
of  his  bravery, — an  opinion  which  that  gallant  officer's  conduct 
and  death  at  Buena  Vista  completely  justified.  When  the  regi- 
ment met  at  the  rendezvous, — -New  Albany, — Joseph  Lane  was 
taken  from  the  ranks  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  men,  and 
placed  at  the  head  as  colonel;  and  in  a  very  few  days  afterward 
he  received — unsought  and  unexpected  by  him — a  commission 
from  President  Polk  as  brigadier-general.  On  the  9th  of  July 
he  wrote  a  letter  of  acceptance,  and  entered  on  the  command  of 
the  three  regiments  forming  his  brigade.  Two  weeks  after,  (24th 
of  July,)  he  was  at  the  Brazos,  with  all  his  men,  and  concluded 
the  report  announcing  his  arrival  to  General  Taylor  in  these 
words : — "  The  brigade  I  have  the  honor  to  command  is  generally 
in  good  health  and  fine  spirits,  anxious  to  engage  in  active 
service/'  On  the  20th  of  August,  he  wrote  to  Major-General 
Butler,  claiming  active  service.  His  brigade  did  not  relish 
being  left  in  the  rear  to  garrison  towns  or  to  guarcl  provisions 
and  military  stores,  while  the  regular  army,  and  the  volunteers 
already  ordered  on  to  Camargo,  would  have  the  honor  of  being 
actively  engaged.  "It  was  understood,"  wrote  Lane,  "when  we 
arrived  at  the  Brazos,  that  the  regiments  of  volunteers  would  be 
moved  on  toward  the  enemy  in  the  order  in  which  they  arr'ved. 
Such  orders  have  been  observed,  with  two  exceptions,  both 
operating  to  the  prejudice  of  this  brigade/'  &c. 

Lane  had  an  idea  that  the  Indiana  men  were  raised  to  do  some 
fighting,  and  he  was  impatient  of  delay.  The  second. day  after 
his  letter  to  Butler,  he  wrote  again  to  General  Taylor,  complain- 
ing of  the  advance  of  troops  out  of  their  order  of  precedence. 
Without  being  disrespectful,  he  demanded  for  his  command  a 
share  in  the  dangers  and  honors  of  the  active  service.  He  re- 
quested that,  if  the  whole  volunteer  corps  was  not  needed  on 
the  scene  of  action,  a  part  of  each  State's  troops  be  selected. 
Despite  his  anxiety  to  go  on,  he  had  to  remain  several  months,  ia 
a  most  irksome  mood,  on  the  swampy  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
where  his  troops,  suffering  under  the  sweltering  sun,  were  deci- 

31 


362  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

mated  by  the  pestilential  diseases  of  the  climate  He  was 
almost  the  only  man  of  the  brigade  who  was  riot  [rostrated  at 
some  time. 

At  length  he  was  ordered  to  Saltillo,  and  was  made  civil  and 
military  commandant  of  that  post  by  Major-General  Butler. 
Here  he  established  a  vigilant  police,  protecting  life  and  property, 
and  built  a  strong  fortification  to  provide  against  the  threatened 
descent  by  Santa  Anna.  It  was  owing  to  the  watchful  care  of 
his  confidential  scouts  and  spies,  secured  by  liberal  pay  out  of 
his  own  pocket,  that  he  was  enabled  to  communicate  the  first 
intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Major  Gaines's  command.  While 
in  command  at  Saltillo,  General  Lane  personally  visited  each 
picket-guard  nightly,  thus  presenting  to  his  men  a  fruitful  ex- 
ample of  vigilance.  After  the  battle  of  Monterey,  Lane  was 
ordered  to  join  General  Taylor. 

The  famous  battle  of  Buena  Vista  was  fought  on  the  22d  and 
23d  of  February,  1847.  General  Lane  was  third  in  command, 
and  served  on  the  left  wing.  From  the  beginning  to  the  end 
he  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d, 
Lane  had  the  honor  of  opening  the  continuation  of  the  battle,  on 
the  plain,  where  he  was  attacked  by  a  force  of  from  four  to  five 
thousand  infantry,  artillery,  and  lancers,  under  General  Ani- 
pudia.  At  this  crisis,  Lane's  force  was  reduced  to  four  hundred 
men;  and  with  this  phalanx  he  received  the  Mexican  onset. 
"Nothing,"  writes  an  eye-witness,  ll could  exceed  the  imposing 
and  fearful  appearance  of  the  torrent  of  assailants  which  at  this 
moment  swept  along  toward  the  little  band  of  Lane.  The  long 
lines  of  infantry  presented  a  continued  and  unbroken  sheet  of 
fire.  But  their  opponents,  though  few  in  number,  were  undis- 
mayed, and  defended  their  position  with  a  gallantry  worthy  of 
the  highest  praise.  Several  times  I  observed  the  Mexican  lines, 
galled  by  the  American  musketry  and  shattered  by  the  fearful 
discharges  from  O'Brien's  battery,  break  and  fall  back  •  but  their 
successive  formations  beyond  the  ridge  enabled  them  to  force 
the  men  back  to  their  position  and  quickly  replace  those  who 
were  slain."  All  the  printed  authorities  on  this  great  fight,  as 
well  as  parties  who  served  with  the  gallant  brigadier  from  Indiana, 
unite  in  extolling  his  conduct  in  glowing  terms. 

As  Lane  commenced  the  fight  on  the  23d?  so  was  he  in  "at 


JOSEPH   LANE.  363 

the  death."  The  Illinois  and  Kentucky  regiments,  suffering 
sorely,  were  falling  back  under  a  terrible  charge  by  the  collected 
infantry  of  Santa  Anna,  when  Lane,  though  wounded,  came 
up  with  the  Indiana  men,  and  with  the  Mississippi  regiment, 
under  Colonel  Jefferson  Davis,  opened  a  destructive  fire  upon  the 
Mexicans,  checked  their  advance,  and  enabled  the  retreating 
regiments  to  form  and  return  to  the  contest.  Failing  to  pierce 
the  American  centre,  Santa  Anna  retired  from  the  field. 

In  this  battle,  where  all  were  heroes,  it  is  the  more  honorable 
to  find  Lane,  with  four  or  five  others,  particularly  noticed.  Here 
is  a  picture  of  him. : — "  When  the  grape  and  musket-shot  flew  as 
thick  as  hail  over  and  through  the  lines  of  our  volunteers,  who 
began  to  waver  before  the  fiery  storm,  their  brave  general  could 
be  seen  fifty  yards  in  advance  of  the  line,  waving  his  sword  with 
an  arm  already  shattered  by  a  musket-ball,  streaming  with  blood, 
and  mounted  on  a  noble  charger,  which  was  gradually  sinking 
under  the  loss  of  blood  from  five  distinct  wounds.  A  brave  sight 
indeed  was  this  !"* 

Major-General  Wool,  writing  to  Lane,  May  23,  regrets  that  he 
is  about  to  lose  his  valuable  services,  and  testifies  to  his  readi- 
ness to  do  honor  to  his  command,  his  country,  and  himself.  Again, 
July  7,  Wool  writes,  "  I  have  seen  you  in  all  situations, — at  the 
head  of  your  brigade  in  the  drill,  and  in  the  great  battle  of  the 
22d  and  23d  of  February;  and  in  the  course  of  my  experience 
I  have  seen  few,  very  few,  who  behaved  with  more  zeal,  ability, 
and  gallantry  in  the  hour  of  danger."  And  General  Taylor,  in 
his  report;  says,  "Brigadier-General  Lane  (slightly  wounded) 
was  active  and  zealous  throughout  the  day,  and  displayed  great 
coolness  and  gallantry  before  the  enemy." 

Remaining  encamped  near  the  battle-field  until  June,  he  was 
ordered,  with  his  brigade,  to  New  Orleans,  where  the  latter  was 
disbanded,  its  term  of  service  having  expired.  On  his  return 
home,  public  festivals  at  New  Albany  and  Evansville  greeted 
him,  while  his  appearance  everywhere  commanded  and  elicited 
the  most  enthusiastic  admiration.  An  order  to  join  Taylor's  line, 
however,  allowed  him  but  a  short  season  of  repose  in  the  bosom 
of  his  family. 

*  "New  Orleans  Delta,"  May  2,  1847. 


864  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Having  been  transferred  to  General  Scott's  line  of  operations, 
lie  reached  Vera  Cruz  with  his  command  on  the  16th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1847.  On  the  20th,  he  set  out  for  the  city  of  Mexico, 
at  the  head  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men.  At  Jalapa  this 
force  was  increased  by  Major  Lally's  column  of  one  thousand 
men,  and  at  Perote  by  a  company  of  mounted  riflemen,  two  of 
volunteer  infantry,  and  two  pieces  of  artillery.  At  this  time 
Colonel  Childs,  of  the  regular  army,  was  besieged  in  Puebla  by 
a  large  force  under  Santa  Anna.  Childs,  knowing  the  import- 
ance of  the  post,  nobly  held  out;  and  his  officers  and  soldiers, 
animated  by  a  like  spirit,  exhibited  the  most  heroic  fortitude 
under  numerous  privations.  They  knew  that  to  gain  time  was  to 
gain  victory;  for  Lane  was  marching  to  their  relief.  Santa  Anna, 
also  aware  of  Lane's  approach,  used  every  exertion  to  carry  the 
place  by  storm.  Failing  in  this,  he  cautiously  withdrew  the 
main  body  of  his  troops  toward  Huamantla,  intending  to  attack 
General  Lane  in  the  rear  when  he  had  passed  that  point,  while 
another  force  would  assault  him  from  the  direction  of  Puebla. 
Lane's  scouts,  however,  were  neither  deaf  nor  blind.  He  divined 
the  Mexican's  plan,  and  frustrated  it. 

Leaving  his  train  at  San  Antonio  Tamaris  with  a  suitable  de- 
fence, Lane  marched  against  Huamantla  with  over  two  thousand 
men.  On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  October,  the  people  were 
startled  by  the  approach  of  the  soldiers.  White  flags  were  imme- 
diately displayed ;  but  no  sooner  had  the  advanced  guard,  under 
Captain  Walker,  entered  the  town,  than  volley  after  volley  as- 
sailed it.  A  deadly  combat  ensued.  Walker  gallantly  charged 
upon  a  body  of  five  hundred  lancers  and  two  pieces  of  artillery 
on  the  plaza.  General  Lane,  advancing  at  the  head  of  his 
column,  encountered  the  heavy  reinforcement  of  Santa  Anna,  who 
had  arrived  with  his  full  force.  Soon  the  roar  of  battle  re- 
sounded from  street  to  street.  For  a  short  time  the  Mexicans 
confronted  their  assailants  with  the  energy  of  despair;  but  the 
terrible  decision  of  the  Americans  prevailed,  and  their  flag  soon 
waved  over  the  treacherous  town.  A  large  quantity  of  ammuni- 
tion was  captured,  and  some  prisoners, — one  of  whom  was  Major 
Iturbide,  son  of  the  former  Emperor  of  Mexico.  This  was  the 
last  field  on  which  Santa  Anna  appeared  in  arms  against  the 


JOSEPH   LANE.  365 

United  States.  For  this  victory  Lane  was  brevetted  major- 
general. 

Having  rejoined  his  train,  General  Lane  arrived  at  Puebla  on 
the  12th  of  October.  Compelling  General  Rea  to  retire,  he 
raised  the  siege.  Of  the  besieged,  Jenkins*  writes,  "  Their 
emotions  can  be  more  easily  conceived  than  expressed,  when 
they  caught  sight  of  the  glistening  sabres,  the  flashing  bayonets, 
and  the  victorious  banners  of  General  Lane,  as  his  columns 
wound  through  the  now  almost  deserted  streets;  and  when  his 
trumpets  sounded  their  shrill  notes  of  defiance,  every  man 
breathed  freer  and  deeper,  and  felt  prouder  of  his  country,  her 
honor,  and  her  fame." 

On  the  19th,  Lane  was  in  pursuit  of  Rea,  under  a  burning 
sun.  At  Santa  Isabella,  about  thirteen  miles  from  Puebla,  he 
met  the  Mexican  advance-guards.  A  running  fight  was  kept 
up  for  four  miles,  when,  discovering  the  enemy  strongly  posted 
on  a  hill  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  Atlixco,  a  severe  fight 
took  place.  The  Mexicans  were  driven  into  the  town.  Not 
wishing  to  enter  a  strange  place  at  night,  Lane  commanded  the 
approaches  and  opened  a  telling  cannonade.  The  Ayuntamientos 
came  out  and  begged  that  the  town  might  be  spared.  Lane 
spared  it,  but  took  and  destroyed  large  quantities  of  arms  and 
munitions.  On  his  return  to  Puebla,  he  set  out  for  Guexocingo, 
and  destroyed  the  enemy's  resources  there.  On  the  29th  he 
fought  the  first  battle  of  Tlascala,  and  on  the  10th  of  November 
encountered  Generals  Rea  and  Torrejou  at  the  same  place, 
and  recaptured  a  train  of  thirty-six  laden  wagons  belong- 
ing to  merchants  in  Puebla  and  Mexico.  In  thanks  for  this 
service,  the  merchants  presented  a  splendid  sword  to  General 
Lane.  On  the  22d,  taking  with  him  Colonel  Hays,  Captain 
Lewis,  and  Lieutenant  Field,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  horse 
and  one  gun,  Lane  started  to  surprise  Matamoras,  where  were 
collected  a  large  amount  of  Mexican  supplies,  and  one  thousand 
men  strongly  posted  in  a  fort  mounted  with  artillery.  Forming 
secretly,  he  gives  the  word ;  the  mounted  men  are  at  the  base 
of  the  wall :  in  an  instant  they  leap  from  the  saddle  and  spring 
upon  the  fort,  losing  but  one  man,  and  putting  the  Mexicans  to 


*  See  "  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico,"  by  John  S.  Jenkins. 
31* 


366  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

flight,  with  a  loss  of  eighty  before  Lane  could  stay  the  havoc. 
Assuredly  he  did  surprise  Matamoras,  as  well  as  the  twenty-five 
American  prisoner^  he  liberated  therefrom.  On  his  return,  (the 
24th,)  the  enemy,  emboldened  by  the  small  number  of  Lane's 
troops,  being  in  the  ratio  of  about  eight  to  one,  made  a  stand 
at  Galaxa.  The 'Americans  were  faltering  under  the  terrible 
fire,  when  Lane,  leaping  from  his  horse,  unlimbered  a  gun,  turned 
it  on  the  enemy,  and  fired  it  with  his  lighted  cigar.  The  gun, 
loaded  with  grape,  checked  the  enemy,  and,  being  quickly  served 
by  Lieutenants  Field  and  McDonald,  settled  the  affair,  and  our 
troops  returned  to  Puebla  in  triumph  at  noon  of  the  following 
day. 

Lane's  campaign,  from  the  departure  from  Yera  Cruz  up  to 
this  point,  was  a  series  of  brilliant  movements  and  victories. 
A  surgeon  attached  to  his  command  wrote  home,  about  this 
period,  that  no  writers — only  the  soldiers — could  tell  with  what 
ingenuity  and  bravery  Lane  conducted  his  handful  of  men. 
"I  never"— he  adds— "before  could  understand  how  cowards 
were  transformed  into  brave  men  as  by  miracle." 

Reporting  himself,  by  order,  to  the  commanding  general  on 
the  18th  of  December,  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  General  Lane  was 
received  with  marked  emotion  by  General  Scott.  It  was  the 
intention  of  the  latter  to  send  Lane,  at  the  head  of  a  brigade,  on 
a  forward  movement.  "Waiting  impatiently  for  four  weeks,  Lane 
asked  and  obtained  leave  to  take  three  hundred  mounted  men, 
with  Hays,  Polk,  and  Walker,  and  chase  the  guerillas  under  the 
notorious  Zenobia.  In  this  expedition  ha  almost  succeeded  in 
capturing  Santa  Anna  at  Tehuacan.  AH  he  got  of  him,  how- 
ever, was  his  swords.  On  the  23d  of  January,  1848,  as  he 
marched  into  Orizaba — a  city  of  twenty  thousand  inhabitants — 
at  one  side,  the  enemy  inarched  out  at  the  other.  A  large  quan- 
tity of  Government  property  was  confiscated  for  the  benefit  of 
the  United  States.  He  next  took  Cordova,  confiscated  more 
property,  and  released  3,  number  of  American  prisoners.  Pie- 
cruiting  his  men  at  Puebla,  he  is  wandering  through  the  moun- 
tains in  search  of  the  enemy.  On  the  third  day  he  meets  and 
disperses  the  command  of  Colonel  Falcon,  and,  not  falling  in 
with  any  other  detachment  of  the  Mexicans,  returns  to  the  capi 


JOSEPH   LANE.  367 

tal  on  the  10th  of  February,  having  been  absent  but  twenty- 
four  days. 

A  few  days  after  his  return,  he  turns  out  again  with  the  sarne 
brave  and  hardy  comrades,  to  arrest  and  punish  Jarauta,  a  noted 
robber-chief,  who  had  been  perpetrating  such  atrocities  as  not 
paying  over  much — or  very  little — respect  to  the  person  of  the 
courier  belonging  to  the  British  embassy,  and  other  more  really 
atrocious  doings  against  Americans.  Leaving  the  City  of  Mexico 
on  the  17th  of  February,  he  surprised  Tulancingo  on  the  dawn 
of  the  21st.  General  Paredes  escaped  from  his  bed.  Jarauta, 
who,  Lane  learned,  was  at  Tehualtaplan,  was  a  wily  mgue.  Lane, 
desiring  to  throw  him  off  his  guard,  remained  a  day  and  a  night 
at  Tulancingo,  gave  out  that  he  was  returning  to  Mexico,  set  off 
in  that  direction,  but  about  dark  changed  his  course,  and  arrived 
at  a  ranch  on  the  road  to,  and  eighteen  miles  distant  from, 
Tehualtaplan  in  thirty-six  hours  after  leaving  Tulancingo.  On 
the  24th  he  was  at  the  former.  There  were  one  thousand  lancers 
and  guerillas  under  Colonel  Montano  and  Jarauta;  and,  as  the 
Americans  entered  Tehualtaplan  at  sunrise  of  the  25th,  the  esco- 
peta-balls  came  whistling  about  their  heads  from  every  house. 
Jenkins,  in  his  history,  p.  496,  says, — 

"Headed  by  General  Lane,  Colonel  Hays,  and  Major  Polk,  the  rangers 
and  dragoons  dashed  upon  the  enemy,  fighting  their  way  hand  to  hand 
into  the  houses,  cutting  down  every  man  who  refused  to  surrender.  A 
portion  of  the  Mexicans  rallied  and  formed  outside  the  town ;  but  a  vigor- 
ous charge,  led  by  General  Lane  and  Colonel  Hays,  quickly  put  them  to 
rout.  Jarauta,  who  was  wounded  in  the  conflict,  again  escaped,  One 
hundred  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  however,  among  whom  were  Colonel 
Montano,  and  the  bosom-friend  of  Jarauta,  Padre  Martinez.  A  still 
greater  number  were  wounded,  and  there  were  fifty  taken  prisoners. 
General  Lane  lost  but  one  man  killed  and  four  wounded.  Quiet  was  soon 
restored  in  the  town  after  the  fighting  had  ceased ;  and  the  Americans 
returned  to  the  capital,  taking  with  them  their  prisoners,  and  a  quantity 
of  recovered  property  that  had  been  plundered  from  different  trains." 

The  battle  of  Tehualtaplan  was  the  last  fought  in  Mexico. 
Peace  was  soon  declared;  but  General  Lane — who,  not  inappro- 
priately, says  Jenkins,  was  styled  by  his  brother  officers  and 
soldiers  "  the  Marion  of  the  army" — remained  some  months 
directing  the  movements  consequent  upon  the  return  of  our 
troops.  On  evacuating  the  conquered  land,  Lane  remarked  to  a 


368  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

friend,  "I  left  my  plough  to  take  the  sword  with  a  thrill  of 
pleasure;  for  my  country  called  me.  I  now  go  home  to  resume 
the  plough  with  as  sincere  joy." 

About  the  1st  of  August,  1848,  General  Lane  reached  Indiana. 
His  fellow-citizens  were  rejoiced  to  see  him;  but  he  had  not  time 
to  respond  to  the  favors  extended  to  him,  for  on  the  18th  he — 
without  any  solicitation  on  his  part — was  appointed  Governor 
of  Oregon.*  On  the  28th  his  commission  reached  him,  and  on 
the  next  day  he  set  out  for  his  post.  He  reached  Fort  Leaven- 
worth  on  the  4th  of  September  and  left  it  on  the  10th,  with 
twenty-two  men,  including  guides,  &c.  This  was  the  year  in 
which  Colonel  Fremont,  who  followed  Governor  Lane  in  a  few 
weeks,  lost  almost  his  entire  party  in  the  mountains.  The  jour- 
ney to  Oregon,  at  all  times  arduous,  is  of  course  peculiarly  so  in 
the  winter  season.  After  reaching  the  Rio  Grande,  through 
snow-storms  of  eight  days'  continuance,  and  when  neither  grass 
nor  timber  for  fuel  were  to  be  had,  Lane  and  his  guide  differed 
as  to  the  route  that  should  be  followed.  The  Governor  wanted 
to  strike  south;  the  guide  insisted  on  keeping  the  old  route. 
They  parted ;  Governor  Lane  undertook  to  pilot  himself,  and  his 
guide  returned,  foreboding  evil.  Had  the  Governor  followed  the 
guide's  advice,  the  party  would  have  met  the  same  fate  as  did 
that  of  Fremont.  For  more  than  twenty  days  he  made  south- 
ward, and  finally  came  to  the  Mexican  village  of  Santa  Cruz,  in 
Sonora,  where  he  took  the  regular  trail.  On  reaching  the  Gila, 
seven  men  deserted,  who  killed  two  of  the  men  that  were  sent 
back  after  them;  and,  shortly  after,  five  others,  with  a  corporal, 
deserted,  fearful  of  starvation  if  they  proceeded. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  1849,  about  six  months  after  his  de- 
parture from  home,  he  arrived  safely  in  Oregon  City.  This 
journey  cost  the  Government  nothing, — General  Lane  not 
making  any  charge  for  his  expenses;  besides  which,  he  aided 
largely  in  subsisting  the  troops,  the  greater  part  of  the  time,  with 
the  product  of  his  rifle,  as  he  was  both  the  pilot  and  the  hunter 
for  the  party.f 

*  General  Shields  was  appointed  on  the  14th  of  August,  and  declined. 

f  In  this  connection  it  may  be  stated  that  during  the  Mexican  War  he  sub- 
sisted his  troops  with  less  cost  than  that  of  any  others  in  the  service.  His  trea- 
ties and  "talks"  with  the  Indians  in  Oregon  were  all  conducted  without  expense 


JOSEPH   LANE.  869 

The  Indians  of  Oregon — of  whom  there  were  between  fifty 
and  sixty  tribes — kept  the  whites  in  a  constant  state  of  jeopardy. 
The  progress  and  settlement  of  the  Territory  were  greatly  impeded 
by  their  depredations.  In  1850,  a  formidable  outbreak  took 
place  on  Rogue  River,  in  the  southern  part  of  Oregon.  Gover- 
nor Lane  took  the  field  in  person,  collected  a  force  of  settlers, 
miners,  a  few  officers  and  men  of  the  regular  army,  attacked 
the  Indians  at  Table  Rock,  and,  after  a  desperate  conflict,  in 
which  he  was  severely  wounded,  drove  them  from  their  posi- 
tion. Following  this  success  up  with  his  accustomed  vigor,  he  so 
severely  chastised  them  that  they  were  glad  to  accept  any  terms 
of  peace.  On  several  occasions,  nothing  but  Governor  Lane's 
force  of  character  and  coolness  could  have  saved  the  handful  of 
men  which  accompanied  him  on  his  Indian  expeditions.  He 
furnished  the  Department  with  a  lengthy  report,  which,  in  Mr. 
Schoolcraft's  opinion,  is  the  only  accurate  account  of  the  Oregon 
Indians.  The  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Oregon 
passed  resolutions  conveying  the  thanks  of  the  people,  and  giving 
their  fullest  approbation  to  his  "  extraordinary  energy"  as  Super- 
intendent of  Indian  Affairs.  "  Few" — says  one  of  the  resolu- 
tions— "could  have  accomplished  so  successfully  what  his  kind- 
ness, integrity,  and  firmness  have  done  to  secure  the  bonds  of  a 
lasting  peace  with  the  tribes  surrounding  us."  The  Assembly 
also  expressed  their  belief  that  while  Governor  he  acted  for  the 
best  interests  of  the  whole  people;  and  they  regretted  that  upon 
the  accession  of  General  Taylor  he  was  superseded.  The  people, 
however,  in  testimony  of  his  worth,  sent  him  to  Congress  as 
Delegate,  in  which  position  he  remained  until  the  admission  of 
Oregon  into  the  Union,  when  he  took  his  seat  as  a  United  States 
Senator,  having  been  previously  elected  to  that  eminence. 

As  Delegate  from  Oregon,  General  Lane  was  unremitting  in 
his  advocacy  of  the  interests  of  the  Territory,  and  untiring  in  his 
efforts  for  her  admission  into  the  Union.  The  Oregon  Bill  being 
under  debate  in  the  House  on  the  10th  of  February,  1859, 
Governor  Lane  contended  that  there  was  a  population  in  the 
Territory  sufficient  to  entitle  her  to  admission.  On  the  12th,  a 


to  Government.  See  pamphlet  "  Biography  of  Joseph  Lane,"  written  by  "West- 
ern," (Mr.  Yulee,)  of  which  spirited  publication  I  have  made  frequent  use. 
Y 


370  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Massachusetts  Representative  having  inquired  whether,  if  Ore- 
gon should  be  admitted,  and  he,  Lane,  had  a  voice  in  the  other 
end  of  the  Capitol,  would  he  vote  to  relieve  Kansas  of  the  effect 
of  the  English  Bill. 

Lane  replied  that  he  had  not  come  there  to  make  any  bargain. 
He  was  an  honest  man;  and,  if  he  should  be  permitted  to  go 
into  the  Senate,  he  would  exercise  a  sound  judgment  prompted 
by  a  strong  desire  to  promote  the  general  prosperity  and  welfare 
of  the  country.  He  hoped  that  his  official  action  might  be 
the  guarantee  that  he  would  do  in  all  matters  what  he  believed 
to  be  right.  He  then  proceeded  to  urge  the  admission  of  Oregon, 
briefly  reviewing  its  history  from  the  time  of  the  first  settlements 
to  the  formation  of  its  Constitution.  He  contended  that  it  was 
but  an  act  of  justice,  and  appealed  to  the  House  to  vote  down 
every  amendment  and  let  the  vote  be  taken  on  the  naked  bill. 

That  day  Oregon  was  admitted  to  the  sisterhood  of  States,  and 
that  night  the  Federal  City  was  alive  with  festivity  in  honor  of 
the  event.  A  band  serenaded  the  President,  Vice-President, 
Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  General  Lane,  and  others.  In  re- 
sponse to  a  call,  Governor  Stevens  introduced  General  Lane — 
now  Senator  elect  from  the  State  of  Oregon — to  the  people.  He 
made  a  brief  speech,  in  which  he  said  that  a  bulwark  had  been 
raised  that  day  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  against  foreign  in- 
vaders, and  a  fresh  assurance  given  of  the  perpetuity  of  the 
Union. 

While  Governor  Lane  was  in  Oregon,  he  was  named  for  the 
Presidency  by  the  convention  assembled  at  Indianapolis  to 
revise  the  State  Constitution  of  Indiana.  The  Democratic 
State  Convention,  which  met  February  24,  1852,  formally  pre- 
sented his  claims  for  the  Chief  Magistracy,  pledging  the  vote  of 
the  State  to  him.  On  his  arrival  in  Indiana  from  Oregon,  he 
had  a  public  reception,  at  which,  in  the  course  of  an  address  of 
welcome,  Governor  Wright  thus  briefly  reviewed  the  career  of 
the  guest  of  the  day  : — 

"  He  has  been  the  artificer  of  his  own  fortunes;  and,  in  his  progress 
from  the  farmer  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  and  the  commandant  of  a  flat- 
boat  to  posts  of  honorable  distinction, — to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives and  in  the  Senate  of  Indiana, — to  the  command  of  a  brigade 
upon  the  fields  of  Buena  Vista,  Iluarnantla,  and  Atlixco, — to  the  Gover- 


JOSEPH   LANE.  371 

norship  of  Oregon,  and  thence  to  a  seat  in  Congress, — he  has  displayed 
the  same  high  characteristics,  perseverance  and  energy.  The  annals  of 
our  country  present  no  parallel  for  these  facts.  You  entered  the  army  a 
volunteer  in  the  ranks,  looking  forward  only  to  the  career  of  a  common 
soldier.  You  left  it  a  major-general,  closing  your  ardent  and  brilliant 
services  in  that  memorable  campaign  by  fighting  its  last  battle  and  cap- 
turing the  last  enemy." 

I  cannot  better  conclude  this  outline  of  Senator  Lane's  bril- 
liant public  career  than  by  quoting  from  a  communication 
made  to  me  by  the  gentleman  already  alluded  to  in  the  earlier 
portion  of  this  sketch.*  He  writes, — 

Jefferson  remarked  that  some  men  were  by  nature  so  consti- 
tuted as  to  be  the  worshippers  of  power  and  the  fit  instruments 
in  the  hands  of  tyrants  and  usurpers  ]  while  others,  made  of 
sterner  stuff,  are  ever  found  the  firm  advocates  of  liberty  and  the 
inexorable  haters  of  tyranny  and  oppression.  To  the  latter  class 
the  Senator  from  Oregon  belongs ;  and,  if  the  cause  of  popular 
liberty  was  ever  assailed,  he  would  defend  it  from  encroachment 
at  all  hazards. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  natural  turn  of  his  mind,  he  is  not 
the  man  to  be  led  off  from  the  paths  of  duty  by  every  wind  of 
doctrine  or  by  plausible  theories  in  morals,  religion,  or  politics. 
For  a  mind  so  constituted  the  ephemeral  expedients  of  parties 
of  the  day  have  no  charms ;  and  hence  it  is  that  he  is  emphatic- 
ally and  truly  a  National  Democrat,  embracing,  in  the  scope  of 
his  affections,  the  people  of  the  whole  Union,  from  the  Capes  of 
Florida  to  the  Aroostook,  from  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  to  those 
of  the  Pacific.  In  no  instance  has  he  ever  swerved  from  the 
principles  so  eloquently  enunciated  in  the  Farewell  Address  of 
the  Father  of  his  Country,  or  dwarfed  his  affections  or  feelings 
into  the  mere  sectional  patriot.  Inflexibly  just  in  the  discharge 
of  every  social,  moral,  and  political  duty,  happy  will  it  be  for  his 
country  when  such  men  are  called  upon,  by  the  public  voice,  to 
fill  its  high  trusts  ! 

In  addition  to  all  this,  the  general,  notwithstanding  his  early  - 
struggles  with  poverty,  is  one  of  the  most  unselfish  men  in  the 
world  in  reference  to  money  or  wealth.    Instead  of  looking  upon 
money  as  an  end  to  be  accomplished  and  attained  by  the  strug- 

*  John  Dowliug,  Esq.;  formerly  member  of  the  Indiana  Legislature. 


372  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

gles  of  life,  he  has  never  coveted  it  but  as  a  means  of  doing 
good,  for  which  no  sacrifice  of  principle  or  duty  should  ever  he 
made.  This  is  well  illustrated  in  his  positive  refusal  to  accept 
the  double  or  constructive  mileage  to  which,  under  the  practice 
of  the  Government,  he  was  entitled  as  Senator  from  Oregon. 
The  sum  was  a  large  one,  but  its  acquisition  had  no  charms  for 
the  general  when  he  reflected  upon  the  injustice  of  drawing  it 
from  the  Treasury  to  defray  his  expenses  for  the  mileage  and 
per  diem  of  a  trip  which  he  had  never  performed. 


JOHN   MPLEAN.  373 


JOHN  MCLEAN, 

OF  OHIO. 

JOHN  McLEAN  was  born  in  Morris  County,  New  Jersey,  of 
humble  but  respectable  parentage,  his  father  being  a  worthy 
emigrant  from  Ireland  and  a  weaver  by  trade,  which  business 
he  followed  in  his  adopted  State  and  also  in  Kentucky.  During 
the  infancy  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  the  family — quite  a 
large  one — removed  to  the  Western  country,  and,  after  seeking 
a  settlement  first  at  Morganstown,  Virginia,  afterward  in  Jessa- 
mine, near  Nicholasville,  Kentucky,  and,  in  1793,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Mayslick,  finally  went,  in  1799,  to  the  territory  northwest  of 
the  Ohio  River  which  now  forms  Warren  County,  Ohio.  Here 
the  elder  McLean  cleared  a  farm,  and  for  forty  years,  until  his 
death,  resided  upon  it.  The  homestead  afterward  became  the 
property,  and  for  many  years  was  the  residence,  of  the  son. 
Neither  the  resources  of  the  father  nor  of  the  country  in  which 
he  had  settled  afforded  the  means  of  education;  but,  having 
been  sent  to  school  at  quite  an  early  age,  the  boy  attained  con- 
siderable proficiency  in  the  elementary  branches.  In  his  six- 
teenth year  he  became  acquainted  with  the  languages  through 
the  careful  instruction  of  Rev.  Matthew  Wallace  and  Mr.  Stubbs 
and  by  his  own  diligent  study.  He  had  meanwhile  labored  on 
the  farm ;  and,  in  evidence  of  that  independence  of  spirit  ever 
a  leading  trait  in  the  self-made  man,  it  may  be  said,  to  this 
youth's  honor,  that  he  refused  to  allow  his  father  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  his  instruction.  The  same  healthy  firmness  of 
character  has  guided  and  attended  him  throughout  his  important 
career. 

Knowledge  but  fed  the  aspirations  which  had  already  begun 
to  throb  the  heart  of  the  young  farm-hand ;  and,  determining  to 
overcome  the  obstacles  which  the  limited  means  of  his  family 
presented,  he  succeeded  in  getting  employment — when  eighteen 

32 


374  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

years  old — in  the  Clerk's  office  of  Hamilton  County,  in  Cincin- 
nati. With  the  salary  of  this  position  he  was  enabled  to  sup- 
port himself  while  studying  the  law  under  the  auspices  of 
Arthur  St.  Clair,  an  eminent  counsellor  and  gentleman  of  pro- 
minence, son  of  the  famous  Revolutionary  general  of  the  same 
name,  and  who  had  been  Governor  and  Judge  of  the  Northwest 
Territory.  No  arrangement  could  have  been  better  calculated  for 
the  youth's  benefit;  for,  while  honorably  and  industriously  sup- 
porting himself,  he  was  enabled  to  study  the  theory,  and  become 
well  acquainted  with  the  practical  routine,  of  the  profession. 

Before  Mr.  McLean  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  fell  a  willing 
victim  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Cupid,  and  was  married  in  the 
spring  of  1807  to  Miss  Rebecca  Edwards,  daughter  of  Dr.  Ed- 
wards, formerly  of  South  Carolina.  In  the  fall  of  the  same 
year,  he,  being  then  over  twenty-two  years  old,  was  admitted 
and  entered  on  his  independent  professional  career  at  Lebanon, 
Warren  County.  His  practical  experience  soon  gained  public 
confidence,  and  led  to  the  possession  of  ample  means.  With  the 
increase  of  business,  his  usefulness  became  so  paramount  that  in 
1812  he  was  brought  forward  to  represent  the  city  of  Cincinnati 
in  Congress,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  elected  after  a  very 
spirited  contest  with  two  competitors.  Here  commenced  that 
able  career  which  has  led  him  to  one  of  the  highest  and  most 
responsible  positions  in  the  country.  The  political  principles 
held  by  Mr.  McLean  on  his  entrance  to  the  great  national  arena, 
and  his  course  during  the  earlier  portion  of  his  career  there, 
have  been  thus  authentically  stated : — "  From  his  first  entrance 
upon  public  life,  John  McLean  was  identified  with  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  He  was  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  war  and  of  the 
Administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  yet  not  a  blind  advocate  of  every 
measure  proposed  by  the  party,  as  the  journals  of  that  period  will 
show.  His  votes  were  all  given  in  reference  to  principle.  The 
idea  of  supporting  a  dominant  party  merely  because  it  was  domi- 
nant did  not  influence  his  judgment  or  withdraw  him  from  the 
high  path  of  duty  which  he  marked  out  for  himself.  He  was 
well  aware  that  the  association  of  individuals  into  parties  was 
sometimes  absolutely  necessary  to  the  prosecution  and  accom- 
plishment of  any  great  public  measure.  This,  he  supposed,  was 
sufficient  to  induce  the  members  composing  them,  on  any  little 


JOHN    MCLEAN.  375 

difference  with  the  majority,  to  sacrifice  their  own  judgment  to 
that  of  the  greater  number,  and  to  distrust  their  own  opinions 
when  they  were  in  contradiction  to  the  general  views  of  the 
party.  But  as  party  was  thus  to  be  regarded  as  itself  only  an 
instrument  for  the  attainment  of  some  great  public  good,  the 
instrument  should  not  be  raised  into  greater  importance  than 
the  end,  nor  any  clear  and  undoubted  principle  of  morality  be 
violated  for  the  sake  of  adherence  to  party.  Mr.  McLean  often 
voted  against  political  friends ;  yet  so  highly  were  both  his  inte- 
grity and  judgment  estimated  that  no  one  of  the  Democratic  party 
separated  himself  from  him  on  that  account.  Nor  did  his  inde- 
pendent course  in  the  smallest  degree  diminish  the  weight  he 
had  acquired  among  his  own  constituents."  Livingston  adds  that 
"  Among  the  measures  supported  by  him  were  the  tax-bills  of 
the  extra  session  at  which  he  entered.  He  originated  the  law 
to  indemnify  individuals  for  property  lost  in  the  public  service. 
He  introduced  the  resolution  on  the  expediency  of  pensioning 
the  widows  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  fallen  in  their 
country's  service,  which  was  afterward  sanctioned  by  Congress. 
He  spoke  ably  in  defence  of  the  war-measures,  and  by  his  atten- 
tion to  the  interests  of  the  people  continued  to  rise  in  public 
estimation." 

He  was  re-elected  in  1814,  when  a  display  was  made  in  his 
favor  which  is  of  rare  occurrence  in  political  history,  receiving 
every  vote  cast  in  his  district.  His  career  on  two  most  import- 
ant committees — Foreign  Relations  and  Public  Lands — is  a  suf- 
ficient index  to  the  breadth  as  well  as  the  sagacity  of  his  views 
and  his  attention  to  the  business  duties  of  his  position.  Indeed, 
so  high  were  his  ideas  of  responsibility  and  trust  in  connection 
with  the  duties  of  a  Representative  in  the  popular  branch  of  the 
National  Legislature,  that  he  declined  to  become  a  candidate  for 
the  United  States  Senate  when  his  election  was  considered  a 
certainty.  He  nearly  served  out  his  term,  until  1816,  when, 
having  been  unanimously  elected  by  the  Ohio  Legislature  to  the 
Supreme  Bench  of  that  State,  he  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  in 
Congress  by  General  Harrison.  Just  previous  to  his  resignation 
he  was  on  the  committee  that  reported  and  supported  the  bill 
granting  fifteen  hundred  dollars  a  year  to  members  of  Congress, 
instead  of  the  per  diem  allowance  of  the  time.  He  believed 


376  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

that  under  the  law  the  business  of  Congress  would  be  facilitated 
by  direct  attention.  Having  been  "perverted  and  its  effects 
misrepresented  by  selfish  aspirants/'  it  was  repealed  the  follow- 
ing session,  and  the  law  giving  eight  dollars  per  day  and  eight 
dollars  for  every  twenty  miles'  travel  was  instituted.* 

After  dignifying  the  Supreme  Bench  of  Ohio  for  six  years, 
President  Monroe  appointed  Judge  McLean — in  the  summer  of 
1822 — Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office ;  and,  in  the  next  year, 
he  was  elevated  to  the  position  of  Postmaster-General.  Here  he 
distinguished  himself  in  a  highly  admirable  manner  and  drew 
forth  the  highest  encomiums.  He  ignored  the  idea  of  placing 
men  in  office  for  their  political  opinions,  or  because  they  had 
served  party  purposes.  He  sought  out  the  most  suitable  men 
among  the  applicants,  and  these  he  intrusted  with  the  duties  of 
office.  They  were  accepted  for  their  capacity  to  do  duty,  and 
had  to  do  it.  Business  was  attended  to,  and  a  most  gratifying 
success  was  the  result.  Judge  McLean  personally  superintended 
the  details,  and  arrived  as  nearly  at  perfection  as  was  possible.  In 
consequence  the  salary  attaching  to  the  office  was  almost  unani- 
mously raised  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  from 
four  to  six  thousand  dollars  per  annum.  Those  who  rigidly  fol- 
lowed party  discipline,  and  opposed  the  motion,  did  so  reluctantly. 
As  an  evidence  of  the  estimation  in  which  Judge  McLean's 
arduous  and  successful  labors  were  held,  the  fact  may  be  in- 
stanced that  John  Randolph  said  the  salary  was  for  the  officer, 
and  not  for  the  office,  and  that  he  would  vote  for  the  bill  if  it 
should  be  made  to  expire  when  Judge  McLean  left  the  office. 
Charles  J.  Ingersoll  has  said  he  was  "the  very  best  Postmaster 


*  This  law  remained  in  force  until  August  16,  1856,  when  an  annual  salary 
of  three  thousand  dollars,  with  mileage,  was  adopted.  This  was  again  amended 
by  joint  resolution  of  December  23,  1857,  introduced  by  Mr.  George  Taylor,  of 
New  York,  enacting  that  "  on  the  first  day  of  the  first  session  of  each  Congress, 
or  as  soon  thereafter  as  he  may  be  in  attendance  and  apply,  each  Senator, 
Representative,  and  Delegate  shall  receive  his  mileage,  as  now  provided  by  law, 
and  all  his  compensation  from  the  beginning  of  his  term,  to  be  computed  at  the 
rate  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  per  month,  and  during  the  session  com- 
pensation at  the  same  rate.  And  on  the  first  day  of  the  second  or  any  subse- 
quent session  he  shall  receive  his  mileage,  as  now  allowed  by  law, and  all  com- 
pensation which  has  accrued  during  the  adjournment  at  the  rate  aforesaid,  and 
during  said  session  compensation  at  the  same  rate,"  <fec. 


JOHN    MCLEAN.  377 

that  the  country  ever  had  :  he  discharged  the  office  with  indus- 
try, punctuality,  and  economy,  and  displayed  great  ability  in  the 
arrangements.  Judge  McLean  employed  many  females  in  various 
small  towns,  and  found  the  postmistresses  quite  as  efficient  as  the 
postmasters."  And  another  writer  nils  out  a  sketch  of  his  official 
career  in  charge  of  the  post,  by  characterizing  it  as  marked  by 
the  greatest  wisdom  and  moderation.  The  writers  of  all  sides 
rival  each  other  to  do  him  honor. 

Upon  the  accession  of  Jackson  to  the  Presidency,  in  1829,  he 
appointed  McLean  to  a  seat  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  which  he  has  held  with  so  much  dignity  for  a  period  of 
thirty  years.  In  Livingston's  Memoir  it  is  stated  that  he  was 
tendered  the  Army  and  Navy  Departments,  but  declined  them; 
and  another  writer  gives  this  account  of  the  circumstances  leading 
to  his  appointment  on  the  Supreme  Bench,  which  are  the  more 
interesting  from  the  fact  that  upon  several  principles  of  public 
policy  he  differed  with  the  President.  The  story  goes : — 

When  Jackson  was  about  selecting  his  Cabinet,  McLean  was 
sent  for,  to  ascertain  whether  he  was  willing  to  remain  in  Wash- 
ington. The  object  of  the  interview  having  been  stated,  Judge 
McLean  remarked  that  he  wished  to  explain  the  line  of  conduct 
he  had  hitherto  pursued, — observing  that  the  general  might 
have  received  the  impression  from  some  of  the  public  prints  that 
the  Postmaster-General  had  used  the  patronage  of  his  office  for 
the  purpose  of  advancing  the  general's  election.  He  desired 
Jackson  to  understand  that  no  such  thing  had  been  done,  and 
that  had  he  pursued  such  a  course  he  would  deem  himself  un- 
worthy of  the  President's  confidence  or  that  of  any  other  honor- 
able man.  But,  he  was  bound  in  candor  to  say,  should  he  remain 
in  office,  he  would  not  deviate  from  the  course  he  had  pursued 
under  Mr.  Adams ;  that  in  all  he  had  done  he  had  looked  with  a 
single  eye  to  the  public  interest,  and  that  he  would  be  governed 
by  the  same  motive  in  future;  that  no  power  which  could  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  him  would  change  his  purpose.  Jackson 
replied  with  warm  expressions  of  regard  and  confidence,  and 
wished  him  to  retain  the  Post-Office  Department,  regretting,  at 
the  same  time,  that  circumstances  would  not  permit  him  to  offer 
McLean  the  Treasury.  The  judge  replied  that,  having  held 
office  under  the  late  Administration,  he  was  delicately  situated : 

32* 


378  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

he  required  no  distinction  in  the  new  organization,*  but  would 
remain  in  his  old  office  on  the  terms  stated,  or  retire.  It  being 
subsequently  feared  that  his  course  might  not  harmonize  with 
Jackson's  Cabinet,  and  he  being  found  determined  to  follow  his 
own  way,  he  was  offered  the  seat  on  the  Supreme  Bench,  which 
he  accepted,  and  entered  upon  his  new  duties  in  the  January 
Term,  1830. 

It  is  conceded  that  there  is  perhaps  no  station  which  calls 
into  exercise  to  a  greater  extent  the  highest  faculties  of  the  human 
intellect;  and  Senator  Benjamin  but  gave  expression  to  the 
general  feeling  when  he  said,  "From  my  earliest  childhood  I 
have  been  taught  to  revere  the  judges  of  the  highest  court  in  the 
land,  as  men  selected  to  render  justice  between  litigants,  not  more 
by  reason  of  their  eminent  legal  acquirements  than  because  of 
a  spotless  purity  of  character,  an  undimmed  lustre  of  reputation, 
which  removed  them  far,  far  beyond  even  a  doubt  of  their  in- 
tegrity." Judge  McLean's  early  habits  of  labor  and  industry 
trained  his  brain  as  well  as  his  body*  to  meet  fatigue,  and  to 
triumph  over  the  exhaustion  consequent  upon  the  faithful  fulfil- 
ment of  the  duties  of  a  tribunal  where  the  most  important 
questions  of  art,  science,  commerce,  the  theory  and  practice  of 
constitutional  government,  and  the  basis  on  which  the  fabric  of 
the  Union  stands,  are  discussed,  expounded,  and  decided  upon. 
During  his  long  career  as  a  leading  member  of  that  tribunal,  the 
jurisprudence  of  the  country  has  been  enriched  by  the  diligent 
labors  of  his  energetic  and  cultivated  mind.f  His  courtesy  to 
counsel,  his  dignity,  and  the  uprightness  of  his  character  in  public 
and  private,  are  dwelt  upon  with  enthusiastic  respect  and  affec- 
tion by  the  intelligence  of  the  bar  and  the  jury-box,  as  well  as 
by  unprofessional  friends.  Some  of  his  charges  to  grand  juries 
while  on  circuit  are  classed  among  the  most  able  and  eloquent 
expositions  of  the  rights  and  duties  of  American  citizens  among 
themselves  and  toward  other  nations.  One  of  his  most  memora- 
ble charges  was  delivered  in  December,  1838,  in  regard  to  aiding 
or  favoring  unlawful  military  combinations  by  our  citizens  against 


*  Until  Jackson's  time,  the  Postmaster-General  was  not  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet. 

f  See  Livingston's  "  Eminent  Americans/'  Ac. 


JOHN    M°LEAN.  379 

any  foreign  Government  or  people  with  whom  we  are  at  peace. 
It  was  during  the  Canadian  excitement;  and  a  brief  extract  will 
give  the  pith  of  the  learned  judge's  conclusions  : — 

"  If  there  be  any  one  line  of  policy  in  which  all  political  parties  agree, 
it  is  that  we  should  keep  aloof  from  the  agitations  of  other  Governments, 
— that  we  shall  not  intermingle  our  national  concerns  with  theirs.  And 
much  more,  that  our  citizens  shall  abstain  from  acts  which  lead  the  sub- 
jects of  other  Governments  to  violence  and  bloodshed.  .  .  . 

"A  Government  is  justly  held  responsible  for  the  acts  of  its  citizens. 
And  if  this  Government  be  unable  or  unwilling  to  restrain  our  citizens 
from  acts  of  hostility  against  a  friendly  Power,  such  Power  may  hold 
this  nation  answerable  and  declare  war  against  it.  Every  citizen  is 
therefore  bound,  by  the  regard  he  has  for  his  country,  by  his  reverence 
for  its  laws,  and  by  the  calamitous  consequences  of  war,  to  exert  his 
influence  in  suppressing  the  unlawful  enterprises  of  our  citizens  against 
any  foreign  and  friendly  Power." 

In  December,  1840,  Judge  McLean  suffered  a  severe  affliction 
in  the  demise  of  his  wife,  who  was  an  amiable  and  admirable 
woman.  He  remained  a  widower  until  1843,  when  he  was  united 
to  Mrs.  Sarah  Bella  Garrard,  daughter  of  Israel  Ludlow,  one  of 
the  founders  of  Cincinnati. 

The  author  of  "American  Statesmen  in  1846,"*  speaking  of 
Judge  McLean,  says,  "Residing  in  the  free  State  of  Ohio, 
separated  from  the  slave  State  of  Kentucky  only  by  the  Ohio 
River,  the  opinions  of  this  calm  and  disinterested  statesman, 
founded  as  they  are  upon  personal  observation,  must  have  great 
value  in  the  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  I  was  curious 
to  learn  them.  'If  you  touch  slavery/  replied  he,  'you  risk  a 
separation  of  the  Union/  These  words  were  oracular,  and  were 
uttered  by  a  man  whom  no  Abolitionist  can  surpass  in  the  genuine 
love  of  freedom  and  right." 

As  to  the  power  of  Congress  over  the  Territories,  Judge  McLean 
holds  that  "the  true  construction  of  the  Constitution  is,  that 
implied  powers  can  only  be  exercised  in  carrying  into  effect  a 
specified  power,  and  this  implication  is  limited  to  measures  ap- 
propriate to  the  object."  This  safe  rule  is  the  only  one  he  believes 
to  be  sanctioned  by  jurists  and  statesmen,  and  holds  that  there 
is  no  specific  power  in  the  Constitution  which  authorizes  the  or- 

*  Sarah  Mytton  Maury.     London,  1847. 


380  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

ganization  of  Territorial  Governments.  "If  the  power  is  implied 
from  the  specific  power  given  to  regulate  the  disposition  of  the 
public  lands,  it  must  be  limited  to  the  ends  in  view.  If  Congress 
exceed  this  in  the  organization  of  a  Territory,  they  go  beyond 
the  limitation,  arid  may  establish  a  monarchy.  Admit  that  they 
may  organize  a  Government  which  shall  protect  the  land  pur- 
chased and  provide  for  the  administration  of  justice  among  the 
settlers,  it  does  by  no  means  follow  that  they  may  establish 
slavery.  This  is  a  relation  which  must  be  created  by  the  local 
sovereignty.  It  is  a  municipal  regulation  of  limited  extent,  and 
necessarily  of  an  equally  limited  origin.  It  is  a  domestic  relation, 
over  which  the  Federal  Government  can  exercise  no  control." 
Upon  these  views,  General  Cass  said,  "  Judge  McLean  lays 
down  the  proper  boundary  of  Congressional  interposition." 

In  the  Dred  Scott  case,  Judge  McLean  dissented  from  the  de- 
cision of  the  court  as  given  by  Chief-Justice  Taney.  Elaborately 
arguing  the  case,  Judge  McLean  was  of  opinion  that  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Missouri  had  disregarded  an  Act  of  Congress,  and  the 
Constitution  of  the  sovereign  State  of  Illinois,  under  which  Dred 
Scott,  his  wife  and  children,  claimed  that  they  were  entitled  to 
freedom, — both  of  which  laws  it  had  not  only  regarded,  but 
carried  into  effect  for  twenty-eight  years.  In  the  course  of  his 
argument,  he  gave  the  following  opinions  on  matters  which  are 
still  leading  topics  : — 

"  It  is  said  the  Territories  are  common  property  of  the  States,  and  that 
every  man  has  a  right  to  go  there  with  his  property.  This  is  not  contro- 
verted. But  the  court  say  a  slave  is  not  property  beyond  the  operation 
of  the  local  law  which  makes  him  such.  Never  was  a  truth  more  authori- 
tatively and  justly  uttered  by  man.  Suppose  a  master  of  a  slave  in  a 
British  island  owned  a  million  of  property  in  England :  would  that 
authorize  him  to  take  his  slaves  with  him  to  England  ?  The  Constitution, 
in  express  terms,  recognises  the  status  of  slavery  as  founded  on  the  muni- 
cipal law :  '  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laivs 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,'  &c.  Now,  unless  the  fugitive 
escape  from  a  place  where  by  the  municipal  law  he  is  held  to  labor,  this 
provision  affords  no  remedy  to  the  master.  What  can  be  more  conclusive 
than  this  ?  Suppose  a  slave  escape  from  a  Territory  where  slavery  is  not 
authorized  by  law :  can  he  be  reclaimed  ? 

"  In  this  case,  a  majority  of  the  court  have  said  that  a  slave  may  be 
taken  by  his  master  into  a  Territory  of  the  United  States,  the  same  as  a 
horse  or  any  other  kind  of  property.  It  is  true,  this  was  said  by  the 


JOHN    MCLEAN.  381 

court,  as  also  many  other  things  -which  are  of  no  authority.  Nothing 
that  has  been  said  by  them  which  has  not  a  direct  bearing  on  the  juris- 
diction of  the  court  against  which  they  decided  can  be  considered  as 
authority.  I  shall  certainly  not  regard  it  as  such.  The  question  of 
jurisdiction,  being  before  the  court,  was  decided  by  them  authoritatively, 
but  nothing  beyond  that  question.  A  slave  is  not  a  mere  chattel.  He 
bears  the  impress  of  his  Maker,  and  is  amenable  to  the  laws  of  God  and 
man;  and  he  is  destined  to  an  endless  existence." 

Judge  McLean,  called  by  a  leading  Whig  the  "  guardian  of 
the  Constitution/'  was  understood  to  be  the  second  choice  of 
the  Republican  party  for  the  Presidency  in  1856.  Apart  from 
his  judicial  and  political  character,  he  is  lauded  for  the  cheerful- 
ness of  his  temper,  the  affable  frankness  of  his  manners,  and  the 
force  and  eloquence  of  his  conversation.  He  has  received  the 
honorary  degree  of  LL.D.  from  Cambridge  University,  the  Wes- 
leyan  University,  and  several  other  colleges  and  educational  in- 
stitutions in  the  Western  and  Southwestern  States. 


382  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 


JAMES   L.  ORR, 

OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

AMONG  the  most  prominent  Southern  men  in  public  life,  and 
especially  prominent  as  a  national  Southern  man,  is  the  gentle- 
man who  presided  as  Speaker  over  the  House  of  Representatives 
during  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress.  While  essentially  a  popular 
man,  from  the  genial  dignity  of  his  presence,  the  affability  of  his 
manner,  and  his  ready  talents,  he  is  entitled  to  much  higher 
acknowledgment  for  the  knowledge  and  power  that  support  his 
more  showy  acquirements.  His  career  has  been  a  singularly 
successful  one,  and  but  another  evidence  that  while  ability, 
without  directness  of  purpose,  may  startle  with  fitful  brilliancy, 
with  industry  and  force  of  character  it  will  certainly  succeed  in 
commanding  the  heads  as  well  as  the  hearts  of  men. 

James  L.  Orr  was  born  at  Cray^onville,  Anderson  District, 
South  Carolina,  on  the  12th  of  May,  1822.  His  father,  Christo- 
pher Orr,  acquired,  through  mercantile  pursuits,  a  competency, 
and  gave  a  thorough  education  to  his  three  sons  and  two  daugh- 
ters. His  grandfather,  Jehn  Orr,  was  a  native  of  Wake  County, 
North  Carolina,  and,  as  a  gallant  Whig  soldier,  participated  in 
the  Revolutionary  War.  His  feeling  against  British  domina- 
tion on  this  continent  was  not  probably  diminished  from  his 
having  Irish  blood  in  his  veins.  The  paternal  ancestor  of  the 
Orrs  emigrated  from  Ireland  and  settled  originally  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, about  the  year  1730.  On  his  mother's  side  the  subject 
of  this  sketch  is  also  of  Irish  descent, — her  ancestor  having 
arrived  in  this  country  from  Ireland  in  1786. 

Having,  at  an  early  age^,  acquired  the  rudiments  of  an  English 
education  in  a  country  school,  J  times  L.  Orr  commenced  the  study 
of  Latin  and  Greek  at  an  academy  in  Anderson,  and  occupied  his 
leisure  time  by  acting  as  salesman  and  book-keeper  for  his  father. 
In  his  seventeenth  year,  he  was  transferred  to  the  University  of 


JAMES   L.  ORR.  383 

Virginia,  and  diligently  applied  himself  to  complete  his  studies 
and  prepare  himself  for  the  profession  of  the  law.  So  assidu- 
ous was  his  application  during  the  first  year  that,  we  are  told, 
"he  made  himself  proficient  in  mental  and  moral  philosophy, 
political  economy,  logic,  rhetoric,  belles-lettres,  medical  juris- 
prudence, and  also  all  the  elements  of  international  and  constitu- 
tional law."  He  followed  up  these  branches  with  an  almost 
complete  devotion  to  the  study  of  the  law,  and  left  the  university 
in  1840.  Young  Orr's  favorite  author  was  Coke  upon  Littleton; 
and  he  has  often  declared  that  his  knowledge  of  the  principles 
of  English  common  law,  especially  those  governing  real  estate, 
was  derived  from  this  quaint  but  profound  jurist.  During  the 
year  1841,  he  mingled  more  than  heretofore  in  society,  "  im- 
proving his  knowledge  of  human  nature;"  still,  the  greater  por- 
tion of  his  time  was  devoted  to  books,  adding  to  his  legal  re- 
sources the  expansive  views  which  the  study  of  ancient  and 
modern  history  opens  to  a  philosophic  niind. 

In  January,  1842,  Mr.  Orr,  thus  prepared  by  theories,  entered 
the  office  of  Judge  Whitner,  then  Solicitor  of  the  Western  Cir- 
cuit, to  learn  the  practice  of  the  profession.  He  perfected  him- 
self in  the  course  prescribed  by  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  South 
Carolina;  and,  passing  a  strict  examination  before  all  the  judges, 
was  admitted  May,  1843,  having  then  just  arrived  at  his  majority. 

Having  his  head  pretty  well  stored  with  literature  as  well  as 
law,  and  law  naturally  leading  all  American  youth  to  politics,  Mr. 
Orr  almost  simultaneously  opened  an  office  for  the  reception  of 
clients  at  law,  and  established  a  newspaper  for  the  direction 
of  the  town  in  politics.  He  succeeded  with  both  enterprises. 
They  kept  him  tolerably  busy;  but  it  is  evidence  of  his  suc- 
cess that  as  a  lawyer  he  got  a  very  respectable  practice  very 
soon,  and  as  a  politician  he  entered  the  State  Legislature  before 
he  was  twenty-three  years  old.  His  industry  and  talent  in  the 
"Anderson  Gazette,"  as  well  as  his  personal  blandishments  out 
of  it,  recommended  him  to  the  people  in  such  an  unmistakable 
manner,  that,  in  1844,  he  was  elected  from  Pendleton  District, 
having  received  a  higher  vote  than  any  other  man  in  the  State, 
and  in  a  district  which  in  1840  had  given  a  decided  Whig  ma- 
jority. Eobust  in  body  as  in  brain,  Orr  made  a  most  arduous 
campaign,  discussing  the  leading  topics  at  issue  between  the 


384  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Whig  and  Democratic  parties.  He  overcame  the  distrust  of  old 
politicians,  and,  naturally  enough,  inspired  confidence  in  men  of 
his  own  age;  and  the  result  was  a  very  strong  evidence  of  the  spirit 
with  which  he  conducted  the  canvass,  and  of  his  dawning  capacity 
as  a  popular  speaker.  At  the  next  election  he  was  again  returned. 

It  is  remarked  that  Mr.  Orr's  career  in  the  Legislature  was 
distinguished  not  so  much  by  brilliant  elocution  as  by  sound 
sense  and  discriminating  judgment.  He  participated  frequently 
in  the  debates;  but,  as  there  were  no  reporters  of  the  proceedings 
at  that  time,  none  of  his  speeches  have  been  preserved.  His 
first  effort  was  in  1844,  in  opposition  to  what  was  known  as  the 
Bluffton  Movement,  which  was  to  have  again  committed  South 
Carolina  to  a  nullification  of  the  Tariff  of  1842. 

This  speech  at  once  gave  Mr.  Orr  reputation  and  position  in 
the  Legislature.  It  was  generally  well  received,  and  one  of  the 
principal  journals  characterized  it  as  "one  of  the  boldest,  plainest, 
and  most  sensible  speeches  of  the  whole  discussion."  He  was  an 
earnest  and  energetic  advocate  of  the  measure  giving  the  election 
of  Presidential  Electors  to  the  people,  (South  Carolina  elects  her 
Electors  by  the  Legislature,)  and  delivered  an  able  speech  in 
favor  of  it.  The  bill  was  carried  in  the  House,  but  defeated  in 
the  Senate.  Among  other  measures  which  enlisted  his  sympa- 
thies and  advocacy  were  a  liberal  and  enlarged  system  of  inter- 
nal improvements,  and  a  general  reform  of  the  free-school  policy. 
Thus,  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  Mr.  Orr  became  the  forward 
champion  of  popular  rights,  despite  the  deep-rooted  prejudices 
growing  out  of  usage. 

In  1848,  Mr.  Orr  became  a  candidate  for  Congress.  His 
opponent  was  a  lawyer  of  extensive  reputation,  like  himself  a 
Democrat,  and  had  the  advantage  of  having  taken  the  field  some 
months  in  advance.  The  campaign  was  quite  exciting,  and  the 
result — the  election  of  Mr.  Orr  by  seven  hundred  majority — a 
most  flattering  tribute  from  the  people  to  his  youthful  legislative 
career.  From  that  time  to  the  present,  Mr.  Orr  has  retained  the 
esteem  and  confidence  of  his  constituents,  and  has  been  re-elected 
to  Congress  without  opposition. 

On  Mr.  Orr's  entrance  to  the  National  Councils  there  were 
men  of  great  power  in  the  Senate,  and  in  the  House  men  destined 
to  become  so.  Upon  the  immediate  field  of  action  into  which 


JAMES   L.  ORR,  385 

lie  was  thrown  were  men  like  Alexander  H.  Stephens  and 
llobert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  the  one  with  an  intellectual  keen- 
ness of  incisive  power,  the  other  with  a  blunt  frenzy  almost  as 
effective;  llobert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  with  phraseo- 
logy complete  and  elegant ;  James  McDowell,  of  Virginia,  with 
a  stirring  eloquence;  Henry  W.  Billiard,  of  Alabama,  decking 
the  war  of  politics  with  the  flowers  of  literature;  William  B. 
Maclay,  whose  love  of  quiet  has  since  proved  stronger  than  even 
his  great  cultivation;  Thomas  L.  Clingman,  of  North  Carolina, 
ready  and  anxious  to  prove  that  the  wide  world  is  but  an  exten- 
sive illustration  of  his  own  State,  or  that  it  is  an  epitome  of  the 
world.  These  and  many  other  notable  and  prominent  men  were 
in  the  House  when  the  young  lawyer-editor  of  the  "Anderson 
Gazette''  made  his  appearance.  During  his  first  term  his  ears 
were  much  more  open  than  was  his  mouth.  He  listened  much 
and  lectured  little.  His  principal  speech  was  upon  the  agitation 
of  the  Slavery  question,  -and  its  dangerous  consequences  against 
the  perpetuity  of  the  Union,  and  embracing  his  views  against 
the  admission  of  California  as  a  State  before  she  had  passed  "  the 
usual  Territorial  pupilage."  He  strongly  enforced  the  doctrine 
of  non-intervention,  and  insisted  that  whether  slavery  be  a  sin  or 
not,  Congress  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  it.  It  was  recog- 
nised by  the  Constitution — protected  by  it;  and  it  was  his  opinion 
that  any  one  who  felt  a  moral  duty  devolving  on  himself  to  fur- 
ther its  extirpation  should  candidly  avow  himself  a  disunionist. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  he  is  ready  to  abide  by  the  Constitution  in 
letter  and  spirit,  he  must  cease  to  agitate.  Of  the  Nashville 
Convention,  Mr.  Orr  said  its  ends  were  high  and  holy.  "  It  was 
called  to  protect  the  Constitution — to  save  the  Union — by  taking 
such  steps  as  might  prevent,  if  possible,  the  consummation  of 
measures  which  would  probably  lead  to  the  destruction  of  both. 
Had  the  purpose  been  disunion,  those  who  called  that  conven- 
tion would  have  waited  until  the  irretrievable  step  had  been 
taken,  and  nothing  left  to  the  South  but  submission  or  secession/' 
Mr.  Orr  opposed  and  voted  against  most  of  the  Compromise 
measures.  He  believed  that  the  arrangement  did  not  do  justice 
to  his  section ;  that  Congress  had  no  constitutional  right  to  pur- 
chase part  of  a  sovereign  State — Texas — and  place  the  population 
thereof  under  a  Territorial  Government.  He  argued  that  if  the 
Z  33 


886  .        LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

land  was  the  property  of  Texas,  the  Federal  Government  had  no 
right  to  purchase;  if  it  belonged  to  the  United  States,  then  it 
was  wrong  to  take  ten  millions  of  dollars  from  the  public  treasury 
to  pay  for  that  which  was  already-their  property;  and,  lastly, 
that  California  was  admitted  with  excessive  territory,  without  an 
enumeration  of  her  inhabitants,  having  framed  her  Constitution 
without  authority  from  Congress,  and  against  all  the  precedents 
of  our  political  existence. 

On  his  return  home,  in  March,  1851,  Mr.  Orr  found  a  formid- 
able party  organized  for  the  secession  of  South  Carolina  alone 
from  the  Union.  The  Compromise  was  generally  condemned. 
The  Legislature  called  a  Constitutional  Convention.  Delegates 
were  elected  who,  with  few  exceptions,  were  pledged  to  secession. 
Orr  had  originally  advised  against  holding  the  convention,  on 
the  ground  that  if  a  wrong  had  been  done  the  South,  it  was  aa 
'oppressive  upon  all  the  Southern  States  as  upon  South  Carolina, 
and  that  neither  patriotism  nor  sound  policy  required  one  State 
to  redress  that  wrong.  His  own  Congressional  district  had  elected 
two  delegates  to  one  in  favor  of  secession.  Notwithstanding  that 
he  was  in  a  great  minority,  Mr.  Orr  fearlessly  opposed  the  seces- 
sion policy.  In  a  public  speech  to  his  constituents  at  Pickens,  a 
few  days  after  his  return  home,  he  earnestly  and  eloquently 
warned  them  of  the  disasters  which  would  follow  the  proposed 
project.  He  admitted  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede,  but  did  not 
deem  the  policy  wise.  The  Southern  Rights  Associations — which 
had  been  organized  in  the  preceding  winter — held  a  general 
convention  at  Charleston  in  May,  1851.  The  body,  numbering 
some  four  hundred  and  fifty  members,  was  distinguished  for  its 
intelligence  and  integrity,  and  represented  the  extreme  party  of 
the  State,  which  was  believed  to  be  largely,  if  not  overwhelmingly, 
in  the  ascendant.  Mr.  Orr  attended  as  a  delegate  from  Anderson, 
and  introduced  the  resolution  upon  which  the  minority  based 
their  report,  as  a  counter-proposition  to  the  address  of  the  majority 
of  the  committee.  About  thirty  members  sustained  Orr.  His 
repudiation  by  the  convention,  however,  was  more  than  over- 
balanced by  the  support  given  him  when  the  same  question  came 
before  the  people.  His  speech  in  the  convention  was  fully  equal 
to  the  trying  and  important  occasion.  It  was  bold  and  manly, 
and  indicated  a  moral  courage  worthy  of  the  patriotic  purpose  it 


JAMES    L.  ORR.  387 

was  intended  to  propitiate,  and  which  it  ultimately  did  evoke. 
Published  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Co-operationists, 
it  was  circulated  in  every  corner  of  the  State,  and  read  by  every 
voter. 

80  lamentably  beaten  in  the  Convention,  the  future  of  the 
Co-operation  party  in  the  coming  campaign  looked  dim  and  un- 
propitious.  At  the  time,  but  one  public  journal  opposed  the 
Secession  policy. 

The  same  Legislature  which  ordered  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention provided  for  the  election  (in  October)  of  two  deputies 
from  each  Congressional  district  to  a  Southern  congress.  As 
this  was  the  only  popular  election  to  occur  until  the  probable 
meeting  and  action  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  the  Co-opera- 
tion party  determined  to  test  their  strength,  and  brought  forward 
Mr.  Orr  and  Colonel  Irby  as  candidates  in  the  Second  district. 
The  Secessionists  nominated  Hon.  R.  F.  Simpson  and  Hon.  H. 
C.  Young,  both  personally  quite  popular.  With  the  exception 
of  two  speeches  made  by  Colonel  Irby,  Mr.  Orr  conducted  the 
whole  campaign,  which  was  one  of  peculiar  interest  to,  and  ex- 
citement in,  the  State.  The  result  was  the  election  of  Orr  and 
Irby  by  3204  majority;  Orr  having  the  still  greater  satisfaction 
of  seeing  his  party  triumph  in  the  whole  State  by  8000  majority. 
Few,  very  few,  of  our  public  men  have  evinced  more  true  cou- 
rage, nerve,  and  firm  resolve  than  Mr.  Orr  did  in  this  contest. 
With  a  political  grave  threatening  him  in  case  of  failure,  he  did 
not  hesitate  for  a  moment  to  follow  that  course  which  his  head 
and  heart  told  him  was  best  for  his  constituents,  his  section,  and 
his  country.  "  Had  his  political  career  closed  here,  the  glory  of 
his  unbounded  success  would  have  gilded  his  name  in  our  politi- 
cal history  and  challenged  the  admiration  and  applause  of  every 
lover  of  the  Union  and  the  States." 

While  on  the  House  Committee  on  Public  Lands,  Mr.  Orr 
paid  great  attention  to  the  duties  of  the  position,  and  the  reports 
emanating  from  him  evince  his  zeal  and  industry.  He  spoke 
elaborately  in  favor  of  the  bill  to  grant  alternate  sections  of  land 
to  the  State  of  Missouri  for  railroad  purposes,  from  Hannibal  to 
St.  Joseph's  and  from  St.  Louis  to  the  western  line  of  Missouri. 
He  argued  that  the  Constitution  conferred  ample  power  on  Con- 
gress to  make  donations  such  as  were  contemplated  in  the  bill, 


388  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

and,  showing  that  the  principle  had  been  sustained  by  all  the 
leading  statesmen  of  the  Democratic  party,  including  Calhoun, 
said,  "  Government  has  the  right  to  give  away  one-half  of  the 
public  lands  located  along  the  line  of  railroads,  that  the  remain- 
ing half  may  be  enhanced  in  value  and  be  speedily  brought  into 
market."  The  bill  passed.  On  the  same  bases  and  conditions 
he  reported  a  bill  for  Arkansas,  which  passed,  and  another  for 
Florida,  which  was  defeated  by  the  Speaker's  vote. 

During  the  same  session  (the  first  of  the  Thirty-Second  Con- 
gress) the  Baltimore  Convention  met  and  nominated  Pierce  and 
King.  South  Carolina  was  not  represented  in  convention,  but 
Mr.  Orr,  the  following  week,  made  an  earnest  speech  in  the 
House  in  support  of  its  action.  The  service  he  rendered  the 
Democratic  party  was  very  highly  esteemed,  and  the  speech  was 
widely  circulated  in  all  sections.  Prior  to  the  Presidential 
election  in  1852,  he  followed  up  this  effort  in  Congress  by  seve- 
ral addresses  to  the  people  in  various  places. 

At  the  next  session,  Mr.  Orr,  for  the  first  time,  was  called 
upon  to  preside  over  the  House  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole  upon  the  Civil  and  Diplomatic  Appropriation  Bill, 
and  discharged  his  duties  with  promptness  and  impartiality.  He 
was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  of 
the  Thirty-Third  Congress,  and  early  in  the  session  made  an 
elaborate  report  on  a  bill  introduced  by  himself.  He  proposed 
to  domesticate  the  semi-civilized  Indians  by  giving  each  head  of 
a  family  a  quarter-section  of  land,  the  same  to  be  inalienable  and 
exempt  from  levy  and  sale  under  execution, — their  annuities  to 
be  paid  in  agricultural  implements  and  articles  of  comfort  instead 
of  in  money ;  and  their  tribal  organizations  to  be  totally  abro- 
gated by  the  extension  of  the  laws  of  the  whites  over  them.  This 
measure  has  accomplished  much  in  changing  the  policy  of  Go- 
vernment toward  these  Indians;  and  the  report  was  deemed  so 
valuable  by  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  the  great  Indian  historian  and  anti- 
quary, that  he  incorporated  it  in  his  splendid  work.*  In  the 
bill  reported  by  Mr.  Orr  for  the  domestication  of  the  Chippewas 
and  the  extinguishment  of  their  title  to  the  lands  in  Minnesota 


*  See  fifth  volume  of  Schoolcraft's  "  History  of  the  Condition  and  Prospects 
of  (he  Indian  Tribes  o,f  North  America,"  #c. 


JAMES    L.  ORR.  389 

and  Wisconsin,  he  embodied  the  features  of  his  proposed  reform. 
The  bill  went  through  the  House  almost  unanimously,  subse- 
quently became  a  law,  and  the  Chippewa  treaty  made  conform- 
able thereto.  A  few  years,  and  the  result  of  his  reform  will  be 
seen.  Even  now  the  red  man  offers  prayers  to  the  Great  Spirit 
for  his  preservation.  His  remarks  in  the  casual  debates  on  In- 
'dian  affairs  abound  in  valuable  suggestions,  and  show  that  he 
has  made  the  subject  one  of  close  study  and  observation. 

In  company  with  Senator  Douglas  and  Hon.  John  L.  Dawson, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Orr,  by  invitation  of  the  Democracy,  visited 
Philadelphia  and  addressed  them  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1854. 
Fourth-of-July  orations  are  counted  by  the  thousand  every  year, 
and  generally  attract  little  attention.  The  speeches  on  the  day 
and  in  the  city  in  question  have  an  historical  importance,  the 
reason  of  which  is  given  by  a  writer  in  the  u  National  Demo- 
cratic Review"  for  1856.* 

The  Mayor's  election  in  the  preceding  month  had  unfolded  to 
the  public  a  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  a  new  and  powerful 
political  organization,  then  known  by  no  other  name  than  that  of 
the  "  Know-Nothings. "  The  principles  of  this  party  were  the 
subject  of  much  speculation,  its  meetings  being  private  and  clan- 
destine. There  was  a  suspicion,  almost  amounting  to  a  certainty, 
that  its  members  recognised  each  other  by  signs,  grips,  and  pass- 
words, and  that  the  objects  of  the  exploded  Native-American 
party  were  embraced  as  a  part  of  the  programme  of  this  new 
organization,  together  with  the  proscription  of  all  who  professed 
the  Catholic  religion.  That  it  was  formidable  could  not  be 
doubted,  since  in  a  recent  election  it  had  overwhelmed  a  Demo- 
cratic city  by  a  majority  of  more  than  eight  thousand  votes. 
Some  of  our  public  men  doubted,  hesitated,  watered  before  this 
rolling  tide.  Not  so,  however,  did  Mr.  Orr.  Let  it  be  remem- 
bered, to  the  lasting  credit  of  Senator  Douglas  and  Mr.  Orr,  that 
they  were  the  first  public  men  in  the  Union  who  made  a  bold 
and  fearless  assault  upon  its  seductive  and  insidious  principles. 
The  speech  made  by  Mr.  Orr  was  listened  to  by  delighted  thou- 
sands, and,  being  copied  very  generally,  its  arguments  are  thought 


*  The  late  W.  H.  Topping,  Esq.,  to  whom  in  the  preparation  of  this  sketch 
I  have  been  much  indebted. 

33* 


390  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

to  have  saved  many  honest  Democrats  from  being  entangled  in 
the  meshes  of  the  new  party.  After  reminding  his  auditory 
that  Jefferson,  according  to  the  epitaph  written  for  his  own 
grave,  considered  the  establishment  of  religious  freedom  an 
achievement  worthy  to  be  placed  by  the  side  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  he  protested,  in  the  name  of  our  ancestors, — 
who  were  all  foreigners,— in  the  name  of  the  Constitution,  in 
the  name  of  liberty  itself,  against  a  secret  political  organization. 

Mr.  Orr  warmly  supported  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  co- 
operated with  the  friends  of  the  measure  in  securing  its  passage. 
His  views  on  this  bill,  which  has  been  made  the  subject  of  so 
much  discussion  since,  are  clearly  and  boldly  enunciated  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  Congress  in  December,  1856  :^ — 

"  The  great  object  sought  to  be  accomplished  in  the  introduction  and 
passage  of  that  bill  was  this  :  the  continual  agitation  of  the  Slavery  ques- 
tion upon  the  flooys  of  Congress  had  produced  discord  and  dissension 
here ;  it  had  alienated  the  different  parties  of  the  Confederacy  from  each 
other,  and  was  threatening  the  existence  of  the  Government  itself;  and 
hence  it  was  thought  best,  by  a  majority  of  the  members  of  Congress  in 
1854,  to  transfer,  as  far  as  possible,  this  agitation  from  the  halls  of  Con- 
gress to  the  Territories  themselves.  Hence,  the  great  and  leading  feature 
in  that  bill  was  to  transfer  the  legislation  and  power  of  Congress  on  the 
Slavery  and  a]l  other  subjects  to  the  Territorial  Legislatures,  and  let  the 
popular  will  there  shape  and  farm  the  laws  for  their  own  government 
without  restriction,  save  the  proviso  that  such  legislation  should  be  con- 
sistent with  the  Constitution  and  general  laws  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  Orr  did  not  believe  that  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  esta- 
blished or  recognised  squatter  sovereignty  within  the  limits  of 
the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska;  and  the  process  of  rea- 
soning by  which  he  reached  tha,t  result  was  that  he  saw  no 
authority  in  the  Canstitutiorj  of  the  United  States  authorizing 
Congress  to  pass  the  Wilmot  Proviso  or  any  anti-slavery  restric- 
tions in  the  Territories.  Congress,  not  having  the  power  itself, 
could  not  create  an  authority  and  invest  a  creature  with  greater 
power  and  authority  than  it  possesses  itself. 

"Although  (said  Mr.  Orr,  in  continuation)  I  deny  that  squatter  sove- 
reignty exists  in  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  by  virtue  of  this 
bill,  it  is  a  matter  practically  of  little  consequence  whether  it  does  or  not ; 
and  I  think  I  shall  be  able  to  satisfy  the  gentleman  of  that.  The  gentle- 
man knows  that  in  every  slaveholding  community  of  this  Union  we  have 
local  legislation  and  local  police  regulations  appertaining  to  that  institu- 


JAMES   L.  ORR.  391 

tion,  without  winch  the  institution  would  not  only  be  valueless,  but  a 
curse  to  the  community ;  without  them,  the  slaveholder  could  not  enforce 
his  rights  when  invaded  by  others ;  and,  if  you  had  no  local  legislation 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  protection,  the  institution  would  be  of  no  value. 
I  can  appeal  to  every  gentleman  upon  this  floor  who  represents  a  slave- 
holding  constituency  to  attest  the  truth  of  what  I  have  stated  upon  that 
point. 

"  Now,  the  legislative  authority  of  a  Territory  is  invested  with  a  dis- 
cretion to  vote  for  or  against  laws.  We  think  they  ought  to  pass  laws  in 
every  Territory,  when  the  Territory  is  open  to  settlement  and  slaveholders 
go  there,  to  protect  slave-property.  But,  if  they  decline  to  pass  such  laws, 
what  is  the  remedy  ?  None,  sir.  If  the  majority  of  the  people  are  op- 
posed to  the  institution,  and  if  they  do  not  desire  it  ingrafted  upon  their 
Territory,  all  they  have  to  do  is  simply  to  decline  to  pass  laws  in  the  Ter- 
ritorial Legislature  for  its  protection,  and  then  it  is  as  well  excluded  as  if 
the  power  was  invested  in  the  Territorial  Legislature  to  prohibit  it.  Now, 
I  ask  the  gentleman,  what  is  the  practical  importance  to  result  from  the 
agitation  and  discussion  of  this  question  as  to  whether  squatter  sovereignty 
does  or  does  not  exist  ?  Practically,  it  is  a  matter  of  little  moment."* 

Mr.  Orr  made  strenuous  opposition  to  the  French  Spoliation 
Claims,f  and  also  reviewed  the  Florida  Claims  with  such  force 
in  opposition  to  the  bill  reported  by  the  Judiciary  Committee  in 
favor  of  their  payment  as  to  defeat  its  passage,  although  the 
predilections  of  the  House  were  considered  unmistakably  in  its 
favor.  During  the  famous  contest  for  Speaker  which  resulted 
in  the  election  of  Mr.  Banks,  Mr,  Orr  was  brought  forward,  and 
received  the  votes  of  the  Democracy  through  many  ballotings, 
and  then  withdrew  in  favor  of  Governor  Aiken. 

In  November,  1855,  Mr,  Orr  addressed  a  letter  to  Hon.  C.  W. 
Dudley  on  the  propriety  of  having  the  State  of  South  Carolina 
represented  in  the  Democratic  National  Convention  to  be  held 
in  Cincinnati.  It  is  known  that  South  Carolina  had  never  sent 
delegates  to  the  National  Conventions,  though  the  Democracy 
had  uniformly,  for  fifteen  years,  adopted  this  method  of  finding 
out  the  popular  opinion  touching  the  Presidential  succession. 
Mr.  Orr  made  a  sound  and  spirited  appeal  to  his  State  in  favor 
of  sending  delegates.  Never  was  it  so  necessary  that  the  Demo- 
cracy should  hold  together  and  prevent  the  election  of  a  Presi- 

*  Speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives.     See  "  Congressional  Globe"  fof 
the  third  session  of  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress. 
|  See  speech  in  thg  second  session  of  the  Thirty-Thircl  Congress, 


392  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

dent  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  at  that  time,  as  he  stated,  had  a  majority  of  "Know- 
Nothing,"  Fusion,  and  Whig  members.  "Can  we  hesitate,"  he 
asked,  "  to  meet  the  true  men  of  the  North  and  co-operate  with 
them,  when  the  dust  of  the  fray  in  many  hard-fought  battles 
against  Fusionists  and  Black  Republicans  is  still  settled  on  their 
garments?  They  have  for  more  than  twelve  months  been 
fighting  for  the  Constitution  and  for  the  maintenance  of  your 
rights."  Then,  again,  would  South  Carolina  hesitate  to  meet 
her  Southern  friends  at  Cincinnati  ?  On  this  point  he  wrote  : — 

"Sooner  or  later  we  must  learn  the  important  truth  that  the 
fate  and  destiny  of  the  entire  South  is  identical.  Isolation  will 
give  neither  security  nor  concert.  When  we  meet  Virginia  and 
Georgia,  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  in  consultation,  as  at  Cincin- 
nati, it  is  the  supremacy  of  pharisaism  to  flippantly  denounce 
such  association  as  either  dangerous  or  degrading.  North  Caro- 
lina, Missouri,  Florida,  and  Texas  will  be  there  represented;  and 
are  we  too  exalted  or  conceited  to  meet  them  at  the  same  council- 
board  ?"  Suffice  it  to  say,  South  Carolina  took  Orr's  advice,  and 
sent  delegates  to  the  National  Convention. 

In  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress,  Mr.  Orr  took  an  active  part 
on  the  committee  raised  to  investigate  the  charges  of  corruption 
made  by  the  press  against  the  House,  and  which  resulted  in  the 
resignation  of  Mr.  Gilbert,  Mr.  Edwards,  and  Mr.  Matteson,  of 
New  York. 

Preceding  the  organization  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  (De- 
cember 7,  1857,)  Mr.  Orr  was  nominated  for  Speaker  in  the 
Democratic  caucus  by  acclamation  and  without  opposition,  and 
elected  on  the  first  ballot,  receiving  128  votes, — 113  being  neces- 
sary to  a  choice.  Hon.  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  re- 
ceived 84  votes.  On  taking  the  chair,  the  Speaker  briefly 
returned  thanks  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  him,  and  reminded 
the  House  that  the  great  interests  confided  to  its  charge  admo- 
nished every  member  to  cultivate  a  patriotism  as  expansive  as 
the  Republic  itself.  He  cherished  the  ardent  hope  that  the 
public  duties  would  be  discharged  so  as  to  uphold  the  Constitu- 
tion, preserve  the  Union  of  the  States,  quicken  their  prosperity, 
and  build  up  the  greatness  and  the  glory  of  our  common 
country. 


JAMES    L.  ORR.  393 

The  elevation  of  Mr.  Orr  to  the  high  dignity  of  Speaker  gave 
great  satisfaction  to  the  Democratic  party.  When  the  news 
reached  his  more  immediate  constituents  in  Anderson,  an  enthu- 
siastic meeting  was  held  at  the  court-house  in  his  honor.  In  the 
afternoon,  banners  were  displayed,  with  suitable  inscriptions,  from 
the  public  buildings  and  private  residences;  mottoes  compliment- 
ary to  their  distinguished  fellow-citizen  were  displayed,  amid 
the  firing  of  artillery  and  the  inspiring  strains  of  music.  Reso- 
lutions endorsing  Mr.  Orr's  past  and  present  career  with  entire 
and  unqualified  approval  were  passed,  for  one  of  which  we  make 
room  : — • 

"  Resolved,  That  the  singular  degree  of  unanimity  with  which  this 
distinguished  honor  has  been  conferred  upon  him  by  the  Democratic 
party — the  only  constitutional  party  in  the  Union — is  peculiarly  grati- 
fying to  his  immediate  constituency,  and  is  but  a  just  tribute  to  the 
merits  of  one  who  has  proved  himself  a  wise  and  comprehensive  legislator, 
a  bold  and  sagacious  statesman,  as  well  as  an  independent  and  fearless 
patriot." 

The  Thirty-Fifth  Congress — especially  the  first  session — was  a 
continuous  scene  of  unusual  excitement.  The  complications  of 
debate  growing  out  of  party  exigencies,  personal  antipathies  ema- 
nating from  the  wildness  of  sectional  sympathies,  the  desire  of 
either  party  to  confound  action  when  it  could  not  defeat  it,  the 
white-heat  to  which  passion  had  been  wrought  during  the  long 
sittings  and  wearying  entanglements  caused  by  the  fuglemen  of 
all  sides  in  the  exciting  days  and  nights  of  the  Lecompton- 
Kansas  discussions,  rendered  the  Speaker's  position  one  of  an 
extremely  responsible  nature.  If  he  had  failed,  through  want 
of  presence  of  mind  or  a  quick  knowledge  of  the  rules  of  the 
House,  at  any  moment  to  decide  uprightly  between  the  combat- 
ants on  the  floor,  or  to  see  through  the  expedients  set  forth  to 
thwart  or  stay  the  systematic  course  of  the  measures  under  discus- 
sion, legislation  might  have  taken  a  course  as  tedious  as  it  would 
have  been  turbulent.  Throughout  the  records  of  some  of  those 
scenes  of  excitement,  which  have  in  part  become  historic,  the 
Speaker's  name  appears  as  frequently  as  that  of  any  of  the  gen- 
tlemen addressing  him,  settling  points  of  dispute,  replying  to 
inquiries  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued,  determining  the  stage 
at  which  resolutions,  substitutes,  amendments,  and  motions  were 


394  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

at  the  moment,  and  keeping  together  and  directing  with  calm 
persistency  and  impartiality  the  whole  legislative  machinery.  On 
some  occasions  nothing  less  than  Mr.  Orr's  presence  and  energy 
could  have  restrained  the  infuriate  feelings  conjured  up  in  hot 
debate,  or  have  restored  to  order  those  who  had  lost  control  of 
themselves.  None  of  the  decisions  made  by  Mr.  Orr  during  his 
administration  of  the  Speakership  were  overruled  by  the  House. 
The  closing  scenes  of  a  session  are  always  noisy :  those  attend- 
ing the  close  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress  were  especially  so. 
The  large  new  hall  of  the  House  was  crowded  on  the  morning  of 
March  4,  1859.  The  galleries  were  jammed,  and  the  entrances 
beset  with  groups  anxious  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  Congress 
whose  deliberations  had  so  excited  the  nation.  The  sitting  had 
been  prolonged  all  through  the  night  in  vain  attempts  to  get  all 
the  appropriation  bills  through  The  Post-Office  bill  was  left  in 
the  lurch,  also  the  bills  providing  for  the  redemption  of  Treasury 
Notes  and  a  change  in  the  Tariff.  The  opposition  were  killing 
time  by  calling  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  hour  of  noon  was 
fast  approaching.  Members  were  lounging  about,  now  and  then 
looking  toward  the  clock ;  some  were  tying  up  their  papers,  or 
bidding  each  other  "  Good-bye."  A  dozen  buzzing  groups  were 
deaf  to  the  occasional  raps  of  the  Speaker's  hammer.  At  one 
end  of  the  hall,  William  Smith  O'Brien — escorted  by  General 
Shields  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  and  to  whom  was  extended 
the  courtesy  of  the  floor — was  receiving  the  congratulations  of 
a  perfect  stream  of  Senators  and  Representatives,  which  attracted 
the  eyes  and  inquiries  of  the  galleries,  when — the  Clerk  still 
calling  the  yeas  and  nays — Mr.  Speaker  Orr  announced  the  hour 
of  twelve,  and  made  a  brief  and  very  suitable  address,  in  which 
he  said, — 

"The  vote  of  thanks  which  you  have  offered  me  gives  me  assurance 
that  my  administration  has  been  acceptable  to  you ;  and  for  that  I  thank 
you.  I  have  throughout  my  term  sought  most  earnestly  to  do  exact  and 
equal  justice  to  individuals,  parties,  and  sections ;  and  if  I  have  failed  in 
the  purpose  through  error  or  prejudice,  I  now  crave  your  pardon. 

"  Trusting,  gentlemen,  that  our  deliberations  here  may  realize  for  this 
great  Republic  the  most  prosperous  development  of  all  its  immense  re- 
sources, and  invoking  upon  you  through  life  the  richest  blessings  of  kind 
Heaven,  1  bid  you  farewell,  and  perform  my  last  official  act  by  declaring 
the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress  at  an  end." 


JAMES   L.  ORR.  395 

Mr.  Orr  had  announced  his  design  of  retiring  from  public  life 
during  the  first  session  ;  and  men  of  all  parties  agreed  with  Mr. 
E.  Kingman  that  the  determination  was  umuch  to  be  regretted, 
not  only  as  a  social,  but  as  a  great  political,  loss  to  Congress. 
Such  men  as  Colonel  Orr  give  grace  and  dignity  to  the  legisla- 
tive body  and  to  the  circles  in  which  they  move." 

In  the  recess  between  the  sessions  he  took  farewell  of  his  con- 
stituents at  Craytonville,  in  a  speech  which  attracted,  and,  for 
particular  reasons,  will  attract,  attention.  In  addition  to  the 
views  with  which  the  readers  of  this  sketch  are  familiar,  Mr.  Orr 
came  very  boldly  out  in  opposition  to  the  opening  of  the  slave- 
trade.  AVhen  Governor  Adams  mooted  this  subject  in  his  mes- 
sage to  the  South  Carolina  Legislature,  Mr.  Orr  introduced  a 
resolution  into  the  House  of  Representatives  declaring  "  that  it 
was  unwise,  inexpedient,  and  contrary  to  the  settled  policy  of  the 
United  States,  to  repeal  the  laws  prohibiting  the  African  slave- 
trade."  This  resolution  was  passed  with  but  eight  dissentient 
votes, — seven  of  whom  subsequently  avowed  themselves  opposed 
to  reopening  the  trade.  The  resolution,  coming  from  so  promi- 
nent a  Southern  man  as  Mr.  Orr,  becomes  of  great  importance, — 
the  more  so  from  the  manner  in  which  he  has  illustrated  its  text 
since. 

In  his  speech  at  Craytonville,  he  condemned  the  idea  as  im- 
practicable, and  impolitic  if  practicable.  If  Northern  or  English 
manufacturers  were  to  advocate  the  scheme,  he  could  understand 
it ;  but  that  Southern  planters  should  be  urged  to  adopt  a  policy 
which  would  depreciate  their  productions  for  the  benefit  of  the 
consumers,  was  to  him  incomprehensible.  The  agitation  of  such 
a  scheme  could,  in  his  mind,  effect  nothing,  save  the  division 
and  disruption  of  the  South.  The  laws  against  the  trade  are 
Federal ;  and  Mr.  Orr,  in  view  of  the  effect  of  his  resolution, 
may  well  ask, — 

"Who  believes  that  the  laws  prohibiting  that  trade  will  ever  be  repealed 
so  long  as  this  Government  exists  ?  Who  is  so  credulous  as  to  believe 
that  a  majority  of  the  Representatives  of  the  South  will  ever  vote  for  their 
repeal?  Does  it  not  take  a  sanguine  man  to  persuade  himself  that  a 
single  county  in  any  State  would  elect  a  Representative  to  the  State 
Legislature  on  such  an  issue  ?  Why  agitate,  then?  Is  it  to  furnish  Black 
Republicans  with  material  to  keep  up  a  counter-agitation  in  their  section 
of  the  Union  ? 


396  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

"A  few  years  since,  when  we  were  opposing  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  one 
of  the  dangers  most  to  be  apprehended,  we  were  told,  was  that  our  slave 
population  would  soon  become  so  numerous  by  natural  increase  that  they 
would  become  valueless ;  now  that  event  is  sought  to  be  hastened  by 
pouring  in  upon  us  a  horde  of  wild  Africans." 

The  doctrines  and  principles  upon  which  it  is  sought  to  reopen 
the  trade  have,  in  Mr.  Orr's  opinipn,  no  foundation  in  humanity, 
philosophy,  morality,  or  religion. 

He  is  also  opposed  to  a  slave-code  for  the  Territories,  believing 
it  a  violation  by  the  South  of  her  plighted  faith  to  the  principles 
of  the  Washington,  Utah,  New  Mexico,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska 
Acts, — non-intervention  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  Terri- 
tories. He  is  for  maintaining  Southern  faith  in  this  as  in  all 
other  cases  with  honorable  exactness.  He  believes  the  majority 
of  the  Southern  people  are  opposed  to,  and  will  repudiate,  any 
and  all  Congressional  interference  with  the  matter.  The  Dred 
Scott  decision  protects  the  rights  of  property  in  the  Territories; 
the  police  legislation  regulating  it  cannot  be  safely  or  wisely 
committed  by  the  South  to  Congress. 

Such  is  an  epitome  of  Mr.  Orr's  political  career  and  views. 
As  a  thinker  he  is  clear  and  logical,  and  as  a  speaker  direct  and 
full  of  striking  force.  He  enjoys  very  high  professional  reputa- 
tion as  a  lawyer,  and  during  the  recesses  has  devoted  much  of  his 
time  to  the  active  duties  of  the  bar.  Skilful,  well  versed  in 
common  law,  a  strict  constructionist  of  the  Constitution,  and 
guided  by  the  intelligence  of  the  framers  of  our  Government,  his 
opinions  are  justly  regarded  with  great  deference.  In  addition 
to  his  political  and  professional  duties,  Mr.  Orr  delivered,  among 
other  addresses,  the  anniversary  oration  at  Erskine  College,  in 
1846,  on  General  Education;  an  oration  at  Mercer  University, 
of  Georgia,  in  1851;  and  the  anniversary  oration  at  Furman 
University,  South  Carolina,  1855;  also  the  inaugural  at  the 
opening  of  the  hall  of  the  South  Carolina  Institute,  Charleston. 
In  all  the  relations  of  life  in  which  Mr.  Orr  has  appeared,  he  has 
won  the  esteem  of  good  and  great  men  as  well  as  the  popular 
applause;  and  he  will  carry  with  him  into — it  is  to  be  hoped 
temporary — retirement  the  best  wishes  of  his  associates  and  late 
constituents. 


JOHN    M.  READ.  397 


JOHN  -M.  READ, 

CF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

THIS  eminent  Pennsylvanian  is  descended  from  a  Revolutionary 
stock  of  great  distinction  and  prominence.  His  grandfather, 
George  Read,  (grandson  of  a  wealthy  citizen  of  Dublin,  Ireland,) 
was  a  man  of  distinguished  ability,  a  signer  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  a  member  of  the  convention  that  framed  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  a  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Ap- 
peals in  Admiralty  under  the  Confederation,  a  Senator  in  the 
First  Congress,  and,  lastly,  Chief -Justice  of  the  State  of  Delaware. 
His  grand-uncle,  George  Ross,  of  Lancaster,  was  also  a  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Two  of  the  brothers  of  George 
Read  were  actively  engaged  and  rendered  valuable  service  in  the 
Revolutionary  contest.  Thomas  was  a  captain  in  the  Continental 
navy,  and  James  an  officer  in  the  army.  Both  fought  under 
Washington  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  and  James  served  as 
major  at  Brandy  wine  and  Germantown.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gunning  Bedford,  who  belonged  to  the  Delaware  regiment,  and 
was  Governor  of  Delaware  after  the  war,  was  a  brother-in-law. 

His  father,  John  Read,  was  educated  to  the  bar,  and  admitted 
to  practice  in  1792.  He  settled  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  mar- 
ried, in  1796,  a  daughter  of  Samuel  Meredith,  an  active  patriot 
of  the  Revolution,  and  the  first  Treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
of  whose  father  General  Washington  was  an  intimate  friend  and 
frequent  guest.  The  brother-in-law  of  Mr.  Meredith,  George 
Clymer,  was  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  a 
framer  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  Mrs.  Mere- 
dith was  a  sister  of  General  John  Cadwalader  and  of  Colonel 
Lambert  Cadwalader :  her  brother-in-law,  General  Philemon 
Dickinson,  of  Trenton,  commanded  at  the  Millstone,  and  also  the 
Jersey  militia  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth ;  and  her  cousin,  John 
Dickinson,  was  the  author  of  the  celebrated  "  Farmer's  Letters." 

34 


398  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

John  Read  was  a  man  of  influence  and  talent.  lie  served  for 
two  sessions  in  tlie  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  as  a  Representa- 
tive from  Philadelphia,  and  an  unexpired  term  of  four  years  in 
the  Senate,  was  for  some  years  City  Solicitor,  and  in  1819  was 
made  President  of  the  Philadelphia  Bank.  He  resigned  that 
post  in  1841,  and  died,  about  five  years  ago,  at  an  advanced  age. 

John  Meredith  Read,  the  subject  of  this  communication,  is 
the  eldest  sen  of  John  Read.  He  was  educated  at  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  graduated  very  young.  Students,  at  that 
period,  often  left  the  university,  crowned  with  its  honors,  with  no 
more  Latin  and  less  Greek  than  is  now  required  for  admission  to 
Yale  or  Princeton ;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  Mr.  Read  was  an 
exception  to  the  ordinary  rule. 

He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1818,  and  at  that  period  looked 
as  little  like  one  given  to  the  wasting  of  midnight  oil  in  recondite 
studies  as  those  least  troubled  with  ambitious  dreams.  He  was 
tall  of  stature,  and  with  a  face  fresh,  ruddy,  and  animated.  He, 
however,  read  much,  and  had  a  strong  propensity  for  literature; 
but  he  was  no  student  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  and  par- 
took, with  a  zest  natural  to  the  young,  of  social  enjoyments. 
Life  had  not  yet  presented  itself  to  him  in  its  serious  aspects, 
and  he  thought  little  of  the  honors  of  the  profession  for  which 
he  was  ere  long  to  compete.  Within  a  year,  however,  of  his 
admission  to  the  bar,  he  was  appointed  Solicitor  for  the  Phila- 
delphia Bank,  and  in  that  capacity  became  concerned  in  some 
important  cases,  in  the  management  of  which  he  exhibited  a 
remarkable  aptitude  for  legal  practice.  As  business  increased,  a 
sense  of  its  responsibilities  compelled  him  to  labor  in  order  to 
acquire  the  learning  necessary  for  the  full  performance  of  his 
duties,  and  he  soon  became  distinguished  for  the  diligence  with 
which  he  prepared  his  cases,  as  well  as  for  the  ability  with  which 
he  tried  them.  By  degrees  he  acquired  a  rooted  attachment  to 
his  profession,  and  studied  the  law  as  a  science.  He  habitually 
came  into  court  armed  at  all  points,  and  gave  his  client  the 
advantage  of  a  masterly  manipulation  of  the  facts,  and  the  utmost 
support  of  authority  of  which  his  cause  was  capable.  He  was 
not  liable  to  be  confused,  disconcerted,  or  flurried,  betrayed  no 
surprise  at  an  unexpected  development  of  the  facts,  but  went 
through  his  case  steadily  and  without  excitement,  master  of  it 


JOHN    M.  READ.  399 

and  of  himself,  never  forgetting  for  a  moment  the  decorum  due 
to  the  administration  of  justice,  nor  the  courtesies  becoming  the 
practice  of  an  honorable  profession.  He  partook  largely  of  the 
chivalric  spirit  of  the  bar  of  the  olden  time,— was  fair  and  gene- 
rous to  an  opponent,  and  shared  liberally  with  a  colleague  the 
fruits  of  his  own  laborious  preparation.  Though  early  noted  as 
a  rising  man,  his  upward  course  was  necessarily  slow  and  toil- 
some. There  were  giants  in  those  days  at  the  bar,  and  they 
monopolized  the  heavy  practice,  leaving  but  the  gleanings  of  the 
field  to  their  youthful  co-laborers. 

In  the  fall  of  1823,  Mr.  Read  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  Pennsylvania,  and  during  the  ses- 
sion of  the  following  winter  took  an  active  part  in  the  debates  of 
that  body,  and  proved  himself  an  able  and  influential  member. 
He  was  re-elected  the  next  year,  and  had  for  his  colleagues 
Judges  Kane  and  Stroud,  and  Mr.  Meredith,  late  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  under  General  Taylor,  constituting  the  strongest 
delegation  ever  sent  by  Philadelphia. 

Declining  further  service  in  the  Legislature,  he  applied  him- 
self with  increased  diligence  to  his  profession.  He  was  appointed 
City  Solicitor,  and  became  counsel  for  a  number  of  large  mercan- 
tile firms.  Having  been  elected  a  member  of  the  City  Select 
Council,  he  thought  it  his  duty  to  investigate  the  condition  of 
the  finances,  and  to  understand  the  sources  of  its  revenues  and 
the  subjects  of  its  expenditures.  His  habits  of  exhaustive  re- 
search qualified  him  for  a  species  of  labor  which  to  most  minds 
is,  of  all  others,  the  most  repulsive;  and  it  was  not  long  till  he 
presented,  in  a  forcible  and  luminous  speech, — which  was  subse- 
quently published  in  "Hazard's  Register," — the  first  connected 
view  ever  given  to  the  public  of  the  operations  of  the  financial 
department  of  the  city  government.  An  ordinance  drawn  by 
him,  providing  for  quarterly  and  annual  accounts  in  a  special 
shape,  was  passed  by  the  Councils;  and  by  its  means  the  commu- 
nity, for  the  first  time,  were  enabled  to  understand  the  manage- 
ment of  their  municipal  affairs. 

When  the  proposition  for  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution 
of  Pennsylvania  was  first  promulgated,  he  hesitated  to  join  in 
the  movement,  although  he  was  satisfied  that  certain  alterations 
could  be  made  which  would  prove  beneficial.  Having  studied 


400  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  subject  with  his  usual  care,  he  prepared  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Pennsylvania,  which  was  adopted  at  a  town-meeting 
held  in  Philadelphia,  and,  having  been  circulated  throughout  the 
State,  furnished  the  basis  of  the  scheme  of  reform  which  was 
subsequently  worked  out  by  the  convention  and  ratified  by  the 
people. 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  Martin  Van  Buren  to  the  Presi- 
dency, Mr.  Read  was  appointed  United  States  District  Attorney 
for  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania,  and  held  the  office  till 
3d  of  March,  1841.  After  his  resignation,  Mr.  Read  was  retained 
as  the  special  counsel  of  the  Government  by  the  Solicitor  of  the 
Treasury,  notwithstanding  his  adverse  political  position, — a  com- 
pliment to  his  professional  standing  not  less  honorable  to  the 
appointing  power  than  to  him. 

While  officiating  as  District  Attorney,  he  was  appointed,  by 
the  Secretary  of  War,  Judge  Advocate  of  the  Court  of  Inquiry 
upon  Commodore  Elliot,  and  was  afterwards  appointed  to  the 
same  position  in  the  court-martial  constituted  for  the  trial  of  that 
distinguished  officer.  Although  much  bitterness  of  feeling  was 
manifested  between  the  accusers  and  accused,  and  the  feeling 
affected  in  no  small  degree  the  friends  of  the  respective  parties, 
every  one  paid  tribute  to  the  fairness,  candor,  and  ability  of  the 
Judge  Advocate ;  and  the  voluminous  proceedings,  embracing  some 
fourteen  hundred  pages,  exhibit  not  a  single  exception  taken  to 
his  ruling  by  the  very  able  counsel  engaged  in  the  defence. 

Standing  now  in  the  foremost  rank  of  his  profession,  eminent 
as  well  for  the  depth  and  variety  of  his  learning  as  for  his  talents, 
he  was  designated  by  public  opinion  as  the  proper  successor  to 
Judge  Baldwin.  He  was  accordingly  nominated,  in  1845,  to 
the  Senate  as  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
The  nomination  thus  made,  however,  was  not  acted  upon  by  the 
Senate.  "There  was" — says  a  biographer  of  Mr.  Read — "an 
adverse  influence  in  that  body  prescient  of  the  future,  and  a 
Northern  man  with  Southern  principles  was  demanded  for  the 
position.  To  that  influence,  Mr.  Read's  unswerving  fidelity  to 
the  law  and  the  Constitution — which,  it  was  well  known,  could 
not  be  made  in  his  hands  flexible  instruments  of  a  power  in  the 
State  greater  than  the  State  itself — constituted  an  insuperable 
objection." 


JOHN    M.  READ. 


401 


In  1846,  Mr.  Read  was  appointed  Attorn ey-General  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  held  the  office  about  six  months,  when  he  resigned. 

For  the  twelve  years  that  intervened  between  his  relinquishing 
the  office  of  Attorney-General  and  his  election  as  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania  he  pursued  the  practice  of  the 
law  with  unabated  diligence,  and  prosecuted  his  studies 'with  an 
ardor  that  would  have  done  credit  to  a  youthful  aspirant  to  the 
honors  of  the  profession.  He  made  himself  acquainted  with  all 
branches  of  the  law,  civil  and  criminal,  municipal  and  federal, 
equity  and  admiralty,  constitutional  and  international,  and  with 
all  of  them  acquired  a  scientific  familiarity.  During  the  inter- 
val referred  to,  he  was  engaged  in  many  important  trials, — among 
the  rest,  in  that  of  the  United  States  vs.  Hanway,  in  1851,  for 
treason.  His  speech,  which  was  the  closing  one  in  the  case  on 
the  part  of  the  defence,  and  occupied  the  court  during  three 
days  of  its  session,  was  a  most  masterly  effort.  In  his  prepara- 
tion for  trial  he  had  studied  thoroughly  the  English  law  of  trea- 
son and  our  own,  made  himself  familiar  with  the  slave-codes 
of  all  the  Southern  States  and  the  decisions  of  the  courts  under 
them,  and  was  ready  to  answer  any  suggestion  that  might  come 
from  the  opposite  side.  His  speech  was  never  fully  reported. 
If  it  had  been, — says  a  competent  authority, — it  would  have 
settled  the  law  of  treason  in  the  United  States  for  the  present 
century. 

But,  although  now  in  the  busiest  part  of  his  life,  he  found 
time  to  pay  some  attention  to  politics,  and  in  1849  attended  as  a 
delegate  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Pittsburg,  and  success- 
fully advocated  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  offered  by  Samuel 
W.  Black,  now  Governor  of  Nebraska  Territory,  against  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  into  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  The 
resolution  reads  thus  : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  adheres  now,  as  it  ever  has  done, 

(to  the  Constitution  of  the  country.     Its  letter  and  spirit  they  will  neither 

'  weaken  nor  destroy ;  and  they  redeclare  that  slavery  is  a  domestic,  local 

institution  of  the  South,  subject  to  State  law  alone,  and  with  which  the 

General  Government  has  nothing  to  do  :  wherever  the  State  law  extends 

its  jurisdiction  the  local  institutions  can  continue  to  exist.     Esteeming  it 

a  violation  of  State  rights  to  carry  it  beyond  State  limits,  we  deny  the 

power  of  any  citizen  to  extend  the  area  of  bondage  beyond  its  present 

dominion ;  nor  do  we  consider  it  a  part  of  the  Constitution  that  slavery 

2  A  34* 


402  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

should    forever  travel   with   the   advancing   column  of    our   territorial 
progress." 

In  March  following,  Mr.  Read,  at  a  public  meeting,  made  an 
elaborate  speech  in  favor  of  the  immediate  admission  of  Califor- 
nia into  the  Union  as  a  Free  State,  and  responsive  to  the  Pitts- 
burg  resolution.  In  that  speech  "  there  is  the  breathing  of  the 
same  spirit,  and  a  strong  avowal  of  the  same  doctrine,  that  six 
years  later  found  sympathy  and  accord  in  the  ranks  of  the  new 
party  organized  under  Republican  leaders,  and  laid  down  in  the 
celebrated  platform  on  which  the  contest  of  1856  was  waged." 
Mr.  Read,  having  disapproved  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  Act,  took  an  active  part  in  the  animated  contest  of 
that  year ;  and  one  of  his  speeches, — a  calm  and  complete  expo- 
sition of  the  claims  of  free  white  labor, — delivered  in  Philadel- 
phia on  the  30th  of  September,  was  printed  and  circulated  as  a 
campaign  document. 

In  1858,  he  consented  to  be  a  candidate  for  Judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  Pennsylvania,  and,  under  the  united  support, 
most  willingly  concentrated  upon  him,  of  all  the  branches  of  the 
Opposition,  he  was  elected  by  a  triumphant  majority  of  about 
twenty-seven  thousand  votes. 

Of  the  character  of  John  M.  Read  as  a  judge  it  may  be  pro- 
perly said  that  his  demeanor  on  the  bench  is  highly  satisfactory 
to  the  bar ;  and  there  can  be  scarcely  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  that 
his  earnest  desire  to  discharge  honorably  the  duties  of  his  high 
trust,  aided  by  talents  and  acquirements  of  a  superior  order,  will 
procure  for  him  an  enviable  judicial  reputation.  He  has  fine 
health,  a  vigorous  constitution,  strong  working  powers,  and, 
although  about  sixty  years  of  age,  has  a  fair  prospect  of  full  fif- 
teen years  of  good  service  in  any  line  of  effort  in  which  his  mind 
may  be  employed. 

Summing  up  Judge  Read's  position,  a  gentleman  who  has  care- 
fully studied  the  subject  says, — 

His  opinions  on  the  Slavery  question,  though  temperately  ex- 
pressed, have  been  long  consistently  and  firmly  maintained,  and 
his  views  as  to  the  policy  and  necessity  of  encouraging  and  pro- 
tecting American  industry  are  the  result  of  profound  reflection  and 
careful  observation  upon  every  branch  of  political  science.  His 
character  is  unassailable  ;  there  is  no  weak  point  in  it  that  invites 


JOHN    M.  READ.  403 

attack  or  requires  defence.  His  private  and  his  public  life  have 
been,  beyond  suspicion,  pure.  Though  he  has  never  been  in 
Congress,  or  served  in  the  Cabinet,  or  represented  the  country 
in  the  Courts  of  Europe,  he  i»  better  acquainted  with  the  relative 
rights,  duties,  and  interests  of  the  nation,  with  our  internal  re- 
sources, our  foreign  and  domestic  commerce,  with  the  mysteries 
of  finance  and  the  tidal  movements  of  the  currency,  than  many 
who  have  spent  years  in  the  halls  of  legislation  or  long  worn  the 
robes  of  office  in  high  public  positions.  He  possesses  great  dis- 
cretion as  well  as  firmness  and  courage,  and  caution  in  deciding 
as  well  as  vigor  in  executing.  He  is  not  afraid  to  do  right,  nor 
can  he  be  seduced  to  do  wrong. 


404  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  SEWARD  was  born  in  the  village  of  Florida, 
Orange  County,  New  York,  May  16,  1801.  At  the  age  of  nine 
years  he  was  sent  to  an  academy  in  Goshen,  which  had  num- 
bered among  its  pupils  Noah  Webster  and  Aaron  Burr.  With  a 
strong  aptitude  for  knowledge,  he  rapidly  advanced  in  his  stu- 
dies, so  that  before  he  was  fifteen  he  was  ready  to  enter  college. 
In  1816,  he  was  received  into  Union  College,  from  which  he  was 
graduated  with  high  honors.  He  studied  law  with  John  Anthon, 
in  New  York,  and  afterward  with  Ogden  Hoffman  and  John 
Duer,  at  Goshen,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1822.  In  the 
following  year  he  removed  to  Auburn,  where  he  formed  a  part- 
nership with  Judge  Miller,  whose  daughter  he  married  in  182-1. 
As  a  lawyer  he  soon  became  distinguished  for  originality  of 
thought,  independence  of  action,  and  an  industrious  devotion  to 
his  profession  that  brought  him  a  large  practice  and  a  high 
reputation. 

The  attention  of  Mr.  Seward  was  early  called  to  political  sub- 
jects. His  father  was  an  eminent  Jeffersonian  Republican,  and 
the  natural  instincts  as  well  as  the  early  education  of  the  son  led 
him  to  adopt  the  same  principles.  In  1824,  he  was  selected  by 
a  Republican  county  convention  to  prepare  the  usual  address, 
although  scarcely  old  enough  at  the  time  to  be  a  voter.  In  seve- 
ral orations  at  this  early  period  of  his  life  we  find  the  same  fer- 
vent devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty  that  has  ever  since  marked 
his  public  career.  In  1827,  he  appeared  as  the  champion  of  the 
struggling  Greeks,  and  by  his  youthful  eloquence  secured  large 
contributions  to  the  fund  raised  in  this  country  for  their  defence. 

One  of  the  largest  political  conventions  that  had  ever  assem- 
bled in  the  State  of  New  York  was  held  at  Utica  in  1828,  com- 
posed of  young  men  favorable  to  the  election  of  John  Quincy 


WILLIAM    II.  SEWARD.  405 

Adams  to  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Seward  was  called  to  preside 
over  this  convention;  and  the  distinguished  ability  which  he 
then  manifested  plainly  indicated  him  as  the  future  leader  of 
the  great  party  at  that  time  rising  into  notice.  The  same  year 
he  was  offered  a  nomination  as  a  member  of  Congress,  which  he, 
declined.  The  Anti-Masonic  party,  professing,  as  it  did,  to  be 
engaged  in  vindicating  "the  supremacy  of  the  laws,"  enlisted 
the  sympathies  and  support  of  Mr.  Seward  at  an  early  period. 
The  repugnance  he  then  imbibed  against  secret  political  action 
has  never  abated. 

In  1830  he  was  elected  a  Senator  of  the  State  Legislature  by 
a  majority  of  two  thousand,  although  his  district  had  the  pre- 
ceding year  given  a  large  majority  the  other  way.  Not  yet 
thirty  years  old,  he  entered  the  Senate,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
became  ex  ojficio  a  judge  in  the  highest  court  of  the  State,  and 
the  peer  of  men  venerable  in  years  and  distinguished  for  talent 
and  experience.  He  was  politically  in  a  small  minority  in  the 
Legislature,  at  a  time  when  party  lines  were  strongly  marked. 
The  record  of  his  career  as  a  Senator  and  a  judge,  nevertheless, 
compares  favorably  with  that  of  any  of  his  associates.  The  abo- 
lition of  imprisonment  for  debt,  the  melioration  of  prison-dis- 
cipline, reforms  in  the  militia  system,  opposition  to  corporate 
monopolies,  the  extension  of  popular  franchises,  the  great  cause 
of  education,  and  the  work  of  internal  improvement,  received  a 
cordial  and  effective  support  from  him  during  his  term  of  four 
years.  In  some  of  the  reported  opinions  pronounced  by  him  as  a 
judge,  we  find  that  he  did  not  hesitate  to  vindicate  the  claims  of 
justice  even  when  opposed  by  the  arbitrary  and  time-honored 
rules  of  law. 

Mr.  Seward  found  time  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate  to 
make  a  hurried  visit  to  Europe  in  the  summer  of  1833.  His 
letters,  upward  of  eighty  in  number,  written  during  his  few 
weeks'  travel  in  Great  Britain  and  portions  of  the  continent,  were 
published  at  the  time,  adding  much  to  his  growing  reputation. 

In  1834,  Mr.  Seward  was  nominated  for  Governor,  but  was 
defeated  by  Governor  Marcy, — although  in  every  county  he  ran 
ahead  of  his  ticket.  Among  the  charges  brought  against  him  in 
this  and  the  subsequent  successful  canvass  was  "the  atrocious 
crime"  of  being  "a  young  man."  But  little  over  thirty,  he  had 


406  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

dared  to  aspire  to  an  office  honored  by  such  men  as  Clinton,  Jay, 
Tompkins,  and  Lewis.  He  was,  however,  elected  in  1838  over 
the  veteran  Marcy  by  more  than  ten  thousand  majority;  and  was 
re-elected  in  1840, — an  honor  not  conferred  upon  any  of  his  suc- 
cessors of  either  party. 

The  Administration  of  Governor  Seward  was,  in  many  respects, 
the  most  remarkable  of  any  in  the  history  of  the  Empire  State, 
as  well  as  the  most  important  era  in  his  public  life;  and  many 
persons  regard  it  as  more  influential  in  shaping  the  political  issues 
which  have  since  grown  up  in  the  country  than  any  event  of  the 
last  twenty-five  years.  But  our  limits  will  allow  o/ily  a  brief 
notice  of  some  of  its  more  important  points.* 

The  untoward  circumstances  which  met  him  at  the  entrance 
of  his  office — the  unparalleled  monetary  pressure,  the  immense 
undertakings  just  assumed  by  the  State  in  the  enlargement  and 
extension  of  the  public  works,  the  large  number  of  applicants  for 
office  consequent  alike  upon  the  accession  to  power  of  a  new 
party,  and  the  revulsion  of  trade,  which  had  thrown  so  many  out 
of  employment — altogether  were  enough  to  task  the  abilities  of  a 
much  older  and  more  experienced  statesman. 

Education,  internal  improvements,  agriculture,  the  establish- 
ment and  improvement  of  asylums,  reforms  in  the  courts  and  in 
the  banking-laws  and  the  militia  system,  the  entire  extinguish- 
ment of  laws  for  imprisonment  for  debt,  the  settlement  of  the 
Anti-Rent  troubles,  the  extension  of  political  franchises  to  all 
classes  of  people,  the  encouragement  of  foreign  emigration,  and 
the  repeal  of  several  lingering  statutes  favoring  slavery,  as  well  as 
the  enactment  of  new  ones  in  opposition  to  it,  were  all  subjects 
of  Governor  Seward's  attention  during  his  administration. 

As  early  as  1820,  during  the  discussion  which  arose  on  the 
"  Missouri  question,"  Mr.  Seward,  then  yet  in  his  "  teens,"  began 
to  discover,  as  he  thought,  an  undue  subserviency  in  the  domi- 
nant party  to  slavery,  its  interests,  and  its  power.  When  he 
became  Governor,  it  was  reasonably  to  be  expected  that,  as  a 
leader  of  the  opposition  to  that  party,  he  would,  as  far  as  he  was 
able,  give  effect  to  the  views  he  had  adopted  on  that  subject. 
Besides  his  instrumentality  in  securing  the  repeal  of  all  laws  in 

*  See  vol.  ii.  "Works  of  W.  H.  Seward,  Edited  by  Geo.  E.  Baker." 


WILLIAM    II.  SEWARD.  407 

any  manner  upholding  slavery,  already  alluded  to,  he  procured 
the  passage  of  acts  giving  fugitive  slaves  a  trial  by  jury,  and 
counsel  to  defend  them  at  the  expense  of  the  State.  A  law  was 
also  passed  empowering  the  Governor  to  send  an  agent  into  the 
Southern  States  to  reclaim  kidnapped  colored  men  who  had  been 
freemen  in  New  York. 

During  his  Administration  an  important  controversy  arose 
between  Governor  Seward  and  the  Governors  of  Virginia  and 
Georgia.  From  both  of  these  States  it  was  alleged  that  slaves 
had  been  abducted  by  colored  seamen  belonging  to  New  York, 
and  carried  to  free  States  and  set  at  liberty.  The  sailors  charged 
with  this  offence  against  the  laws  of  Virginia  and  Georgia  were 
demanded  of  Governor  Seward  on  requisitions  issued  by  the 
Executives  of  those  States.  The  abductors  were  arrested  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  to  be  taken  to  the  State  where  the  offence  was 
committed,  as  soon  as  Governor  Seward  should  grant  the  requi- 
sitions. 

But  he  refused  to  deliver  them  up,  on  grounds  clearly  and 
ably  stated  in  a  series  of  letters  to  the  Executives  of  Virginia 
and  Georgia.  The  correspondence  was  protracted  and  earnest. 
Governor  Seward,  in  his  letters,  maintained  that  the  crimes 
contemplated  by  the  Constitution,  in  its  provisions  requiring  the 
rendition  of  fugitives  from  justice,  were  not  such  as  depended  on 
the  legislation  of  a  particular  State,  but  such  as  were  determined 
by  some  common  standard  to  be  crimes, — such  as  were  mala  in 
sc.  No  State,  he  argued,  could  force  a  requisition  on  another 
State,  founded  on  an  act  which  was  only  criminal  through  its 
own  legislation,  but  which,  compared  with  general  standards,  was 
not  only  innocent,  but  humane  and  praiseworthy.  A  reference 
to  the  correspondence,  as  published  in  the  Works  of  Mr.  Seward, 
will  show  the  arguments  adduced  on  both  sides.  This  contro- 
versy attracted  the  attention  not  only  of  the  Legislatures  of  the 
several  States,  but  of  the  whole  country,  North  and  South.  The 
Legislature  of  New  York,  while  it  remained  Whig  in  politics, 
sustained  Governor  Seward  in  the  matter;  but  upon  the  accession 
of  the  Democrats  to  power  they  passed  resolutions  denouncing 
his  course,  and  requested  him  to  transmit  the  resolutions  to  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  which  he  declined  to  do.  Virginia,  and 
other  States  in  sympathy  with  her,  threatened  retaliatory 


403  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

sures,  designed  to  injure  the  commerce  of  New  York.  But  this 
produced  no  change  in  the  decision  of  Governor  Seward. 

A  similar  instance  of  his  firmness  and  sagacity  was  exhibited 
in  the  "  McLeod  case."  Alexander  McLeod,  a  British  Loyalist, 
charged  with  burning  the  American  steamer  Caroline  during  the 
Canadian  Rebellion  in  1837,  was  arrested  and  committed  to  jail 
in  the  State  of  New  York  to  await  his  trial  for  the  offence.  The 
British  Minister  alleged  that  the  act  was  one  of  war,  for  which 
his  Government  should  be  held  responsible.  He  therefore  de- 
manded the  release  of  McLeod,  menacing  hostilities  in  case  of  a 
refusal.  President  Tyler's  Administration — Mr.  Webster  being 
Secretary  of  State — counselled  compliance,  and  urged  Governor 
Seward  to  surrender  the  acdhsed.  Many  of  Governor  Seward's 
friends  also  advised  him  to  the  same  course.  But  he  resolutely 
resisted  the  demand  of  the  British  Government,  and  refused  to 
adopt  the  timid  policy  of  President  Tyler.  His  bold  and  inde- 
pendent stand  sustained  the  honor  of  his  country ;  and  the  for- 
tunate conclusion  of  the  matter  restored  public  tranquillity  and 
strengthened  Governor  Seward's  Administration  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people. 

His  recommendations  of  various  reforms  were  conceived  in  the 
same  original  and  independent  spirit.  None,  probably,  encountered 
more  obloquy  and  prejudice  than  his  plan  for  affording  education 
to  children  of  foreign  parentage.  He  was  most  unjustly  charged 
with  political  designs  in  endeavoring  to  secure  the  privileges  of 
the  common  school  to  all  classes  and  conditions  of  the  people. 
So,  also,  were  his  efforts  to  surround  the  foreign  immigrant,  on 
his  landing  upon  our  shores,  with  the  safeguards  of  legal  protec- 
tion, imputed  to  the  same  sinister  motives.  But  he  has  lived  to 
see  both  of  these  measures  adopted,  and  acquiesced  in  by  the 
whole  people. 

His  messages  to  the  Legislature  are  regarded  as  model  state 
papers,  abounding  in  lofty  views  and  original  conceptions.  He 
rarely  used  the  veto ;  but  on  one  or  two  occasions  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  object  to  legislation  originating  with  and  passed  by 
his  own  political  friends.  In  his  appointments  to  office  he  exer- 
cised an  independence  of  judgment  that  in  some  cases  engendered 
personal  hostilities  not  yet  subdued.  In  the  use  of  the  pardoning 
power  he  sometimes  denied  applications  supported  by  personal 


WILLIAM   H.  SEWARD.  409 

and  political  friends,  while  he  granted  those  which  he  could  not 
but  foresee  would  bring  upon  him  a  flood  of  abuse  and  mis- 
representation. 

Mr.  Seward,  declining  a  nomination  for  another  term,  returned 
to  Auburn  in  January,  1843,  to  resume  the  practice  of  law. 

During  the  ensuing-six  years  he  devoted  himself,  with  untiring 
assiduity,  to  his  profession,  rapidly  repairing  the  neglect  it  had 
suffered  during  his  public  service.  His  practice  was  varied  and 
extensive,  but  a  peculiar  aptitude  for  mechanical  science  gave 
him  a  large  and  lucrative  share  of  patent-cases.  At  the  same 
time,  his  generous  and  humane  disposition  led  him  often  to 
engage  in  the  defence  of  persons  unjustly  accused  of  crime  or 
entirely  destitute  of  money  and  friends.  A  number  of  remark- 
able cases,  in  which  he  not  only  gave  his  professional  services, 
but  contributed  largely  from  his  purse  in  behalf  of  friendless 
clients,  are  to  be  found  in  the  criminal  reports  of  the  New  York 
courts.  In  the  case  of  William  Freeman,  a  crazy,  idiotic  negro, 
who  killed  a  whole  family  in  Mr.  Seward's  own  county,  he  not 
only  sacrificed  much  valuable  time  and  expended  a  large  sum  of 
money  in  procuring  the  testimony  of  the  ablest  physicians  and 
superintendents  of  insane-asylums  to  be  found  in  the  United 
States,  but  encountered  the  threats  and  contumely  of  the  excited 
populace,  who  were  determined  that  no  plea  of  insanity  or  other 
defence  should  save  the  wretched  negro  from  the  gallows.  But 
Mr.  Seward,  convinced  from  the  first  that  Freeman  was  wholly 
irresponsible,  determined  to  undertake  his  defence,  notwith- 
standing his  personal  friends  were  unanimous  in  dissuading  him 
from  such  a  course  and  in  his  absence  had  promised  the  enraged 
people  that  he  would  not  engage  in  it.  Mr.  Seward  never  for- 
sook the  case  until  the  death  of  his  client,  caused  by  a  disease  of 
the  brain,  satisfied  even  the  most  prejudiced  that  his  course  had 
been  as  wise  as  it  confessedly  was  humane  and  generous. 

In  1847,  a  number  of  persons  in  Cincinnati  solicited  Mr. 
Seward  to  appear  as  counsel  for  John  Van  Zandt,  charged  with 
aiding  fugitive  slaves  to  escape  from  Kentucky.  The  case  was 
tried  in  the  United  States  Circuit  Court,  and  Mr.  Seward's  argu- 
ment has  been  pronounced  "  a  masterly  exposition  of  the  inhu- 
manity and  unconstitutionality  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Act." 

In  1851,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  defend  a  number  of  persona 

35 


410  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

charged  with  a  conspiracy,  only  one  lawyer  in  Michigan  being 
willing  to  act  as  their  counsel.  The  trial  lasted  four  months, 
during  which  he  examined  over  four  hundred  witnesses,  and,  in 
a  speech  which  occupies  one  hundred  pages  of  the  report,  com- 
mended the  case  to  the  jury  with  such  effect  as  to  secure  the 
acquittal  of  thirty-eight  of  the  fifty  men  on  trial.  Mr.  Seward 
also,  in  several  instances,  was  counsel  for  editors  charged  with 
libel.  His  defence  of  the  liberty  of  the  press  in  these  cases  is 
worthy  of  his  reputation  as  a  man  and  as  a  lawyer.* 

Besides  all  this  professional  labor,  Mr.  Seward's  services  in 
various  political  campaigns,  and  especially  in  the  Presidential 
election  of  1844,  were  often  in  requisition,  both  at  home  and 
abroad.  His  speeches  in  favor  of  a  tariff  and  against  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas  were  among  the  most  profound  and  effective  argu- 
ments of  that  disastrous  contest.  It  was  mainly  owing  to  Mr. 
Seward's  efforts  that  the  defection  in  the  western  part  of  New 
York  from  the  support  of  Mr.  Clay  was  not  much  greater  than 
it  was,  especially  after  Mr.  Clay's  quasi  approval  of  the  annex- 
ation of  Texas  in  his  Alabama  letter.  Mr.  Seward,  in  this  elec- 
tion, as  at  all  other  times,  resolutely  discountenanced  all  political 
issues  based  on  nationalities  and  conscience. 

In  a  speech  at  Utica  in  1844,  after  denouncing  the  proposition 
to  disfranchise  citizens  of  foreign  birth,  the  outrages  committed 
upon  them  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  recent  acts  of  British  op- 
pression, he  used  the  following  language  : — 

"In  this  hour  of  trial  I  have" come  here  freely  to  declare  before  my 
countrymen — and,  if  my  voice  could  reach  the  region  of  thrones,  to 
declare  before  principalities  and  powers — that  the  injuries  inflicted  upon 
Irishmen  in  America  are  a  flagrant  violation  of  law,  of  Constitution,  of 
liberty,  and  of  humanity.  I  know  indeed  what  this  declaration  costs.  It 
may  give  comfort  to  the  poor  and  desponding  exile,  and  awaken  feelings 
of  kindness  in  his  bosom  toward  me,  but  it  will  offend  very  many  of  my 
own  countrymen.  Be  it  so.  I  desire  the  respect  and  regard  of  my  own 
countrymen,  but  I  would  rather  have  the  gratitude  of  one  desponding  and 
depressed  fellow-man  than  the  suffrage  of  the  whole  American  people 
given  to  me  in  consideration  of  denying  any  true  principle  of  free  govern- 
ment or  repressing  any  impulse  of  humanity." 

*  The  arguments  in  the  foregoing  cases  will  be  found  in  vol.  i.  of  "  Seward'3 
Works." 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  411 

Mr.  Seward' s  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  extension  of 
slavery  led  him  to  oppose  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the 
Mexican  War  to  the  last.  But  it  is  justice  to  him  to  state 
that  he  at  the  same  time  advocated  the  support  of  the  army 
called  into  service  by  the  United  States  Government ;  and  in 
the  same  spirit  he  agreed  with  John  Quincy  Adams  in  sustain- 
ing Mr.  Folk's  Administration  in  its  controversy  with  the  Bri- 
tish Government  on  the  subject  of  the  Oregon  territory,  regard- 
less of  any  fears  of  a  war  with  that  Power. 

In  1846,  Mr.  Seward  was  among  those  who  favored  the  calling 
of  a  convention  to  revise  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  He  hoped  thereby  to  secure  many  reforms  for  which  he 
had  labored  all  his  public  life.  He  was,  in  the  result,  gratified 
in  seeing  the  political  power  of  the  State  decentralized  by  the 
transferring  of  the  appointment  of  a  large  number  of  officers 
from  the  Governor  and  the  Legislature  to  the  people,  and  in  the 
general  adoption  of  the  views  he  had  expressed  in  his  Executive 
messages  and  other  public  addresses.  He  only  regretted  that  the 
right  of  suffrage  was  not  by  the  new  Constitution  made  universal, 
with  no  reference  to  property-qualifications. 

In  September,  1847,  Mr.  Seward  was  invited  to  deliver  an 
oration  in  New  York  on  the  life  and  character  of  Daniel  O'Con- 
nell.  This  is  regarded  as  one  of  his  most  brilliant  oratorical 
productions.  It  is  full  of  historical  and  classical  allusions  and 
passages  of  thrilling  pathos  and  fervent  eloquence. 

In  April,  1848,  he  delivered  a  eulogy  on  John  Quincy  Adams 
before  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  which  was  distinguished  for 
its  felicitous  diction  and  faithful  delineation  of  the  character  of 
the  departed  statesman. 

The  nomination  of  General  Taylor  in  1848  received  Mr. 
Seward's  support,  and  he  early  became  one  of  the  leading  public 
speakers  in  the  canvass.  He  now,  as  heretofore,  made  the  great 
principles  of  freedom  the  prominent  topics  of  his  speeches,  and 
was  everywhere  greeted  with  the  unanimous  and  hearty  applause 
of  his  audiences.  At  Cleveland,  Ohio,  in  a  speech  of  great  bold- 
ness and  power,  he  laid  down  the  following  principles  as  his 
political  platform : — 

"  First.  Our  duty  is  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  This  Union 
must  be  a  voluntary  one.  A  Union  upheld  by  force  would  be  a  despotism. 


412  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"Second.  Our  democratic  system  must  be  preserved  and  perfected. 
That  system  is  founded  in  the  natural  equality  of  all  men :  not  alone  all 
American  men,  nor  alone  all  white  men,  but  all  MEN,  of  every  country, 
clime,  and  complexion,  are  equal, — not  made  equal  by  human  laws,  but 
born  equal. 

"Third.  Knowledge  ought  to  be  diffused,  as  well  for  the  safety  of  tho 
state  as  to  promote  the  happiness  of  society. 

"Fourth.  Our  national  resources,  physical,  moral,  and  intellectual, 
ought  to  be  developed  and  applied  to  increase  the  public  wealth  and  en- 
hance the  convenience  and  comfort  of  the  people. 

"Fifth.  Peace  and  moderation  are  indispensable  to  the  preservation  of 
republican  institutions. 

"Sixth.  Slavery  must  be  abolished." 

Again,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  he  proclaimed  the  same  sen- 
timents to  an  immense  meeting  in  Vauxhall  Gardens;  and  at 
Boston,  Philadelphia,  and  other  places  to  which  he  was  invited, 
the  spirit  of  his  speeches  was  the  same.  In  city  and  country  the 
response  of  the  people  was  alike  spontaneous  and  sincere. 

Th«  election  of  General  Taylor,  connected  with  a  Whig  major- 
ity in  Congress  and  in  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  seemed  to 
be  a  favorable  indication  for  the  policy  with  which  Mr.  Seward 
was  identified.  It  was  therefore  by  almost  common  consent  that 
he  was  selected  to  fill  the  place  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  about  to  become  vacant  by  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Dix's 
term.  The  vote  in  the  Legislature  stood,  for  Mr.  Seward,  121, 
and  for  all  others,  30. 

In  February,  1849,  he  arrived  in  Washington,  before  the 
commencement  of  his  Senatorial  term,  in  time  to  assist  in  defeat- 
ing the  famous  "  Walker  amendment,"  which,  in  effect,  would 
have  admitted  slavery  into  all  the  territory  recently  acquired 
from  Mexico, — California  included.  Mr.  Seward  very  soon 
secured  the  confidence  of  President  Taylor,  and  during  the 
remaining  life  of  that  illustrious  man  was  one  of  his  most  inti- 
mate friends  and  counsellors.  The  President's  policy  in  relation 
to  the  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State  received  Senator 
Seward's  hearty  support,  and  he  was  almost  immediately  regarded 
in  Congress  as  the  leader  of  the  Administration  party.  The  un- 
timely death  of  General  Taylor  put  an  end  to  these  relations,  and 
eventually  led  to  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  party  which 
brought  him  into  power. 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  413 

Of  the  exciting  contest  which  followed  the  introduction  of  tho 
Compromise  measures  into  the  Thirty-First  Congress,  and  of  the 
several  able  speeches  made  by  Senator  Seward  during  that  memo- 
rable session,  only  a  brief  notice  can  be  taken. 

Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Webster,  General  Cass,  and  other  leading  states- 
men, believed  that  the  Union  was  at  stake,  and  that  the  adoption 
'of  the  so-called  Compromise  measures  was  essential  to  its  preser- 
vation. Mr.  Seward  maintained  opposite  views.  With  pro- 
phetic sagacity,  he  predicted,  as  the  result  of  a  yielding  to  the 
claims  of  the  Compromise  party,  the  very  ills  which  it  is  believed 
have  since  been  realized  in  the  Kansas  legislation. 

It  was  during  the  discussion  of  these  celebrated  measures  that 
Mr.  Seward  used  the  phrase  "  the  Higher  Law,"  which  has 
acquired  so  wide  a  fame.  The  sentiment,  so  startling  at  the 
time,  was  by  no  means  new  with  Mr.  Seward.  He  had,  in 
1847,  in  his  argument  for  Van  Zandt,  accused  of  aiding  fugitives 
from  slavery,  declared,  in  the  Court  of  the  United  States,  that 
"  Congress  has  no  power  to  inhibit  any  duty  commanded  by  Grod 
on  Mount  Sinai  or  by  his  Son  on  the  Mount  of  Olives."  The 
idea  pervades  all  his  writings  and  governs  all  his  actions. 

In  the  same  speech*  Mr.  Se ward's  position  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  is  briefly  but  clearly  stated  : — 

"I  feel  assured  that  slavery  must  give  way,  and  will  give  way,  to  the 
salutary  instructions  of  economy  and  to  the  ripening  influences  of  human- 
ity ;  that  emancipation  is  inevitable  and  is  near ;  that  it  may  be  hastened 
or  hindered ;  that  all  measures  which  fortify  slavery  or  extend  it  tend  to 
the  consummation  of  violence. — all  that  check  its  extension  and  abate  its 
strength  tend  to  its  peaceful  extirpation.  But  I  will  adopt  none  but  law- 
ful, constitutional,  and  peaceful  means  to  secure  even  that  end  ;  and  none 
such  can  I  or  will  I  forego.  Nor  do  I  know  any  important  or  responsible 
political  body  that  proposes  to  do  more  than  this.  No  free  State  claims 
to  extend  its  legislation  into  a  slave  State.  None  claims  that  Congress 
shall  usurp  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  slave  States.  None  claims 
that  any  violent,  unconstitutional,  or  unlawful  measure  shall  be  embraced. 
And,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we  offer  no  scheme  or  plan  for  the  adoption, 
of  the  slave  States,  with  the  assent  and  co-operation  of  Congress,  it  is 
only  because  the  slave  States  are  as  yet  unwilling  to  receive  such  sugges- 
tions, or  even  to  entertain  the  question  of  emancipation  in  any  form." 


*  March  11,  1850. 
35* 


414  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

After  passing  the  Compromise  measures,  Congress  adjourned. 
The  second  session  commenced  in  December,  1850.  The  subject 
of  the  gratuitous  distribution  of  the  public  lands  had  then  been 
but  little  discussed  in  Congress.  Mr.  Seward,  in  February,  1851, 
in  an  elaborate  speech  reviewed  the  whole  subject;  advocating, 
in  a  clear  and  dispassionate  manner,  the  principles  now  embraced 
in  what  is  called  "the  Homestead  Bill."  "  A  home,"  he  remarks, 
"is  the  first  necessity  of  every  family:  it  is  indispensable  to  the 
education  and  qualification  of  citizens.  He  who  reclaims  an  acre 
of  land  from  the  sterility  of  nature  and  brings  it  into  a  product- 
ive condition  confers  a  greater  benefit  upon  the  state  than  valor 
has  often  the  opportunity  to  bestow."  Mr.  Seward  also,  at  this 
session,  delivered  a  speech  remarkable  for  its  luminous  analysis 
of  the  claims  for  indemnities  for  French  Spoliations. 

In  December,  1851,  he  submitted  a  resolution  offering  a  cor- 
dial welcome  to  Kossuth,  and  in  two  different  speeches  of  fervid 
eloquence  presented  the  claims  of  the  Hungarians  to  the  admira- 
tion of  American  freemen.  In  another  speech  he  took  occasion 
to  renew  his  expression  of  deep  interest  in  the  cause  of  "  Freedom 
in  Europe"  on  a  resolution  of  sympathy  with  the  exiled  Irish 
patriots.  His  speeches  on  the  Survey  of  the  Arctic  and  Pacific 
Oceans,  the  American  Whale-Fisheries,  and  American  Steam- 
Navigation,  are  remarkable  for  their  practical  character,  the 
variety  and  accuracy  of  their  statistics,  and  the  glowing  patriotism 
with  which  they  are  inspired. 

The  Thirty-Second  Congress  appears  to  have  been  occupied  by 
Mr.  Seward  in  the  advocacy  of  measures  of  great  practical  inte- 
rest. His  speeches  in  favor  of  the  Continental  Railroad,  against 
the  removal  of  the  duties  from  railroad-iron,  and  on  Texas  and 
her  creditors,  like  those  of  the  former  session,  were  marked  by 
an  admirable  union  of  statistics,  cogent  argument,  and  rare  saga- 
city. In  the  first  he  pays  a  tribute  to  John  Quincy  Adams  as 
the  author  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  with  a  keen  but  pleasant 
satire  reviews  a  recent  speech  made  by  G  eneral  Cass  on  the  same 
subject.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Seward  thus  states 
his  views  on  the  question  of  the  acquisition  of  Cuba: — 

"While  I  do  not  desire  the  immediate  or  early  annexation  of  Cuba,  nor 
see  how  I  should  vote  for  it  at  all  until  slavery  shall  have  ceased  to  counter- 
act the  workings  of  nature  in  that  beautiful  island, — nor  even  then,  unleaa 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  415 

it  should  come  into  the  Union  without  injustice  to  Spain,  without  aggres- 
sive war,  and  without  producing  internal  dissensions  among  ourselves, — 
I  nevertheless  yield  my  full  assent  to  the  convictions  expressed  by  John 
Quincy  Adams,  that  this  nation  can  never  safely  allow  the  island  of  Cuba 
to  pass  under  the  dominion  of  any  Power  that  is  already  or  can  become  a 
formidable  rival  or  enemy." 

During  the  summer  of  1853,  after  the  adjournment,  Mr.  Seward 
was  engaged  in  the  trial  of  several  important  causes.  He,  how- 
ever, found  time  to  prepare  two  orations, — one  delivered  at  Co- 
lumbus, Ohio,  at  the  dedication  of  a  University,  on  "  The  Destiny 
of  America;"  and  the  other  before  the  American  Institute,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  entitled  "  The  True  Basis  of  American  Independ- 
ence." Both  of  these  addresses  were  regarded  with  distinguished 
favor,  and  possess  a  value  beyond  the  occasions  which  called  them 
forth. 

The  Presidential  election  of  1852  resulted  in  the  overwhelming 
defeat  of  the  Whig  party.  Mr.  Seward  had  favored  the  election 
of  General  Scott,  although  unable  to  sanction  the  platform  adopted 
by  the  convention  which  nominated  him.  During  the  canvass, 
it  was  charged  that  General  Scott  intended,  if  successful  in  the 
election,  to  make  Mr.  Seward  Secretary  of  State.  With  his 
accustomed  frankness  and  fidelity,  Mr.  Seward  publicly  announced 
his  determination  to  accept  no  office  from  the  hands  of  General 
Scott  under  any  circumstances.  This  had  been  his  course  hereto- 
fore with  previous  Administrations,  and  it  was  not  now  to  be 
changed. 

It  was,  of  course,  under  very  discouraging  auspices  that  Mr. 
Seward  resumed  his  seat  in  the  Senate  after  Mr.  Pierce's  election 
to  the  Presidency.  His  party  was  destroyed;  and  in  the  opinion 
of  many  he  was  himself  not  only  overthrown,  but  politically 
annihilated.  But  neither  his  speeches  nor  his  public  conduct 
bore  any  traces  of  his  disappointment.  He  at  once  devoted  him- 
self to  the  business  of  the  session  with  his  characteristic  calmness 
and  assiduity. 

Mr.  Seward,  early  in  the  session  of  the  Thirty-Third  Congress, 
introduced  a  bill  for  the  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific, 
and  another  for  the  establishment  of  steam  mails  between  San 
Francisco,  China,  Japan,  and  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Among 
other  measures  which  received  his  assiduous  attention  during  the 
session  were  the  modification  of  the  Tariff,  the  Homestead  Bill, 


416  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Miss  Dix's  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  insane,  and  the  regulation  of 
vessels  engaged  in  transporting  foreign  immigrants  to  this  country. 

But  all  these  measures  were  soon  laid  aside,  and  made  to  give 
way  to  a  bill  introduced  by  Senator  Douglas  for  the  organization 
of  the  Territory  of  Nebraska. 

This  bill,  as  it  explained  itself,  applied  to  Nebraska  the  policy 
established  in  1850  in  regard  to  Utah  and  New  Mexico,  and 
repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  It  met,  it  is  un- 
necessary to  say,  the  continued  and  powerful  opposition  of  Mr. 
Seward.  His  first  speech  against  it,  entitled  "Freedom  and 
Public  Faith,"  is  a  profound  and  dispassionate  argument,  which, 
although  it  failed  to  prevent  the  accomplishment  of  the  measure 
in  Congress,  served  to  rouse  the  people  of  the  free  States  to  a 
spirit  of  resistance  to  the  aggressions  of  slavery  not  yet  subdued. 
His  second  speech,  scarcely  less  elaborate,  was  delivered  at  the 
close  of  the  debate.  It  reviewed  the  arguments  which  had  been 
offered  in  defence  of  the  bill  with  clearness  and  power,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  presented  the  methods  by  which  the  people  of 
the  North  could  defeat  its  calamitous  tendencies.  After  a 
momentous  struggle  the  bill  passed,  and  was  signed  by  President 
Pierce  on  the  26th  of  May,  1854.  During  the  discussion,  a 
memorial  remonstrating  against  the  measure,  signed  by  three 
thousand  clergymen  of  New  England,  was  presented  to  the  Senate 
by  Edward  Everett.  It  was  attacked  with  great  vehemence  by 
the  friends  of  the  bill,  and  defended  by  Mr.  Seward  with  equal 
vigor  and  acumen.  In  his  speech  he  maintains  the  right  of 
petition  on  broad  and  impregnable  grounds. 

After  the  decease  of  Henry  Clay  and  Daniel  Webster,  Mr. 
Seward  delivered  in  the  Senate  a  chaste  and'  discriminating  eulo- 
gium  upon  each  of  those  illustrious  statesmen. 

In  addition  to  the  elaborate  speeches  already  mentioned,  Mr. 
Seward  often  took  part  in  incidental  but  important  debates,  of 
which  also  a  record  has  been  made  in  his  published  works. 
His  speeches  and  remarks  have  not  only  been  heard  in  the 
Senate,  where  they  were  delivered,  but  will  be  read  with  profit 
and  instruction  by  the  present  and  future  generations. 

Just  before  the  adjournment  of  Congress,*  Mr.  Seward  de- 

*  July  26,  1854. 


WILLIAM   H.  SEWARD.  417 

Hvered  the  annual  oration  before  the  Literary  Societies  of  Yale 
College,  on  which  occasion  he  received  the  honorary  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  The  subject  of  his  discourse  was  "The  Phy- 
sical, Moral,  and  Intellectual  Development  of  the  American 
People." 

In  October,  he  made  an  elaborate  argument  in  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  "  McCormick  Reaper  Case/' 
which,  with  other  professional  and  private  business,  occupied  his 
time  during  the  recess  of  Congress. 

The  second  session  of  the  Thirty-Third  Congress  commenced 
in  December,  1854.  Mr.  Seward  renewed  his  labors  in  behalf 
of  many  of  the  measures  which  failed  at  the  preceding  session. 
He  steadily  opposed  the  bill  to  increase  the  salaries  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  pay  of  members  of  Congress. 
He  made  an  effective  speech  in  favor  of  the  extension  of  the 
Bounty  Land  Laws  to  the  volunteers  and  militia  who  had  been 
in  actual  service. 

On  presenting  a  petition  from  a  large  number  of  unemplo}^ed 
workmen  in  favor  of  the  Homestead  Bill,  he  briefly  portrayed 
the  distress  which  had  overtaken  the  mechanics  and  workingmen 
of  the  country,  and  urged  the  passage  of  the  measure  prayed  for 
as  a  wise  and  unexpensive  means  of  relief. 

Mr.  Seward's  speeches  on  Internal  Improvements,  the  Pacific 
Railroad,  the  Tariff,  Mail-Steamers,  and  Duties  on  Railroad-Iron, 
were  generally  regarded  as  among  the  most  effective  arguments 
made  in  behalf  of  those  great  measures  during  the  session. 

Near  the  close  of  the  session,  Senator  Toucey  introduced  a  bill 
to  protect  the  officers  of  Government  in  the  execution  of  the 
Fugitive-Slave  Act.  *Mr.  Seward,  in  a  speech  of  stirring  elo- 
quence, opposed  the  measure  as  an  encroachment  on  the  liberties 
of  the  people.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate,  but  failed  in  the 
House.  A  substitute  proposed  during  the  debate,  repealing  the 
Fugitive-Slave  Act  of  1850,  received  Mr.  Seward's  affirmative 
vote. 

The  Thirty-Third  Congress  ended  March  4,  1855.  In  the 
month  of  February  preceding,  Mr.  Seward  had  been  re-elected 
to  his  seat  in  the  Senate  for  another  term  of  six  years.  Notwith- 
standing a  most  determined  opposition  both  from  the  Democratic 
and  American  parties,  his  triumph  in  the  election  was  no  less 
2  B 


418  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

decisive  than  remarkable.  His  vote  in  the  Legislature  was  87, 
against  19  for  Mr.  Dickinson,  12  for  Horatio  Seymour,  9  for 
Washington  Hunt, — his  principal  competitors, — and  30  scattered 
among  Messrs.  Allen,  Dix,  Fillmore,  and  others.  This  result 
was  as  unexpected  to  his  opponents  as  it  was  gratifying  to  his 
friends. 

The  news  of  his  election,  as  it  spread  throughout  the  free 
States,  was  received  with  demonstrations  of  rejoicing  almost  un- 
precedented in  political  annals.  The  contest,  which  had  been 
long  and  apparently  doubtful,  was  everywhere  regarded  as  be- 
tween the  party  of  freedom  and  its  opponents.  The  victory  was, 
therefore,  considered  something  more  than  a  personal  triumph. 
The  numerous  friends  of  Mr.  Seward  outside  of  his  political  party 
were,  however,  scarcely  less  joyous  over  his  success.  In  Wash- 
ington especially,  where  Mr.  Seward  had  now  resided  nearly  six 
years  during  the  sessions  of  Congress,  the  people,  without  regard 
to  party,  were  sincere  and  hearty  in  their  congratulations.  On 
his  return  to  Auburn  after  the  extra  session  of  the  Senate,  he 
was  offered,  at  various  places  on  his  route,  a  public  reception, 
which  he  respectfully  but  firmly  declined. 

In  the  autumn  of  1855,  during  the  canvass  of  the  annual  State 
election,  Mr.  Seward  delivered  three  remarkable  speeches,  at 
Albany,  Auburn,  and  Buffalo.  They  marked  the  political  issues 
of  the  times  with  a  bold  and  original  hand.  Their  circulation  in 
newspapers  and  pamphlets  was  immense,  lasting  through  the  Pre- 
sidential campaign  the  following  year.  Even  President  Pierce, 
in  his  Annual  Message,  considered  it  not  inappropriate  to  allude 
to  the  start-ling  sentiments  avowed  in  these  ^peeches. 

On  the  22d  of  December,  1855,  Mr.  Seward  delivered  an  ora- 
tion at  Plymouth,  Mass.,  in  commemoration  of  the  landing  of  the 
Pilgrims,  which  received  unusual  attention  both  for  its  eloquence 
and  happy  presentation  of  the  doctrines  of  liberty  and  equal 
rights. 

On  the  assembling  of  the  Thirty-Fourth  Congress,  Mr.  Seward 
entered  with  his  accustomed  punctuality  and  industry  upon  the 
duties  of  the  session.  The  Kansas  difficulties,  it  will  be  recol- 
lected, were  the  principal  topics  of  discussion  during  this  excited 
and  protracted  *  session.  Mr.  Seward's  speeches  were  elabo- 
rate and  exhaustive,  while  his  labors  in  council  and  debato 


WILLIAM    II.  SEWARD.  419 

were  at  all  times  arduous  and  important.  The  time  is  too  recent 
to  need  in  this  place  a  particular  history  of  that  remarkable  con- 
troversy,— if  indeed  it  were  possible  now  to  make  it  impartial  or 
entirely  candid.  A  reference  to  the  official  debates  and  to  the 
published  speeches  of  Mr.  Seward  will  best  show  the  distinguished 
part  he  bore  in  that  important  contest. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1856,  Senator  Summer  was  assaulted  in 
the  Senate-chamber,  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate,  by  Hon. 
Preston  S.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina,  and  very  seriously  injured. 
The  attack  was  occasioned  by  a  speech  made  in  the  Senate  by 
Mr.  Simmer  during  the  Kansas  debate.  On  the  next  morning 
after  the  assault,  Senator  Wilson,  Mr.  Sumner's  colleague,  brought 
the  subject  before  the  Senate.  Mr.  Seward,  after  waiting  a  rea- 
sonable time  for  some  other  Senator  to  move,  offered  a  resolution 
appointing  a  committee  of  inquiry  into  the  matter.  According 
to  parliamentary  usage,  it  is  claimed,  Mr.  Seward  should  have 
been  a  member  of  that  committee,  and  at  its  head.  But  the 
selection  of  the  committee  was  made  by  ballot,  instead  of  being 
left,  as  usual,  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  Neither  Mr.  Seward 
nor  any  of  his  political  friends  were  elected  to  a  place  on  the 
committee.  But  neither  this  apparent  unfairness,  nor  the  inti- 
macy of  the  friendship  existing  between  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr. 
Sumner,  nor  any  of  the  extraordinary  circumstances  of  the  case, 
were  sufficient  to  betray  Mr.  Seward  into  any  undignified  or 
passionate  remarks,  nor  in  any  manner  to  prevent  his  impartial 
discussion  of  the  whole  subject.  His  speeches  and  remarks, 
however,  during  the  debate  which  followed  were  not  wanting  in 
indignant  eloquence  and  manly  rebuke. 

At  the  extra  session,  in  August,  Mr.  Seward  made  two  able 
speeches  on  the  "  Army  Bill,"  in  which  he  also  discussed  the 
affairs  of  Kansas  as  they  were  incidentally  affected  by  the  bill. 

After  the  close  of  his  Congressional  labors,  arduous  and  ex- 
hausting both  from  the  circumstances  and  the  unusual  length  of 
the  two  sessions,  Mr.  Seward  returned  to  Auburn  to  attend  to 
his  private  affairs  and  to  seek  repose.  But  the  Presidential 
election  almost  immediately  called  him  to  engage  in  the  canvass. 
Some  of  his  friends  had  been  disappointed  that  his  name  had 
not  been  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  ticket,  instead 
of  Colonel  Fremont's;  but  no  disappointment  on  his  part,  if  he 


420  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

felt  any,  prevented  him  from  entering  the  contest  with  unabated 
zeal  and  energy.  Two  of  his  speeches — at  Auburn  and  Detroit 
— were  of  more  than  ordinary  ability,  and  were  widely  read  all 
over  the  country,  even  after  the  election  had  passed. 

The  election  resulted  in  the  success  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  Con- 
gress assembled  again  in  December.  Among  the  earlier  proceed- 
ings of  the  Senate  was  the  announcement  of  the  death  of  John 
M.  Clayton.  Mr.  Seward  pronounced  an  eloquent  and  feeling 
eulogium  upon  that  distinguished  statesman,  whom  he  numbered 
among  his  earliest  friends. 

In  a  speech  of  great  research  Mr.  Seward  advocated  the  claims 
of  the  Revolutionary  officers,  showing  that  the  relief  proposed 
was  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  and  cherished  policy  of  Gene- 
ral Washington.  Mr.  Seward  was  among  the  leading  advocates 
of  affording  Government  aid  to  the  proposed  Atlantic  Telegraph. 
His  speeches  and  labors  on  the  subject  were  largely  instrumental 
in  securing  the  favor  of  Congress  to  the  project.  In  the  same 
spirit  he  supported  the  bill  for  extending  a  telegraph-line  to 
California  and  the  Pacific  coast. 

The  overland  mail-route  to  San  Francisco  was  also  a  favorite 
project  with  Mr.  Seward.  Next  to  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific,  he 
deemed  this  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  gave  it  his  effective 
support.  And  it  may  here  be  remarked  that  no  sectional  preju- 
dices ever  influenced  Mr.  Seward  in  his  advocacy  of  either  of 
these  measures.  He  always  supported  both,  whether  the  route 
was  "  Northern,"  "  Central,"  or  "  Southern/'  even  when,  in 
doing  so,  it  was  necessary  to  separate  himself  from  all  his 
political  friends. 

The  subject  of  revising  the  Tariff  was  discussed  with  much 
earnestness  in  the  Senate  just  before  the  adjournment.  Mr. 
Seward,  consistently  with  his  whole  public  life,  advocated  such 
a  discrimination  in  duties  upon  imports  as  would  best  protect 
the  industry  of  the  country.  While  he  would  carefully  guard 
all  the  great  interests  of  the  people, — the  raising  of  wool  and 
the  manufactures  of  the  North,  or  the  growing  of  sugar  and  cot- 
ton in  the  South, — he  was  especially  opposed  to  any  relaxation 
of  the  tariff  upon  railroad-iron  or  other  articles  of  that  material. 
His  views  of  the  importance  of  the  iron-interest  are  strongly 
stated  in  the  following  extract  from  a  speech  in  1853  : — 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  421 

"Sir,  I  think  my  votes  have  shown  that  I  have  a  correct  appreciation 
of  the  great  advantages  to  the  United  States  which  have  resulted  from 
the  acquisition  of  the  gold  of  California.  But  if  I  were  required  to 
choose  to-day  between  the  wealth  that  slumbers  in  the  Sierra  Nevada 
and  colors  the  sands  in  the  bottoms  of  the  streams  of  California,  and  the 
iron  that  lies  in  the  unopened  mines  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  New  York, 
and  New  Jersey,  I  should  decide — promptly  decide — decide  at  once — to 
renounce  the  gold  and  save  the  iron.  But,  when  I  have  enumerated  these 
States,  I  am  conscious  that  I  am  only  on  the  verge  of  the  iron-region  of 
this  broad  continent.  It  extends  through  Vermont,  Ohio,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Missouri,  and  Nebraska.  Sir,  we  are  making  iron  roads 
across  this  continent.  And  what  is  now  proposed  ?  It  is  to  bring  the 
iron  from  England  to  make  roads  over  the  iron  and  coal  beds  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies  and  of  Missouri  and  our  Western  Territories.  There  must  be  an 
urgent  necessity  for  this,  or  the  Senate  would  not,  under  such  circum- 
stances as  these,  listen  to  a  proposition  so  novel  and  extraordinary,  so 
contrary  to  all  our  settled  principles  of  political  economy." 

With  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Buchanan  came  the  Dred  Scott 
decision.  Mr.  Seward,  in  one  of  his  speeches,  reviewed  this  deci- 
sion and  the  President's  connection  with  its  announcement  with 
considerable  severity.  On  another  occasion,  he  gave  notice  of  a 
plan  for  reorganizing  the  United  States  Courts,  so  as  to  give  a 
more  equable  representation  of  all  sections  of  the  Union  on  the 
bench,  and  also  to  increase  the  facilities  for  obtaining  justice  in 
these  courts  in  the  growing  West.  He  proposed  to  do  this,  he 
said,  within  constitutional  limits,  and  in  a  manner  that  should 
be  satisfactory  to  all  candid  minds. 

Mr.  Seward' s  speeches  in  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress  were  more 
numerous  and  on  a  greater  variety  of  subjects  than  usual.  On 
the  second  day  of  February,  1858,  the  President  sent  a  message 
to  Congress  with  the  "  Lecompton  Constitution,"  recommending 
the  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  that  instrument. 
For  nearly  three  months  this  formed  the  constant  subject  of 
debate  in  both  Houses.  The  bill,  introduced  by  Senator  Green, 
carrying  out  the  President's  recommendation  was  opposed  with 
uncommon  ability  by  Mr.  Seward,  as  well  as  by  Mr.  Douglas 
and  others  never  before  acting  together  upon  political  questibns. 

"  The  announcement,"  said  a  Democratic  journal  of  the  next  day, 
"  that  Senator  Seward  would  speak  on  Kansas  crowded  the  House  to  the 
same  extent  as  on  Monday,  (when  the  debate  was  opened.)  There  was, 
however,  much  more  attention  than  on  the  former  occasion.  The  gal- 

36 


422  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

leries  were  quiet,  that  in  the  rear  of  the  reporters'  being  unusually  so, — 
which  told  of  the  presence  of  a  very  different  audience.  More  than  all, 
complete  order  reigned  in  the  body  of  the  chamber.  The  Senators  were 
quiet  and  attentive.  Their  bodies  were  calm,  because  their  heads  were 
engaged  in  listening. 

"  The  speech  was  a  simple  and  forcible  effort,  careful  in  language,  free 
from  ornament, — almost  too  parsimonious  in  this  respect  for  a  popular 
speech, — broad  in  its  peculiar  views,  and  only  narrow  in  the  persistency 
with  which  the  speaker  built  up  political  fabrics  without  the  slightest 
consideration  of  the  Southern  material  in  the  present  fabric  of  the  Union. 
His  manner  was  graceful  without  affectation,  easy  without  heaviness,  and 
bold  without  being  bombastic.  It  was  pleasant  to  hear,  even  if  you  dis- 
agreed with  the  philosophy  and  condemned  the  polite  and  well-tempered 
effrontery  with  which  Southern  hopes  were  treated  as  chimerical.  .  .  . 

"The  Senator  then  proceeded  to  give  a  concise  account  of  Congres- 
sional intervention  since  1820.  Eighteen  States  have  been  added  to  the 
original  thirteen  without  any  serious  commotion  occurring.  Now  Minne- 
sota and  Oregon  were  undergoing  the  process,  which  goes  on  so  quietly 
that  few  see  that  we  are  consolidating  an  empire  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Superior  and  even  at  the  very  gates  of  the  Arctic  region.  Of  the  eighteen 
States,  nine  tolerated  and  nine  rejected  slavery :  still,  there  was  no  extra- 
ordinary excitement ;  but  now  the  struggle  for  the  balance  of  power  makes 
things  different.  Free  labor  and  slave  labor  met  face  to  face  in  the  desert, 
and  the  struggle  was  going  on  for  mastery  between  them. 

"  He  argued  that  free  labor  would  spread  and  overrule  all  else.  Free 
labor  rules  in  California.  It  invades  you  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, and  Missouri.  It  will  meet  you  in  Arizona,  in  Mexico,  in  Central 
America ;  ay,  it  will  meet  you  in  Cuba.  If  even  Senator  Seward  believed 
in  the  extension  of  slavery,  he  would  not  press  it  any  further  in  Kansas. 
The  attempt,  he  said,  has  been  frustrated  at  every  point.  He  believed 
in  the  isothermal  line  to  some  extent ;  but  he  could  not  readily  find  one 
out.  Clearly,  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  was  too  far  north."* 

The  measure  was  carried  through  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  33 
to  25;  but,  having  been  afterward  rejected  in  the  House,  a  Com- 
mittee of  Conference  was  appointed. f  Mr.  Seward  was  appointed 
one  of  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate.  He  of  course 
dissented  from  the  English  Bill,  and  from  first  to  last  opposed 
any  surrender  of  the  principle  that  the  people  of  Kansas  should 
be  left  perfectly  free  to  decide  upon  their  own  organic  law.  The 
closing  scene  was  thus  described  in  the  Democratic  journal  pre- 


*  "  The  States,"  March  4,  1858. 

f  See  under  the  head  of  "  Crittenden,"  p.  137. 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  423 

viously  quoted.  It  was  the  last  of  April.  Mr.  Seward  had  the 
floor.  He  compared  the  Conference  (or  English)  Bill  to  Red' 
heifer's  perpetual  motive-power  and  Maelzel's  automaton  chess^ 
player.  Like  them,  it  deceived  nobody  save  those  wishing  and 
willing  to  be  deceived. 

"  The  submission  or  non-submission  of  the  bill  was  a  block  in  his  path. 
He  should  get  rid  of  it.  On  looking  into  the  bill,  he  was  satisfied  that 
by  it  the  Constitution  was  not  submitted ;  and  then,  again,  in  the  course 
of  his  researches,  he  discovered  that  the  bill  did  submit  the  Constitution. 
If  the  dowry  was  accepted,  the  Constitution  was  submitted ;  if  the 
dowry  was  rejected,  the  people  have  no  power  to  speak  on  the  Constitu- 
tion. He  found  himself  in  a  dilemma,  but  he  was  determined  to  find  out 
how  the  matter  really  stood.  In  doing  so,  he  quoted  from  the  explana- 
tion of  Mr.  S.  S.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  in  the  House,  who  said  that  provision  was 
made  in  the  new  bill  to  take  the  sense  of  the  people,  but  that  the  Consti- 
tution was  not  submitted.  As  for  the  Senator  from  New  York,  he  was 
born  with  an  aversion  to  compromises,  and  he  has  been  getting  more  sus- 
picious of  them  every  day  since.  He  now  sets  his  face  as  flint  against 
them.  On  this  flag  of  truce  he  saw  stains  of  blood.  It  was  a  piratical 
flag. 

"At  half-past  two  o'clock  Senator  Bigler  begged  to  interrupt  Senator 
Seward,  to  say  that  the  bill  under  discussion  had  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives.  There  was  not  the  slightest  interest  shown  in  the  gal- 
leries nor  in  the  chamber,  the  majority  of  the  Lecomptonites  being 
absent  in  the  House,  no  doubt.  Soon  after,  Green  came  in  and  took  his 
seat  in  a  state  of  victorious  excitement.  Wilson  followed  in  a  few 
moments,  rather  paler  than  when  he  went  out.  Taking  his  seat,  he  told 
the  House  majority  (nine)  to  Foot  and  Fessenden, — the  former  of  whom 
took  it  -with  the  benignant  smile  peculiar  to  him.  Houston  whittled  his 
stick  as  though  nothing  had  happened.  Broderick,  Benjamitj,  Iverson, 
and  Toombs,  the  most  excitable  men,  kept  their  seats ;  while  Slidell  car- 
ried the  news  from  group  to  group  behind  the  bar,  and  disappeared  from 
the  chamber. 

"  The  news  seemed  but  to  invigorate  the  Senator  from  New  York.  He 
went  on  speaking  vehemently  against  the  measure.  He  did  not  allude 
to  the  passage  of  the  bill  in  the  other  House  for  some  twenty  minutes, — 
much  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  all,  who  evidently  were  anxious  to  see  how 
he  would  take  it.  Alluding  to  it  at  length,  he  said,  with  his  usual  sang 
froid,  that  it  produced  on  him  no  sense  of  discouragement.  For  freedom 
in  Kansas  he  had  no  such  concern  as  for  where  he  would  sleep  to-night. 
Kansas  is  the  Cinderella  of  the  Union ;  but  she  will  live  and  survive  the 
persecution. 

"  In  the  course  of  his  speech,  the  Senator  from  New  York  said  he  was 
not  an  amalgamationist ;  for  even  when  a  child,  and  he  beheld  Othello  oil 


424  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

the  stage,  he  knew,  when  he  saw  the  Moor  wedded  to  the  fair  daughter 
of  the  Senator  of  Venice,  in  the  first  act,  that  disturbance  would  follow 
in  the  second,  and  desolation  and  death  be  the  result. 

"The  Senate  was  very  soon  crowded  on  the  floor  and  galleries.  Dou- 
glas entered  about  fifteen  minutes  before  three,  and,  silently  taking  his 
seat,  was  soon  in  a  revery,  from  which  he  in  a  few  moments  escaped  into 
a  conversation  with  Stuart,  of  Michigan.  Senator  Bigler  had  something 
to  say ;  but,  as  Seward  had  admitted  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  by  the 
House  had  ended  the  matter,  he  would  yield  to  have  the  vote  taken. 

"At  five  minutes  before  three,  the  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives brought  a  message  to  the  Senate,  formally  informing  the  latter  of 
the  concurrence  of  the  House  with  the  Conference  Report. 

"  The  question  being  called,  a  discussion  took  place  as  to  the  legal 
mode  of  proceeding  with  the  vote.  Senator  Douglas  said  it  was  believed 
by  a  large  number  of  Senators  that  they  could  not  act,  except  on  the 
message  and  bill  from  the  House.  Senator  Hunter  agreed  to  this ;  but 
Senator  Green  would  not  listen  to  it.  There  was  only  one  question  upon 
which  the  Senate  could  vote ;  and  that  was,  whether  it  would  concur  or 
not  concur  with  the  Conference  Report.  After  much  pleasant  discussion, 
the  calling  of  the  roll  on  that  question  was  commenced  at  ten  minutes 
past  three.  The  vote  stood — yeas  31,  nays  22,  as  follows  : — 

"Yeas. — Messrs.  Allen,  Bayard,  Benjamin,  Biggs,  Bigler,  Bright,  Brown, 
Clay,  Davis,  Evans,  Fitzpatrick,  Green,  Given,  Hammond,  Houston,  Hun- 
ter, Iverson,  Johnson  of  Arkansas,  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  Jones,  Kennedy, 
Mallory,  Mason,  Polk,  Pugh,  Sebastian,  Slidell,  Thompson  of  New  Jersey, 
Toombs,  Wright,  and  Yulee. — 31. 

"Nays. — Messrs.  Broderick,  Cameron,  Chandler,  Collamer,  Crittenden, 
Dixon,  Doolittle,  Douglas,  Durkee,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster,  Hale,  Ham- 
lin,  Harlan,  King,  Seward,  Simmons,  Stewart,  Trumbull,  Wade,  and 
Wilson.— 22. 

The  speeches  of  Senator  Seward  made  during  these  discussions 
are  masterly  exhibitions  of  his  views  on  the  whole  subject,  and 
together  form  quite  a  history  of  Kansas  affairs  in  Congress  and 
in  the  Territory. 

In  the  matter  of  increasing  and  strengthening  the  army  to 
suppress  the  rebellion  in  Utah,  Mr.  Seward  took  high  and 
patriotic  grounds,  separating  himself,  to  some  extent,  from  his 
political  associates  in  the  Senate.  Indeed,  his  speeches  and  votes 
on  this  subject  created  not  a  little  excitement  and  dissent  among 
his  friends  throughout  the  country.  But  in  this  case,  as  in 
others  already  noticed,  Mr.  Seward  adopted  that  course  which  he 
believed  duty  and  patriotism  dictated,  relying  on  time  and  history 
to  vindicate  its  wisdom  and  policy. 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  425 

The  aggressions  committed  upon  American  vessels  in  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  by  the  British  cruisers  received  the  earnest  condemna- 
tion of  Mr.  Seward.  He  boldly  insisted  upon  reparation  being 
demanded  by  our  Government  at  all  hazards. 

He  voted  to  admit  both  Minnesota  and  Oregon  into  the  Union 
as  States,  although  he  objected  to  some  of  the  prescriptive  fea- 
tures contained  in  the  Constitution  of  Oregon. 

The  Pacific  Railroad,  Treasury  Notes,  the  expedition  of  Wil- 
liam Walker,  and  Rivers  and  Harbors,  are  some  of  the  other 
subjects  upon  which  Mr.  Seward  made  interesting  speeches, 
more  or  less  elaborate. 

The  death  of  his  friend  and  fellow-Senator,  Thomas  J.  Rusk, 
was  the  occasion  of  one  of  Mr.  Seward's  most  eloquent  efforts. 
His  eulogium  on  the  Texas  Senator  is  regarded  as  one  of  the 
best  specimens  of  mortuary  eloquence  ever  listened  to  in  the 
Senate.  At  the  same  session  he  delivered  appropriate  but  brief 
eulogies  on  the  characters  and  services  of  James  Bell,  late  a 
Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  and  J.  Pinckney  Henderson,  of 
Texas,  who  died  after  three  months'  service  in  the  Senate  as  the 
successor  of  General  Rusk. 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  Mr.  Seward  was  engaged 
for  several  weeks  in  the  United  States  Courts.  His  argument  in 
the  Albany  Bridge  case  is  regarded  as  one  of  his  ablest  forensic 
efforts,  showing  a  remarkable  knowledge  of  the  subject  of  navi- 
gation and  the  constitutional  questions  involved. 

In  the  autumn,  (1858,)  Mr.  Seward,  as  usual,  was  called  to 
take  part  in  the  canvass  for  the  annual  elections.  The  contest 
was  for  State  officers  and  members  of  Congress.  His  speeches 
created  a  wide  sensation,  and  were  believed  by  many  to  have 
been  the  means  of  securing  to  the  Republican  party  a  large 
majority  in  the  State.  His  speech  at  Rochester,  especially,  pro- 
duced a  decided  effect  throughout  the  United  States.  It  was 
very  severely  criticized  by  the  Democratic  press,  and  its  senti- 
ments denounced  as  dangerous  and  revolutionary.  Mr.  Seward's 
friends,  however,  regarded  it  in  a  different  light,  and  defended  it 
by  comparing  it  with  his  previous  declarations  and  with  the 
opinions  of  eminent  men  of  the  past  and  present. 

The  last  session  of  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress  met  in  December, 

36* 


426  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

1858.  A  determined  and  nearly  successful  effort  was  made  at 
this  session  to  pass  the  Homestead  Bill.  Mr.  Seward,  with  Mr. 
Wade,  of  Ohio,  and  others,  were  indefatigable  in  their  exertions 
to  secure  its  success  in  the  Senate, — it  having  passed  the  House 
by  120  to  76.  But  in  vain.  The 'Cuba  Bill  supplanted  it,  and 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  Senate  until  the  final  adjournment. 
Mr.  Seward's  speeches  on  both  of  these  measures  were  brief  but 
forcible;  while  his  parliamentary  efforts  to  secure  the  passage  of 
the  former  and  the  defeat  of  the  latter  were  unremitting  and 
sagacious.  No  less  important  and  zealous  were  his  labors  to 
push  through  a  bill  to  construct  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific.  An 
examination  of  the  votes  in  the  Senate  upon  various  questions 
connected  with  this  measure  will  show — what  has  already  been 
stated — that  Mr.  Seward,  while  of  course  preferring  a  central  or 
Northern  route,  steadily  supported  the  project,  however  located. 
He  also  warmly  seconded  the  recommendations  of  President 
Buchanan  in  regard  to  increasing  the  Tariff,  and  by  a  concilia- 
tory course  of  argument  endeavored  to  secure  the  favorable  action 
of  the  Senate  on  that  important  subject. 

The  speeches  and  writings  of  Mr.  Seward  have  been  collected 
and  published  in  three  large  octavos,  (rumor  says  a  fourth  is  in 
preparation,)  under  the  editorial  auspices  of  G-eorge  E.  Baker,  Esq. 
They  have  been  more  widely  read,  it  is  stated,  than  the  works  of 
any  other  living  statesman.  It  has  been  impossible,  in  this 
article,  to  do  more  than  sketch  the  career  of  one  whose  life  has 
been  so  industriously  occupied  in  public  service.  The  record  of 
that  service  is  his  only  complete  biography. 

Mr.  Seward  is  now  among  the  prominent  statesmen  named  for 
the  Presidency.      What  his  own  wishes  or  views  are  on  that 
subject  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  except  from  the  senti 
merits  he  has  expressed  in  public. 

In  a  letter  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  1841,  he  says, — 

"As  to  the  future,  I  await  its  development  without  concern, — conscious 
that  if  my  services  are  needed  they  will  be  demanded,  and,  if  not  needed, 
that  it  would  be  neither  patriotic  nor  conducive  to  my  happiness  to  be  in 
public  life." 

And  in  a  speech  made  in  New  York,  in  1848,  while  alluding 
to  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay,  he  said, — 


WILLIAM    H.  SEWARD.  427 

"What  is  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  compared  with  the  fame 
of  a  patriot  statesman  who  triumphs  over  popular  injustice  and  esta- 
blishes his  country  on  the  sure  foundations  of  freedom  and  empire?" 

To  a  delegation  of  friends,  in  1854,  who  urged  him  to  adopt 
the  Know-Nothing  policy  as  a  sure  road  to  the  Presidency,  he 
exclaimed,  with  emphasis,  "  Good  God,  gentlemen !  is  there 
nothing  worthy  of  a  man's  ambition  but  the  Presidency  ?" 


428  LIVING  REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


HORATIO   SEYMOUR, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 

THE  public  life  of  Mr.  Seymour  is  identified  with  the  stormiest 
period  in  the  history  of  the  New  York  Democracy.  To  record  it 
will  necessarily  involve  some  reference  to  the  troubles  and  dis- 
sensions which  marked  those  unhappy  days  and  entailed  disaster 
on  the  party  in  local  and  national  affairs :  this,  however,  shall  be 
as  brief  as  the  importance  of  the  matter  and  its  relevancy  to  our 
subject  will  permit. 

Horatio  Seymour  was  born  in  Pompey,  Onondaga  County, 
New  York,  in  the  year  1811.  His  family — originally  from  Con- 
necticut— extend  far  back  into  the  Colonial  days.  His  grand- 
father, Major  Moses  Seymour,  served  in  the  War  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  afterward  for  a  number  of  years  in  the  Legislature  of 
Connecticut,  as  the  representative  of  the  town  of  Litchfield. 
His  father  was  for  some  years  a  member  of  the  New  York  Legis- 
lature; and  other  members  of  the  family  have  occupied  distin- 
guished positions  in  the  service  of  the  nation. 

Mr.  Seymour  commenced  at  an  early  age  the  practice  of  the 
law  in  the  city  of  Utica;  but  other  duties  soon  compelled  him 
to  abandon  the  profession.  At  the  age  of  thirty  he  was  chosen 
Mayor  of  Utica.  He  had  been  an  active  Democrat  from  youth ; 
and  his  election  to  the  chief  office  of  a  Whig  city  is  a  marked 
instance  of  the  personal  popularity  which  he  has  at  all  times 
of  his  career  enjoyed  wherever  known.  In  1841,  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature  of  the  State;  and  his  career  from  this  date  is 
one  of  much  interest  and  uninterrupted  usefulness.  Liberally 
educated,  an  accomplished  speaker,  a  ready  debater,  and  a  court- 
eous gentleman,  he  won  at  once  the  confidence  and  respect  of  his 
compeers,  and  took  an  active  part  in  all  the  important  legislation 
of  the  day.  Many  in  the  Assembly  were  men  of  the  first  rank 
in  ability  and  reputation;  and  the  measures  at  that  time  dis- 


HORATIO    SEYMOUR.  429 

cussed  and  enacted  were  of  the  highest  importance  in  their  cha- 
racter and  consequences.  With  the  former  Mr.  Seymour,  though 
young  in  years  and  legislative  life,  associated  as  an  equal ;  and  in 
the  discussion  of  the  latter  his  voice  was  ever  potent  and  re- 
spected. His  influence,  thus  speedily  and  strongly  manifested, 
continued  undiminished  during  Democratic  ascendency  in  the 
State.  And  at  a  later  period,  when  schism  appeared  in  the  party 
and  power  departed  to  the  enemy,  when  the  Democracy,  untaught 
by  the  past,  seemed  bent  upon  its  own  ruin,  and  those  upon  whom 
its  favors  had  been  unsparingly  bestowed  appeared  to  forget  their 
gratitude  in  the  exhibition  of  unworthier  feelings,  he  passed 
from  the  chamber  of  the  Assembly,  and  was  from  that  day  forth 
the  untiring  advocate  of  union,  and  afterward  the  leader  of  a 
united  party  to  victory.  During  the  early  part  of  his  legislative 
career,  dissension  first  appeared  in  the  ranks,  and  the  bitter  con- 
troversy soon  to  arise  was  already  foreshadowed  in  the  debates  in 
the  Assembly. 

William  C.  Bouck  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  had  been  respect- 
ively re-elected  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  State. 
This,  however,  had  not  been  effected  without  opposition,  which, 
though  silent  while  the  ticket  was  before  the  people,  was  bitter 
and  outspoken  in  the  Assembly  when  success  had  removed  that 
restraint  which  party  discipline  had  previously  compelled.  Of 
this  opposition  Michael  Hoffman  was  the  able  and  imperious 
leader;  while  Horatio  Seymour  was  known  as  the  champion  of 
the  men  and  measures  of  the  Democratic  administration.  Mr. 
Hoffman — says  a  sketcher  of  those  days — was  a  powerful  antago- 
nist, and  had  been  universally  regarded  as  the  most  formidable 
man  in  debate  in  the  Legislature.  Though  he  was  dignified  and 
chivalrous  in  his  manner,  he  was  excessively  dogmatical  and 
dictatorial  in  the  expression  of  his  views.  Such,  however,  was 
the  charm  of  Mr.  Seymour's  manner,  and  the  manliness  and  frank- 
ness of  his  general  course,  that  he  secured  from  Mr.  Hoffman  the 
most  respectful  consideration.* 

The  courtesy  of  Mr.  Seymour  in  these  bouts  with  the  domi- 
neering dictator  of  the  House,  and  his  deportment  'throughout 
the  sharp  and  exciting  discussions  of  those  days,  attracted  high 

*  See  "  Democratic  Review,"  Oct.  1851,  edited  by  Thomas  P.  Kettell. 


430  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

commendation  and  gave  him  a  front  rank.  His  tact  and  affa- 
bility were  never  at  fault;  and  the  deference  he  soon  won  and  at 
all  times  afterward  elicited  from  the  formidable  and  experienced 
chief  of  the  opposition  is  ample  evidence  of  the  singular  ability 
with  which  he  sustained  his  position  as  the  leader  of  the  execu- 
tive party.  It  was  at  this  session  that  he  submitted  his  famous 
report  from  the  committee  charged  with  the  consideration  of  that 
part  of  the  Governor's  message  which  related  to  the  canals. 
That  the  principles  then  recommended  by  him  were  worthy  of 
the  State  is  fully  evinced  by  the  fact  that  they  were  subsequently 
adopted  by  a  constitutional  convention  and,  receiving  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  people,  became  part  of  the  organic  law. 

Of  this  document  the  author  of  the  "  Political  History  of  New 
York"  writes  as  follows : — 

"On  the  23d  of  April,  Mr.  Seymour,  from  the  Committee  on  Canals  in 
the  Assembly,  made  a  report  on  that  part  of  the  Governor's  message  which 
related  to  canals.  That  committee  consisted  of  Messrs.  Seymour,  M.  L. 
Harris,  Linn,  S.  Cole,  and  Dickinson.  This  report  was  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Seymour,  and  occupies  seventy-one  large  octavo  pages.  We  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  pronounce  it  one  of  the  ablest  and  best-written  documents  ever 
presented  to  a  legislative  body.  We  should  do  injustice  to  the  author  of 
it  were  we  to  pretend  to  give  a  skeleton  of  it.  From  the  able  and  mas- 
terly review  that  it  takes  of  our  system  of  internal  improvements,  the 
great  mass  of  well-arranged  facts  it  contains,  its  lucid,  candid,  liberal, 
and  able  reasoning,  and  the  brief  but  intelligent  picture  it  presents  of  the 
finances  of  the  State,  it  will  amply  reward  any  person  for  the  time  which 
the  perusal  of  it  would  occupy.  It  ought  to  be  read  by  every  statesman 
and  legislator  who  desires  to  be  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  the 
public  works  and  the  financial  condition  of  the  State  in  the  year  1844. 
It  will  be  found  in  vol.  vii.  of  the  Assembly  Documents  of  that  year, 
No.  177."* 

The  bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Seymour,  in  accordance  with  the 
views  of  his  report,  passed  both  Houses. 

The  election  of  Silas  Wright  to  succeed  Governor  Boucfc 
worked  no  change  in  the  affairs  of  the  party.  Faction  was  still 
busy  among  the  leaders,  and  but  little  harmony  prevailed  either 
in  the  Senate  or  Assembly.  Of  the  latter  body  Mr.  Seymour 
had  been  chosen  Speaker, — a  position  which  he  had  declined  in 
the  previous  session, — and  presided  with  distinguished  ability. 

*  See  Judge  Hammond's  "  Political  History  of  New  York." 


HORATIO    SEYMOUR.  431 

One  of  the  most  important  events — as  history  since  testifies — 
of  this  session  was  the  election  of  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  to  the 
United  States  Senate;  and  Mr.  Seymour  deserves  exceeding 
credit  for  the  influential  and  unresting  part  he  played  to  secure 
it.  There  was  a  bitter  feeling  of  opposition  on  the  part  of  a  few 
members  of  the  nominating  caucus.  The  ballot  stood,  Dickinson, 
54,  to  17  scattering,  and  4  blanks.  A  motion  to  nominate 
unanimously  was  opposed  by  one  member,  which  drew  out  Mr. 
Seymour  in  a  powerful  argument  to  the  minority,  appealing  to 
them  by  the  recollection  of  the  recent  common  victory, — Folk's 
election, — and  by  the  determination  which  then  actuated  the  whole 
party  as  one  man,  under  the  feeling  that  they  were  contending 
for  common  principles  and  in  a  common  cause.  Mr.  Seymour's 
eulogists  agree  that  he  accomplished  a  most  effective  service  not 
only  for  his  State,  but  for  the  country,  when  he  so  strenuously 
aided  to  place  in  the  United  States  Senate  "'the  bold  and  elo- 
quent exponent  of  the  nation's  will/  who  on  the  floor  of  that 
body  upheld  so  nobly  the  credit  of  his  State  and  achieved  for 
himself  such  immortal  honor." 

To  this  period  also  belongs  Mr.  Seymour's  famous  ,debate  with 
John  Young,  the  Whig  leader,  on  the  bill  for  the  convention  for 
a  revision  of  the  Constitution.  The  Democracy  desired  some 
emendation  of  the  Constitution,  but  proposed  to  accomplish  it 
under  the  provision  of  the  instrument  itself.  The  Whigs  desired 
a  convention,  hoping  thereby  to  effect  a  total  disorganization  of 
their  opponents.  In  the  debate  the  party  leaders  acquitted 
themselves  with  power.  As  an  illustration  of  the  temperate 
force  with  which  Mr.  Seymour  presented  his  views,  not  as  a 
party  man  but  as  a  patriot,  the  conclusion  of  his  share  in  the 
debate  may  be  given  : — 

';If  a  bill,"  he  said,  "can  be  passed  which  shall  be  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  of  our  Government, — which  shall  recognise  the  doctrine 
that  a  majority  of  the  people  shall  govern,  that  sovereignty  resides  with 
the  people, — which  shall,  in  a  fair,  manly,  and  open  manner,  indicate 
the  objects  of  those  who  contend  for  it, — I  shall  be  willing  to  give  it  my 
support.  I  have  reflected  on  the  subject  with  anxiety,  feeling  the  im- 
portance of  this  measure  to  the  well-being  of  our  State.  God  knows  I 
have  endeavored  to  act  on  it  solely  with  a  view  to  the  best  interests  and 
highest  happiness  of  our  common  constituents.  And  to  those  who  differ 
with  me  I  accord  an  equal  degree  of  consideration, — an  equally  honest 


432  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

desire  to  promote  the  interests  of  those  who  have  intrusted  us  with  power. 
And  I  will  only  express  the  hope  that,  in  approaching  this  subject,  all 
pride  of  opinion  will  be  laid  aside, — all  personal  and  political  objects 
overlooked, — and  that  we  shall  be  actuated  only  by  a  wish  to  consult  the 
best  interests  of  the  great  and  glorious  State  whose  Representatives  we 


In  his  efforts  to  put  down  the  divisions  still  existing  in  the 
party,  the  new  Speaker  was  not  equally  fortunate.  Discord  con- 
tinued among  the  managers;  and,  Executive  and  Legislative  power 
passing  into  the  hands  of  the  Opposition,  he  closed  his  career  in 
the  Assembly  with  the  session  of  1845.  Of  the  service  he  had 
rendered  to  the  State,  and  his  character  as  a  legislator,  Judge 
Hammond  speaks  in  the  highest  terms.  He  seldom,  in  the  poli- 
tical record,  met  a  man  who  possessed  higher  and  better  qualifi- 
cations for  usefulness  and  success  in  a  popular  government  than 
Horatio  Seymour.  Kind  and  social  by  nature,  affable  in  his 
deportment,  possessing  a  shrewd,  discerning  mind,  fluent,  and 
at  times  eloquent,  in  debate,  enlarged  in  his  views,  liberal  to 
his  opponents,  and  fascinating  in  his  address,  no  man  seemed 
better  calculated  to  acquire  an  influence  in  a  legislative  body 
than  he;  and  few  indeed,  at  his  time  of  life,  have  in  fact  ac- 
quired a  better  standing  or  more  substantial  moral  power.  He 
made  himself  at  an  early  period  well  acquainted  with  the  great 
and  varied  interests  of  the  State  of  New  York, — an  acquisition 
which  aided  him  much  in  debate  and  gave  him  an  advantage 
over  older  members,  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  enabled  him 
to  render  services  in  legislation  highly  useful  and  beneficial  to 
the  State. 

It  is  not  necessary,  nor,  indeed,  desirable,  that  any  elaborate 
examination  of  the  origin  and  causes  of  the  division  of  the  party 
in  New  York  should  be  entered  into.  The  task  is  an  ungrateful 
one,  and  differences  of  opinion  still  existing  among  some  who 
were  formerly  arrayed  under  opposing  banners  render  it  advisable 
that  it  should  be  avoided.  It  is  admitted  by  the  friends  as  well  as 
by  the  enemies  of  both  wings  that  heresy  of  some  kind  had  crept 
into  the  Democratic  church.  Discord  and  contention  legitimately 
followed.  The  famous  "  corner-stone  resolution"  had  done  its 
fatal  work.  Unwisely  introduced  into  the  State  Convention  of 
1847,  it  was  rejected  by  a  majority.  The  minority  were  dissatis- 


HORATIO    SEYMOUR.  433 

lied.  An  irregular  convention  was  called;  and  a  double  organ- 
ization brought  the  question  before  the  National  Convention  of 
1848.  All  expected  a  final  adjudication  and  a  permanent 
peace  as  its  natural  result.  But  the  hopes  of  the  true  lovers 
of  the  party  were  disappointed.  The  convention  refused  to 
embrace  the  question  presented,  and  the  evil  of  division  was  thus 
made  chronic  in  New  York.  Of  this  action  of  the  convention 
but  one  opinion  now  prevails.  It  was  never  wise  to  compromise 
with  principle ;  and  without  a  supreme  authority,  both  compe- 
tent and  willing  to  decide  all  matters  of  vital  interest  to  the 
Democratic  faith,  all  hope  of  keeping  it  pure  and  making  it  per- 
petual must  be  forever  abandoned. 

During  the  exciting  struggle  of  1848,  Mr,  Seymour,  while 
earnestly  supporting  the  nominations  of  the  National  Convention, 
continued  to  be  the  advocate  of  peace.  Ever  courteous  in  man- 
ner and  manly,  frank,  and  generous  in  act  and  disposition,  his 
constant  labors  were  not  without  their  proper  fruit.  The  leaders, 
it  is  true,  were  not  converted  to  the  doctrines  of  peace  and  good 
will;  but  the  rank  and  file  were  passionate  for  union.  The 
popular  voice  prevailed ;  and,  in  testimony  of  popular  appreciation, 
Horatio  Seymour  was  unanimously  nominated  for  Governor  by  a 
convention  representing  the  entire  party.  The  Democracy,  of 
late  years  accustomed  to  defeat,  were  unable  to  spring  at  once  to 
victory.  Their  candidate  was  defeated  by  less  than  three  hundred 
votes.  This  much,  however,  had  been  accomplished : — the  party 
was  again  united;  and,  with  this  bright  sign  in  the  present,  the 
future  was  full  of  hope.  i 

The  gratifying  results  were  soon  apparent. 

The  National  Convention  of  1852  was  unembarrassed  by  the 
presence  of  conflicting  delegations.  Everywhere  harmony  pre- 
vailed. Democratic  ascendency  was  restored  in  the  nation,  and 
the  Democratic  flag  reappeared  in  Albany,  whence  it  had  been 
banished  since  the  days  of  Silas  Wright. 

Horatio  Seymour,  triumphantly  elected  Governor  of  New  York 
over  Washington  Hunt,  the  then  incumbent  and  his  former 
competitor,  proved  himself  eminently  worthy  to  succeed  the  great 
men  who  had  gone  before  him.  His  Administration,  occurring 
as  it  did  after  a  long  period  of  Whig  rule,  and  contrasting 
with  those  which  preceded  and  followed  it,  is  a  just  source  of 
2C  37 


484  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

pride  to  every  member  of  the  Democratic  household.  Its 
chief  events  are  still  familiar  to  all.  They  have  passed  into 
the  history  of  the  State,  and  need  no  record  here.  His  public 
acts  as  Governor  confirmed  the  opinion  based  upon  his  career 
as  a  legislator.  An  admirer,  one  who  closely  followed  the  acts 
of  Governor  Seymour,  writes  to  me,  "By  thorough  statesman- 
ship he  advanced  the  true  interests  of  the  State,  and  by  untiring 
watchfulness  maintained  the  private  rights  of  the  people.  When 
the  latter  were  threatened,  he  interposed  the  Executive  arm, 
and  prevented  the  outrage  which  the  impertinent  zeal  of  the 
temperance  fanatics,  working  through  the  managed  legislation 
of  unfaithful  servants,  would  have  inflicted  upon  the  State. 
His  veto  of  the  prohibitory  liquor  law  was  a  clear  and  beautiful 
exposition  of  constitutional  law,  and  a  strong  and  irrefutable 
argument  against  the  evil  of  coercive  legislation  upon  those  sub- 
jects which  the  theory  of  our  Government  has  so  wisely  placed 
without  the  province  of  the  lawgiver." 

Governor  Seymour  gave  his  reasons  for  vetoing  the  "  Liquor 
Bill"  in  a  very  elaborate  argument.  The  subject  is  still  an  inte- 
resting one;  and  a  statement  of  the  general  principles  upon  which 
he  rejected  the  measure  will  be  useful  on  the  page  of  history. 
Anticipating  the  bill,  he  took  occasion  to  suggest  that  the  sub- 
jec"t  was  surrounded  by  difficulties  and  embarrassments,  and, 
unless  legislation  in  regard  to  it  was  judicious,  the  evils  would  be 
increased  which  it  was  so  important  to  prevent,  and  that  any 
measure  adopted  should  be  framed  so  as  not  to  conflict  with  well- 
settled  principles  of  legislation  or  with  the  rights  of  the  citizen. 
In  his  opinion,  the  bill  was  unconstitutional,  unjust,  oppressive, 
and  subversive  of  those  principles  of  legislation  the  preservation 
of  which  he  had  advised.  Such  laws,  like  decrees  to  regulate 
religious  creeds  or  forms  of  worship,  provoke  resistance  instead  of 
enforcing  obedience.  Any  attempt  to  suppress  intemperance  by 
unusual  and  arbitrary  measures  was  outside  of  the  constitutional 
power  of  the  Legislature;  and  he  believed  that  the  people,  irre- 
spective of  their  different  views  of  the  tendency  of  the  use  of 
intoxicating  liquors,  would  and  did  regard  the  provisions  of  the 
bill  with  surprise  and  alarm.  If  made  a  law,  they  had  not  the 
power  to  enforce  it.  Error  lay  at  its  foundation,  which  distorted 
its  details  and  made  it  a  cause  of  angry  controversy.  The  evils 


HORATIO    SEYMOUR.  435 

of  such  a  bill  would  only  cease  with  its  repeal.  Judicious  legis- 
lation might  correct  abuses  in  the  manufacture,  sale,  or  use  of 
intoxicating  liquors,  but  it  could  go  no  further;  and,  said  Gover- 
nor Seymour,  "  The  experience  of  all  nations,  in  all  periods,  de- 
monstrates that  temperance,  like  other  virtues,  is  not  produced 
by  the  law-makers,  but  by  the  influence  of  education,  morality, 
and  religion." 

While  a  conscientious  discharge  of  duty,  and  a  belief  that 
explicit  language  was  due  to  the  friends  of  the  bill,  required  him  to 
state  his  objections  to  the  measure  in  decided  terms,  he  desired 
it  to  be  understood  that  he  was  not  indifferent  to  the  evils  of 
intemperance,  or  wanting  in  respect  and  sympathy  for  those  who 
were  engaged  in  their  suppression.  He  regarded  intemperance 
as  a  fruitful  source  of  degradation  and  misery.  He  looked  with 
no  favor  upon  the  habits  and  practices  which  had  produced  the 
crime  and  suffering  constantly  forced  upon  his  attention  in  the 
painful  discharge  of  official  duties.  But  long  and  earnest  reflec- 
tion satisfied  him  that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  upon  prohibitory 
laws  for  the  eradication  of  these  evils.  Men  might  be  persuaded, 
but  they  could  not  be  compelled,  to  habits  of  temperance. 

An  attempt  was  made  in  the  Senate  to  pass  the  bill  "  notwith- 
standing the  objections  of  the  Governor."  A  vetoed  bill,  how- 
ever, can  only  become  a  law  by  a  two-thirds  vote;  and  the  effort 
to  overrule  the  Executive  was  a  failure.  A  member  of  the  Legis- 
lature suggested  by  resolution  that  crape  be  worn  on  the  left  arm 
for  the  dead  bill,  at  the  same  time  that  the  greatest  rejoicing 
everywhere  took  place  among  the  conservative  citizens  and  the 
Democracy  at  large.  A  grand  salute  of  one  hundred  guns  was 
fired  in  the  Park  at  New  York  on  the  3d  of  April  in  honor  of 
the  Governor  and  the  veto;  and  large  processions  took  place  in 
several  parts  of  the  State. 

The  propriety  of  the  course  pursued  by  Governor  Seymour, 
and  the  correctness  of  his  views  as  to  the  power  of  the  Legisla- 
ture to  pass  sumptuary  laws,  have  since  been  fully  established 
by  a  formal  decision  of  the  Court  of  Appeals, — the  highest  judi- 
cial tribunal  of  the  State.  His  election  had  strengthened  the 
union  of  the  party,  and  former  differences  were  forever  buried. 
It  is  true  that  dissension  of  another  kind  was  soon  to  arise; 
but  the  attempt  to  revive  the  issues  and  preserve  the  "grotesque 


436  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

nomenclature"  of  the  past,  whatever  might  have  been  its  effect 
abroad,  "  won  but  little  credit  within  the  State." 

Mr.  Seymour  was  again  brought  forward  as  a  candidate  for 
Governor,  but  prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  convention  he  had 
declared  that  he  would  not  accept  a  renomination.  In  the  con- 
vention it  was  stated,  upon  authority,  that  he  would  not  be  again 
a  candidate  :  nevertheless,  his  nomination  was  unanimously  made. 
When  officially  informed  of  it,  he  again  publicly  declined.  But 
the  Democracy  would  accept  no  other  leader;  and,  as  it  was 
well  known  that  Horatio  Seymour  was  too  true  a  patriot  to  refuse 
to  act  when  the  people  called  for  his  services,  it  was  determined 
to  keep  him  in  nomination,  even  without  his  consent.  The  con- 
test was  of  the  most  exciting  kind,  and  several  days  elapsed  after 
the  ballots  were  deposited  before  the  true  result  of  the  vote  could 
be  arrived  at.  The  Whig  party  had  yielded  to  its  Republican 
successor;  the  new  secret  "  American"  organization  was  for  the 
first  time  vigorously  in  the  field.  Each  party  had  confidently 
claimed  the  victory  before  the  election,  and  publicly  celebrated 
it  afterward  as  the  figures  constantly  accumulating  at  the  capital 
seemed  to  favor  it  in  turn.  Three  times  within  a  week  the  Repub- 
lican press  had  admitted  defeat,  and  thrice  within  the  same  period 
had  the  Democrats  boasted  of  triumph.  But  "  they  laugh  loud- 
est who  laugh  last;"  and  in  this  case  that  good  fortune  fell  to  the 
Opposition.  Myron  H.  Clark,  Republican,  was  elected  over  Mr. 
Seymour  by  a  plurality  of  about  two  hundred  votes.  The  aggre- 
gate vote  of  the  State  exceeded  five  hundred  thousand ;  and  the 
closeness  of  the  contest  may  be  still  further  understood  when  it 
is  remembered  that  twenty-two  thousand  Democratic  suffrages 
had  been  cast  for  Greene  C.  Bronson. 

When  the  smoke  of  the  battle  had  drifted  from  the  field,  the 
voice  of  old  Tammany  was  heard,  declaring  that  the  Democracy, 
though  defeated,  were  undismayed ;  that  their  confidence  in  their 
gallant  leader  continued,  as  ever,  unbroken ;  that  the  hopes  of 
the  party  were  still  centred  in  Horatio  Seymour;  that  its  mem- 
bers would  support  him  with  undiminished  zeal ;  and  that  no 
effort  should  be  spared  to  place  that  banner  which  they  were 
proud  to  honor  in  the  highest  places  of  the  nation. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1855,  Mr.  Seymour  retired  from  an 
office  he  had  ceased  to  desire,  and  has  since  that  time  held  no 


HORATIO    SEYMOUR.  437 

public  station.  In  each  successive  convention  of  the  party  his 
name  has  been  mentioned  by  delegates  unacquainted  with  his 
desires,  and  the  loud  acclamations  with  which  it  has  ever  been 
received  evince  how  gladly  the  Democracy  would  again  place 
him  before  the  people,  were  it  not  generally  understood  that 
his  earnest  wish  is  not  to  be  again  a  candidate.  He  still  con- 
'tinues  to  labor  faithfully  and  efficiently  in  the  Democratic 
cause,  attending  both  local  and  national  conventions,  advising 
with  his  brother  Democrats  upon  all  matters  of  interest  to  the 
organization,  and  eloquently  advocating  true  principles  before 
the  people. 

In  1856,  he  labored  long  and  faithfully  for  the  success  of  the 
nominations  made  at  Cincinnati;  and  recently  his  voice  was 
heard  in  the  Far  West,  exhorting  the  Democrats  of  Minnesota  to 
build  up  in  their  young  State  the  great  conservative  party  of  the 
Union.  His  influence  in  the  Empire  State  and  with  the  party 
of  his  choice  is,  of  course,  controlling ;  yet  it  is  never  exercised 
except  on  important  occasions ;  and  at  such  time  no  mere  per- 
sonal motive,  however  strong,  can  induce  him  to  be  silent.  An 
instance  of  this  is  of  recent  date.  In  the  State  Convention  of 
September,  1857,  it  was  necessary  to  nominate  a  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals  in  place  of  Hon.  Hiram  Denio,  whose  term  was 
about  to  expire.  It  had  been  the  duty  of  that  eminent  jurist,  in 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  high  office,  to  declare  that  the 
oppressive  laws  which  weighed  so  heavily  upon  the  city  of 
New  York  were  within  the  letter  of  the  Constitution.  For 
this  simple  act  of  duty  he  was  bitterly  denounced  and  threat- 
ened with  proscription  by  the  party  which  had  placed  him 
in  office.  Much  partisan  feeling  was  manifested  in  the  conven- 
tion. Mr.  Seymour  was  present,  but  took  little  part  in  the  pro- 
ceedings until  the  question  came  up  upon  the  nomination  of  a 
Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals.  At  this  point,  and  before  the 
opposition  could  make  itself  manifest,  he  took  the  floor  and,  by 
a  well-directed  effort  replete  with  solid  argument  and  earnest 
appeals  to  the  justice  and  magnanimity  of  the  party,  secured  the 
renomination  of  Judge  Denio,  and  thus  achieved  a  memorable 
triumph  for  the  friends  of  an  independent  judiciary.  The  re- 
election of  Judge  Denio,  which  followed  upon  his  nomination,  is 
a  happy  incident  in  the  history  of  the  State  and  a  strong  argu- 

37* 


488  x  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN 

ment  in  favor  of  an  elective  judiciary.  It  is,  moreover,  full  of 
honor  to  the  Democratic  party  and  to  the  man  through  whom  it 
was  accomplished. 

The  friends  of  ex-Governor  Seymour  are  deeply  attached  to 
him,  and  as  eloquent  in  illustration  of  his  excellent  qualities  as  a 
man  as  of  his  undoubted  prominence  as  a  Democratic  statesman. 
One  of  the  r^umber — a  communication  from  whom  is  previously 
quoted — says, — 

"  Horatio  Seymour— the  last  of  the  Democratic  Governors  of 
New  York  and,  in  the  estimation  of  a  majority  of  her  people, 
the  first  of  her  living  statesmen — is  to-day  the  unquestioned 
leader  of  the  Democracy  of  the  State.  Nor  is  his  a  leadership 
won  by  the  management  of  politicians,  or  retained  by  the 
packing  of  conventions.  It  was  conferred  in  the  days  of 
trouble  ancl  divided  counsels  as  a  mark  of  confidence  and  a 
means  of  safety,  and  it  is  coptinued  in  calmer  times  in  gratitude 
for  favors  past  and  as  an  earnest  of  prouder  things  to  come, 
when  the  hopes  of  the  party  shall  have  been  realized  and  the 
State  restored  to  its  ancieiat  influence  in  the  councils  of  the 
National  Democracy, 

"  Unbounded  confidence  in  Mr.  Seymour,  and  a  firm  belief 
that  for  him  are  reserved  the  highest  hopors  of  the  Republic, 
seem  now  to  be  regarded  as  part  of  the  creed  of  every  true 
Democrat  of  the  Empire  State ;  and,  whatever  may  be  the  ac- 
tion of  the  coming  National  Convention,  there  is  much  reason 
to  think  that  this  belief,  like  the  sentence  of  an  ancient  oracle, 
will,  sooner  or  later,  work  out  its  own  fulfilment," 


JOHN    SLIDELL,  439 


JOHN   SLIDELL, 

OF  LOUISIANA. 

THE  career  of  the  senior  Senator  from  Louisiana  is  quite  re- 
markable in  one  respect;  and  that  is,  that,  although  he  rarely 
obtrudes  himself  in  a  set  speech  before  Congress,  his  influence  is 
admitted  to  be  of  a  decided  and  paramount  character.  When 
the  fact  of  his  seldom  appearing  is  contrasted  with  the  promi- 
nence of  his  name  among  those  whose  opinions  and  labors 
affect  the  government  of  the  country,  we  are  led  to  the  dis- 
covery that  he  is  an  indefatigable  worker  rather  than  an  out- 
liner  of  work  to  be  done  or  a  displayer  of  work  done,  and  that  in 
council  he  not  only  sedulously  labors  himself,  but  that  by  his 
counsel  he  keeps  others  employed.  Therein  lies  the  secret  of 
his  potency. 

This  influential  member  of  the  Upper  House  was  born  in  the 
city  of  New  York  in  1793.  Receiving  a  liberal  education,  he 
embraced  the  law  as  a  profession,  and,  on  arriving  at  his  major- 
ity, sought  the  city  of  New  Orleans  as  the  field  upon  which  he 
would  strive  for  eminence.  The  Crescent  City  has  long  been 
celebrated  for  the  talents  of  its  bar;  and  among  its  most  steady 
lights  Mr.  Slidell  soon  enrolled  himself.  His  success  is  accounted 
rare,  considering  what  he  had  to  encounter ;  but  it  is  a  notable 
fact  that,  after  a  few  years'  competition  with  the  ablest  men,  he 
achieved  so  distinguished  a  success  as  to  render  his  opinion  or  ser- 
vices necessary  to  every  important  cause,  on  one  side  or  the  other. 

Mr.  Slidell's  Democracy  being  as  decided  as  his  talents,  Presi- 
dent Jackson  bestowed  upon  him  his  first  public  position,  in  the 
appointment  to  the  office  of  United  States  District  Attorney  at 
New  Orleans.  Such  an  appointment  was  precisely  the  kind  of 
recognition  a  practical,  thoughtful  man  like  Mr.  Slidell  would 
desire,  and  was  thoroughly  illustrative  of  the  discrimination 
so  characteristic  of  General  Jackson.  In  this  connection  it  is 


440  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

gratifying  to  remark  that  Mr.  Slidell  took  the  initiative  in  urging 
upon  Congress  the  reimbursement  of  the  fine  on  Jackson  for 
alleged  violations  of  law  during  his  movements  in  and  about 
New  Orleans  in  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain. 

After  frequent  service  in  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana,  Mr. 
Slidell's  political  capacity  pointed  him  out  for  national  distinc- 
tion, and  he  was  sent  as  a  Representative  to  the  Twenty-Eighth 
Congress.  In  this  wider  arena,  his  expertness  and  foresight  in 
emergencies  gave  him  an  indisputable  advantage,  which  his  clear- 
ness and  coolness  in  debate  turned  to  the  best  possible  account 
for  his  party.  The  effect  of  these  characteristics  was  not  lost 
upon  President  Polk,  and  that  statesman  selected  the  member 
from  Louisiana  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary to  Mexico. 

Our  affairs  with  Mexico  had  arrived  at  an  imminent  point. 
General  Taylor,  who  had  the  largest  portion  of  the  regular  army 
concentrated  at  Corpus  Christi  for  the  protection  of  Texas,  had 
been  ordered  by  the  War  Department  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande.  He  was  there.  The  Mexican  generals  on  the  frontier, 
Meja,  Ampudia,  and  Arista,  protested  against  the  advance  of 
Taylor,  declaring  it  a  hostile  move.  Our  Government  claimed 
that  Texas  extended  to  the  Rio  Grande,  while  the  Mexicans 
recognised  the  Nueces  as  the  boundary  of  the  new  American 
State.  Before  commencing  actual  hostilities,  President  Polk 
was  anxious  to  do  all  that  was  possible  to  preserve  peace ;  and,  a 
somewhat  similar  disposition  having  been  manifested  by  the 
Mexican  Government,  Mr.  Slidell  was  accredited  on  the  import- 
ant and  delicate  mission.  The  American  Government,  placing 
itself  on  the  Monroe  doctrine,  in  favor  of  any  desirable  under- 
standing between  the  nations  of  the  continent  of  America,  and 
against  any  European  interference  in  the  settlement  of  their  dif- 
ficulties, instructed  Mr.  Slidell — through  Mr.  Buchanan,  then 
Secretary  of  State — to  reject  any  proposition  of  mediation  on  the 
part  of  a  European  Power.  The  mission  was  not  productive 
of  the  result  which  the  President  desired.  After  considerable 
discussion,  the  Mexican  Government  did  not  see  fit  to  receive 
our  envoy ;  and  Mr.  Slidell,  after  the  failure  of  his  efforts  to 
bring  about  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  points  in  dispute, 
demanded  his  passports  and  returned  home. 


JOHN    SLIDELL.  441 

The  reputation  of  Mr.  Slidell,  and  the  interest  which  it  was 
well  known  that  he  felt  in  the  elevation  of  Central  and  South 
America  in  the  scale  of  nationality,  induced  President  Pierce  to 
tender  to  him  the  mission  to  Central  America.  The  offer  was, 
however,  gracefully  declined,  and  when  the  seat  of  Mr.  Pierre 
Soule  was  made  vacant  by  his  acceptance  of  the  mission  to  the 
Court  of  Spain,  Mr.  Slidell  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  for  the  unexpired  term,  at  the  end 
of  which  he  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  for  six  years. 

In  the  Senate  he  is  one  of  the  marked  and  most  prominent 
men.  Whether  in  committee  or  in  the  open  chamber,  the 
opinion  of  no  member  has  more  weight  than  his.  Devoted  to 
the  interests  and  the  development  of  the  resources  of  Louisiana, 
he  is  not  less  zealous  in  support  of  measures  which  have  a 
national  importance.  Early  in  1855  he  succeeded  in  accomplish- 
ing the  passage  of  an  appropriation  for  the  purchase  of  a  site  and 
the  erection  and  completion  of  military  defences  at  Proctor's  Land- 
ing, at  the  terminus  of  the  Mexican  Gulf  Railway,  in  Louisiana. 

Among  his  labors  in  behalf  of  his  State,  some  are  especially 
noteworthy,  as  embracing  subjects  of  general  interest. 

The  sugar-crop  of  Louisiana  for  several  years  had  fallen  off 
from  over  four  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  hogsheads  to  pro- 
bably not  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand, — the 
estimate  for  1856.  One  cause  of  great  apprehension  on  the  part 
of  the  planters  of  Louisiana  was  the  supposed  deterioration  of 
the  cane.  The  cane  cannot  be  raised  from  seed,  but  the  cane 
itself  must  be  planted,  the  plant  germinating  from  the  eyes  of 
the  cane.  It  was  necessary  to  introduce  new  plants;  and,  in 
order  to  do  this  conveniently,  it  was  requisite  that  vessels  should 
be  allowed  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  plantations  where  the  canes 
were  to  be  planted,  so  as  to  avoid  the  injury  resulting  from  fre- 
quent handling.  At  the  instance  of  Senator  Slidell,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  expressed  a  willingness  to  aid  in  the  matter, 
but  had  no  authority  in  himself  to  do  so.  Through  Senator 
Slidell's  influence,  a  joint  resolution — prepared  by  Secretary 
Guthrie  at  the  desire  of  the  Senator  from  Louisiana — to  allow 
vessels  to  proceed  at  once  to  transfer  cargoes  of  sugarcane  to  the 
plantations  where  they  were  to  be  used,  was  introduced  on  the 
26th  of  June,  1856,  and  passed.  In  connection  with  this  mea- 


442  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

sure,  so  important  to  Southern  interests,  he  followed  it  with  a 
resolution — which  was  agreed  to — requiring  the  Committee  on 
Agriculture  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  making  a  specific 
appropriation  of  seed-sugarcane  for  gratuitous  distribution  to  tLa 
sugar-planters. 

Mr.  Slidell  introduced  the  'bill  appropriating  $300,000  for  the 
purpose  of  opening  and  keeping  open  ship-channels,  of  sufficient 
capacity  to  accommodate  the  wants  of  commerce,  through  the 
Southwest  Pass  and  Pass  a  1'Outre,  leading  from  the  Mississippi 
River  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  bill  also  proposed  to  appro, 
priate  $330,000  for  continuing  the  improvement  of  the  channels 
at  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  River, — the  money  in  both  cases 
to  be  expended  by  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  bills  passed,  but 
were  vetoed  (May  19,  1856)  by  President  Pierce.  The  Presi- 
dent held  that  the  Constitution  did  not  confer  power  on  the 
General  Government  to  make  such  appropriations,  and  that  the 
assumption  of  authority  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general  sys- 
tem of  internal  improvements  was  in  other  respects  prejudicial  to 
the  several  interests  and  inconsistent  with  the  true  relations  one 
to  another  of  the  Union  and  the  States. 

In  fulfilment  of  the  constitutional  requirement  that  a  vetoed 
bill  shall  be  reconsidered  in  the  House  in  which  it  was  originated, 
the  "Mississippi  River  Bill"  was  made  the  subject  of  interesting 
discussion.  Senator  Toombs  addressed  the  Senate  in  support  of 
the  President  and  in  opposition  to  the  constitutionality  and 
expediency  of  works  of  internal  improvement.  Senator  Benjamin 
was  in  favor  of  the  bill.  The  condition  of  the  admission  of 
Louisiana  into  the  Union  was  that  no  tonnage-tax  should  ever 
be  charged  on  the  Mississippi  River.  An  appropriation  was 
necessary  to  keep  the  channel  open,  as  being  common  to  all  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States :  the  navigation  of  the  mouth  of 
the  river  cannot  be  taxed.  Senator  Butler  held  that  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  and  Louisiana  from 
entering  into  a  compact  to  open  it  if  they  thought  it  important. 
Senator  Crittenden  thought  that  a  Government  which  could  col- 
lect money  unlimitedly,  and  appropriate  none  of  it  for  the  im- 
provement of  the  country,  was  in  a  poor  condition.  The  reason 
in  reference  to  the  building  of  fortifications  was  to  him  equally 
forcible  for  the  making  of  advantageous  improvements  at  any 


JOHN    SLIDELL.  443 

point  of  the  country.  Mr.  Toombs  held  that,  as  the  bill  legis- 
lated for  a  portion  only  of  the  country,  the  whole  people  ought 
not  to  pay  for  it.  Senator  Weller,  of  California,  thought  that 
Toombs's  doctrines  would  make  the  Government  an  impracticable 
machine.  Senator  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  spoke  in  favor  of  removing 
the  river-obstructions,  considering  the  vast  valley  and  the  whole 
interior  between  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  Alleghanies  that 
was  interested.  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  would  vote 
for  any  measure  of  this  character.  We  had  the  largest  tonnage 
in  the  world;  and  he  believed  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Govern- 
ment— on  the  Atlantic  coast,  on  the  Gulf  coast,  on  the  lakes,  on 
the  Pacific — to  protect  and  defend  our  commerce.  Senator 
Mason,  of  Virginia,  defended  the  veto  at  considerable  length,  and 
was  gratified  that  the  President  had  exercised  his  constitutional 
duty  in  sending  the  bill  back  to  Congress.  Senator  Cass,  at  con- 
siderable length,  opposed  the  veto  and  the  views  of  the  President 
in  reference  to  the  bill  under  debate,  and  the  general  policy  inti- 
mated by  him  with  reference  to  appropriations  for  river  and  harbor 
improvements. 

While  Senator  Slidell  had  never  doubted  that  a  general  system 
of  internal  improvements  not  of  a  national  character  was  at  vari- 
ance with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  he  found  great  difficulty 
in  defining  the  line  where  the  national  character  of  improvements 
ceased  and  the  local  character  began.  Such  a  line  was  neces- 
sarily shadowy  and  arbitrary,  varying  according  to  the  latitude 
of  individual  opinion.  He  had  regarded  certain  expressions  of 
the  President,  in  his  message  of  the  30th  of  December,  1854, 
as  tantamount  to  an  intention  to  give  his  assent  to  appropriations 
for  river  or  harbor  improvements.  On  this  impression  he  had 
acted.  He  found  nothing  in  the  present  veto  message  to  change  or 
even  qualify  his  opinion  as  to  the  constitutionality  or  expediency 
of  his  bill.  It  was  eminently  national.  He  instanced  the  fact 
that  the  great  apostle  of  strict  construction — Mr.  Calhoun — ad- 
mitted by  his  vote  in  March,  1847,  the  constitutionality  and 
expediency  of  an  appropriation  for  the  improvement  of  the  Ohio 
River  below  the  falls  at  Louisville,  and  that  at  the  celebrated 
Memphis  Convention,  where  his  views  were  given  at  great 
length,  he  declared  appropriations  for  the  improvement  of  rivers 
running  through  three  or  more  States  to  be  constitutional. 


444  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Senator  Slidell  reminded  the  Senator  that  the  Mississippi  was 
the  natural  outlet,  wholly  or  partially,  to  the  ocean,  of  fourteen 
States  and  three  Territories,  and  that  a  commerce  of  more  than 
two  hundred  millions  passed  over  the  river  which  his  bill  intended 
to  deepen.  Though  according  all  respect  to  the  President  as  the 
official  leader  of  the  party  to  which  Mr.  Slidell  had  been  consist- 
ently and  steadfastly  attached,  he  regretted  the  implied  slurs  on 
Democratic  Senators  in  the  veto,  and  repudiated  them  as  un- 
founded in  fact.  The  Senate — July  7,  1856 — passed  the  bill 
by  yeas  31,  nays  21;  and  the  House  did  the  same  on  the  next 
day. 

Senator  Slidell  is  not  in  favor  of  reopening  the  African  slave- 
trade,  and  has  taken  pains  to  have  himself  set  right  before  the 
country  on  this  question.  In  the  first  session  of  the  Thirty- 
Third  Congress,  Senator  Slidell  submitted  a  resolution  recom- 
mending the  abrogation  of  the  eighth  article  of  the  Ashburton 
Treaty,  providing  for  the  maintenance  of  a  naval  force  on  the 
coast  of  Africa  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade.  This  having 
occupied  the  executive  session  and  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  and  the  course  of  the  Senator  from  Louisiana  having 
been  often  misrepresented  by  report  stating  that  he  had  intro- 
duced an  entering  wedge  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  Afri- 
can slave-trade,  he,  on  the  26th  of  June,  1856,  denied  the  truth 
of  the  rumors,  and,  by  permission  of  the  Senate,  quoted  a  brief 
report  made  by  him  on  the  subject  on  the  13th  of  June,  1854. 

After  stating  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  Mr.  Slidell's  report 
enumerates  the  immense  cost  of  life  and  money,  with  the  trifling 
result,  of  the  squadrons  on  the  coast  of  Africa.  The  United 
States  contingent  was  four  vessels  and  eighty  guns,  at  an  annual 
cost  of  about  $10,000  per  gun.  France  had  had  herself  released 
from  the  original  terms  of  the  compact  with  Great  Britain.  %  The 
select  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  appointed  to  investi- 
gate the  question,  elicited  the  fact  that  the  present  system  was 
futile,  that  the  slave-trade  was  not  regulated  by  the  squadron, 
but  was  dependent  on  the  commercial  demand  for  slaves,  and 
that  the  total  result  during  twelve  years  was  the  capture  of  four- 
teen slavers ;  after  which  statements,  the  report  says : — 

"The  African  slave-trade  has,  it  is  believed,  been  entirely  suppressed 
in  Brazil :  aud  in  this  hemisphere  the  remaining  colonies  of  Spain — Cuba 


JOHN   SLIDELL.  445 

and  Porto  Rico — are  its  only  marts.  Your  committee  think  that,  if  the 
American  flag  be  still  employed  in  this  nefarious  traffic,  now  prohibited  by 
every  Christian  nation  and  surreptitiously  tolerated  by  Spain  alone,  the 
abuse  can  be  more  efficiently  corrected  by  the  employment  of  our  cruisers 
in  the  vicinity  of  those  islands. 

"It  would  seem  to  be  almost  superfluous  on  the  part  of  your  commit- 
tee to  say  that,  in  recommending  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  under 
consideration,  they  repudiate  the  most  remote  intention  of  relaxing,  in 
any  degree,  the  stringency  of  our  legislation  on  the  subject  of  the  Afri- 
can slave-trade.  Its  continuance,  while  it  is  so  justly  odious  on  moral 
grounds,  is  in  every  way  prejudicial  to  our  commercial  and  agricultural 
interests." 

Among  other  matters  of  interest  initiated  by  Mr.  Slidell  were 
the  publication  of  the  report  of  the  Japan  Expedition ;  a  move- 
ment in  favor  of  Americans  abroad  being  privileged  to  worship, 
marry,  and  bury  their  dead  according  to  the  dictates  of  their 
own  consciences  j  and  a  resolution  for  making  some  permanent 
provision  to  recompense  those  who  may  rescue  the  lives  of  pas- 
sengers and  crews  of  American  vessels. 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress  the  increasing  power  of  the 
Senator  from  Louisiana  was  felt  in  the  discussion  of  the  leading 
Administration  measures.  In  the  exciting  debate  which  lasted 
through  the  night  of  the  15th  of  March  and  up  to  half-past  six 
of  the  following  morning,  he  participated  and  for  some  time  pre- 
sided. On  this  occasion  he  gave  his  views  on  the  Lecompton 
question. 

Senator  Slidell  had  reluctantly  voted  for  the  bill  of  February, 
1856,  not  because  he  disapproved  of  the  principle  on  which  it 
was  based,  but  because  he  was  opposed  to  the  admission  of  any 
new  State  until  it  had  at  least  a  population  entitling  it  to  one 
Representative  in  the  House,  He  had  yielded,  however,  to  the 
expediency  expressed  by  the  majority,  and  especially  to  the  judg- 
ment of  Senator  Douglas,  "  whom  all,"  he  said,  "were  then  proud 
to  recognise  as  the  leader  and  champion."  He  voted  for  the 
admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and,  in 
explanation,  said  he  had  not  then,  and  never  had,  any  strong 
hope  that  slavery  would  be  permanently  established  there.  He 
based  his  course  on  the  obligations  assumed  in  1854  and  1856, 
and  thought  that  good  faith  demanded  his  advocacy  of  "  Le- 
compton." Should  Kansas  be  refused  admission  under  that 

38 


446  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

instrument,  he  would  be  convinced  that,  whatever  might  be 
the  pretext,  the  real  motive  for  her  rejection  was  that  she 
had  presented  a  Constitution  recognising  slavery.  This  would 
be  the  unanimous  interpretation  of  the  South ;  and  the  slave- 
holding  States  could  have  "  no  reliance  for  safety  in  the  future 
but  on  stern,  uncompromising  adherence  to  the  absolute,  unqua- 
lified principle  of  non-intervention  on  the  part  of  Congress  in 
the  question  of  Slavery."  The  case  under  discussion  impera- 
tively demanded  the  application  of  this  doctrine,  because  the 
"  Lecomptonites"  were  contending  for  an  abstract  principle, 
while  the  "  Anti-Lecomptonites"  would  derive  all  the  party  ad- 
vantages of  the  admission  of  Kansas.  The  principle  might  be 
barren  of  present  benefit,  but  it  was  indispensable  for  future  pro- 
tection. If  Kansas  was  refused  admission  because  slavery  nomi- 
nally and  temporarily  existed  there,  what  opposition  might  not 
be  expected  when  a  Territory  in  which  it  is  a  reality  shall  apply 
for  admission  into  the  Union  ?  Senator  Slidell  did  not  believe 
in  the  assurances  constantly  made  that  there  was  no  reason  for 
Southern  apprehension.  He  saw  them  constantly  falsified  by  the 
votes  of  Senators ;  he  saw  the  scale  of  political  preponderancy 
rapidly  gravitating  in  favor  of  free  States ;  and  he  had  heard 
the  prognostications  of  Senator  Seward,  to  whom  he  paid  a  court- 
eous compliment,  but  in  whose  very  moderation  of  manner  he 
beheld  a  most  dangerous  enemy.  He  expressed  his  devotion  to 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  regarded  with  contempt  the  slang 
phrases  with  which  Northern  legislators  attempt  to  stigmatize 
Southern  men,  and  denounced  those  who  desired  to  keep  up  agita- 
tion against  the  Lecompton  Constitution  as  "  plotting  and  unscru- 
pulous politicians."  He  would  vote  for  the  amendment  of  Sena- 
tor Pugh,  recognising  the  right  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  with  the 
assent  of  their  Legislature,  to  alter,  amend,  or  remodel  their  form 
of  government  within  the  demands  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  "  The  amendment,"  said  Senator  Slidell,  "  will 
not  be  in  any  sense  a  Congressional  interpretation  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  Kansas,  but  a  mere  declaration  that  it  is  not  our  pur- 
pose, even  by  implication,  to  impair  or  limit  the  rights  of  the 
people  of  that  State." 

On  this  exciting  topic  the  number  of  speeches  on  all  sides  was 
immense  j  and,  amidst  the  mass  that  then  issued  from  the  press, 


JOHN    SLIDELL.  447 

the  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Louisiana  stands  almost  alone  in 
its  commendable  brevity.  He  addressed  himself  with  new  force 
to  the  purpose  of  the  bill,  and,  having  made  up  his  mind,  stated 
his  position  clearly  and  emphatically.  Senator  Slidell's  .finest 
effort  during  the  session  undoubtedly  was  his  erudite  review  of 
the  Neutrality  Laws,  on  the  8th  of  April,  1858,  induced  by  a 
discussion  on  the  presentation  of  a  medal  to  Commodore  Paul- 
ding  for  the  capture  of  General  Walker,  of  Nicaragua.  The 
direct  occasion  of  the  speech  was  an  amendment  offered  by  Sena- 
tor Slidell  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 
This  amendment  authorized  the  President,  during  any  recess  of 
Congress,  to  suspend,  for  not  more  than  a  year,  by  proclamation, 
in  whole  or  in  part,  the  operation  of  the  Act  of  April  20,  1818, 
if  he  deemed  the  public  interests  required  it. 

The  Senator  held  that  the  Act  of  1818  was  not  an  enforcement 
of  the  law  of  nations,  but  a  restraint  upon  what,  without  it,  would 
have  been  lawful  and,  'in  many  instances,  meritorious  actions  of 
American  citizens.  The  Queen  of  England,  in  Council,  can 
always  suspend  the  Foreign-Enlistment  Laws  or  prevent  the 
shipment  of  arms  and  military  stores ;  and  this  power  he  desired 
to  confer  on  the  President  when  Congress  was  not  in  session, 
and  then  only  when  actual  war  existed  between  the  Powers  in 
reference  to  which  the  suspension  was  to  operate. 

In  an  historical  point  of  view,  the  argument  of  the  Senator  was 
particularly  interesting  and  instructive.  A  thousand  examples 
might  be  given  of  the  armed  intervention  of  organized  bands  of 
citizens  of  a  neutral  State  in  the  civil  and  other  wars  in  Europe 
and  America,  without  its  being  considered  a  cams  belli  with  the 
Power  whose  citizens  had  thus  interfered.  Following  Senator 
Slidell,  a  resume  of  the  more  important  cases  may  usefully  be 
introduced  here  for  future  reference. 

Switzerland  has  at  all  times  permitted  entire  regiments  and 
brigades  to  be  enlisted  within  her  territory  for  foreign  bellige- 
rent States,  and  the  cantons  have  frequently  had  their  citizens 
regularly  organized  in  the  ranks  of  both  the  contending 
parties.  Elizabeth  permitted  troops  to  be  raised  in  England 
for  the  assistance  of  the  Netherlands  in  the  contest  with  Spain, 
although  she  was  at  peace  with  that  Power.  Charles  the  First 
authorized  the  enlistment  of  six  thousand  men  for  Gustavus 


448  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

Adolphus;  and  Major  Dalgetty,  immortalized  by  the  author  of 
"  Waverley,"  was  but  the  type  of  hundreds  of  soldiers  of  fortune 
who,  in  those  days,  espoused  the  causes  of  various  sovereigns 
through  political  or  religious  sympathy  or  the  inducement  of 
money.  Service  in  foreign  wars  was  then  considered  a  graceful 
complement  of  the  education  of  a  gentleman.  During  the  pro- 
tracted struggle  between  Spain  and  her  revolted  colonies  on  this 
continent,  several  thousand  men  were  raised  in  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  to  aid  the  revolutionists.  An  entire  legion,  com- 
manded by  General  Devereux,  completely  organized,  armed,  and 
equipped,  sailed ;  and,  although  its  destination  was  proclaimed  to 
all  the  world,  the  English  Government  did  not  interrupt  it. 
General  Evans,  then  a  member  of  Parliament  from  Westminster 
and  an  officer  in  the  British  army,  raised  from  five  to  six  thou- 
sand troops  in  England,  organized  them  under  the  title  of  the 
"  British  Legion,"  and  played  a  distinguished  part  in  the  Carlist 
War.  -  He  retained  his  commission  and  his  seat  in  Parliament, 
and  very  many  of  his  officers  held  commissions  in  the  British 
army  and  regularly  received  their  half-pay  during  the  term  of 
their  service  in  Spain.  Sir  Kobert  Wilson  was  one  of  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  retained  his  seat  in  Parliament.  During  the 
Greek  War  of  Independence,  and  after  the  passage  of  our  Neu- 
trality Laws,  levies  of  troops  and  contributions  of  money  were 
made  both  in  England  and  the  United  States.  Two  frigates 
were  built  in  New  York  for  the  Greeks,  and,  the  fund  for 
equipping  them  falling  short,  one  of  them  was  purchased  by  our 
Government — and  this  under  authority  of  act  of  Congress — to 
enable  the  other  to  be  despatched.  In  1832,  Captain  Sartorius, 
of  the  British  navy,  was  made  a  Portuguese  admiral,  and  openly 
fitted  out  a  squadron,  officered  chiefly  by  gentlemen  holding 
commissions  in  the  British  navy,  and  manned  by  British  sub- 
jects, for  the  service  of  Don  Pedro  in  the  war  against  Don 
Miguel.  Napier,  then  a  captain  in  the  British  navy,  and  since 
the  commander  of  the  Baltic  fleet  in  the  war  with  Russia,  suc- 
ceeded Sartorius  and  captured  Miguel's  fleet.  A  large  land- 
force,  also  of  British  subjects,  took  part  in  the  war,  under  Sir 
Milly  Doyle,  M.P. 

In  the  debate  on  the  Foreign-Enlistment  Bill,  June,  1819, 
Lord  Lansdowne   said   all   history  sustained   him   in  asserting 


JOHN    SLIDELL.  449 

that  the  bill  then  passed  was  the  first  to  establish  the  principle 
that  the  subjects  of  one  State  could  not,  privately  and  individually, 
assist  those  of  another,  when  their  respective  Potentates  were 
not  at  war.  For  the  last  four  centuries  there  never  was  a  period 
when  British  subjects  were  not  thus  engaged,  and  no  G-overn- 
ment  had  interfered  to  prevent  them.  We  have  seen — adds 
Senator  Slidell — that  England,  whenever  it  suits  her  policy,  not 
only  authorizes,  but  encourages,  her  subjects  to  take  part  in 
foreign  wars.  She  twice  or  thrice  suspended  the  execution  of 
the  Foreign-Enlistment  Law,  and  will  do  so  again  whenever  a  suf- 
ficient motive  offers.  We  alone  have  adopted  the  suicidal  policy 
of  so  manacling  ourselves  that  a  law-abiding  Executive  cannot 
free  us  from  our  self-imposed  fetters,  although  the  best  interests 
of  the  country  may  demand  it.* 

While  Mr.  Slidell  maintained  that  Walker  might  legally  have 
been  arrested,  not  only  on  the  high  seas,  but  in  the  waters 
of  Nicaragua,  he  condemned  Commodore  Pauldiug,  as  having 
"  shown  himself  unequal  to  the  delicate  and  responsible  duties 
of  his  late  command."  He  was  especially  severe  on  the  career 
of  General  Walker  in  Nicaragua,  which  drew  from  the  latter 
gentleman  a  brief  note  denying  the  "insinuations"  and  "facts'* 
contained  in  the  speech. 

In  this  speech  Senator  Slidell  alluded  to  the  change  that  had 
taken  place  in  his  views  as  to  the  means  of  acquiring  Cuba.  Four 
years  previous  he  had  moved  the  suspension  of  the  Neutrality 
Laws,  with  a  view  toward  Cuban  action.  Circumstances  had 
changed,  and  public  policy  should  accommodate  itself  to  them. 
He  now  believed  that  all  means  of  obtaining  Cuba,  other  than  ne- 
gotiation, ought  to  be  abandoned,  and  in  the  following  session,  on 
the  10th  of  January,  1859,  introduced  the  famous  bill  into  the 
Senate,  proposing  to  make  an  appropriation  of  thirty  millions  of 
dollars,  "to  facilitate  the  acquisition  of  the  island  of  Cuba  by 
negotiation,"  and,  on  the  24th,  brought  in  an  elaborate  and  able 
report  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  favor  of  the 
measure. 

After  having  agitated  the  political  world  to  a  high  state  of 
party  excitement,  pro  and  con,  for  a  month,  it  was  withdrawn  by 

*  See  "Cong.  Globe,"  1st  session  of  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  Part  2,  p.  1541. 
2  D  88* 


450  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  introducer  on  the  26th  of  February.  He  gave  as  a  reason  that 
Senators  on  the  other  side  who  had  announced  their  determination 
to  speak,  had  nevertheless,  when  requested  to  do  so,  refused  obsti- 
nately either  to  speak  or  to  vote,  and  evinced  a  settled  purpose,  by 
a  series  of  dilatory  manoeuvres,  to  prevent  any  final  action  upon 
the  bill.  On  the  night  previous,  the  Senator  from  Mississippi, 
(Mr.  Brown,)  a  supporter  of  the  bill,  moved  to  lay  it  on  the 
table,  declaring  at  the  same  time  that  he  should  vote  against  his 
own  motion,  his  object  being  to  obfeain  a  test  vote.  That  vote 
resulted  in  the  refusal  of  the  Senate  to  lay  the  bill  on  the  table, 
by  a  vote  of  30  to  18, — thus  establishing  a  clear  majority  of  12 
in  favor  of  the  principle  of  the  bill.  Senator  Slidell  was  thus 
satisfied  that  the  bill  could  not  be  pressed  to  a  vote  unless  by  the 
sacrifice  of  the  appropriation  bills,  thereby  necessitating  the  call- 
ing of  an  extra  session.  On  consultation  with  many  friends  of 
the  bill,  he  found  that  they  very  generally  concurred  with  him 
in  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  injudicious  to  call  it  up  again, 
considering  that  the  sense  of  the  Senate  had  been  expressed 
with  as  much  distinctness  as  if  there  had  been  a  final  vote  on  the 
bill,  He  gave  notice,  however,  that  he  should  again  present  this 
bill  on  the  very  first  day  of  the  next  session  of  Congress,  when, 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  the  Senate,  he  could  call  it  up. 

Senator  Slidell  is  not  a  frequent,  but  a  forcible,  speaker,  and 
studies  lucidity  rather  than  length.  Asa  member  of  the  Com- 
mittees of  Naval  Affairs  and  Foreign  Relations,  he  is  said  to  be 
exceedingly  efficient.  The  reports  known  to  be  his  are  highly 
creditable  to  his  statesmanship.  As  a  financial  lawyer  he  enjoys 
a  prominent  reputation;  and  in  the  monetary  crisis  of  1857,  his 
presence,  as  chairman,  on  the  special  committee  on  the  condition 
of  the  banks,  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  clamorous  newspapers. 
His  mind  is  acute  and  full  of  resources,  and  his  manner  bold  and 
decisive. 


ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS.  451 


ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS, 

OF  GEORGIA. 

THE  bright  and  graphic  author  of  "  The  Bee-Hunter"*  truly 
says  that  Mr.  Stephens  is  the  most  prominent  man  intellectually, 
and  the  most  remarkable  man  physically,  of  the  few  remaining 
celebrities  to  be  met  with  in  "Washington  during  the  session  of 
Congress.  An  invalid  from  childhood,  the  fearful  effect  of  suf- 
fering is  seen  in  his  singularly  delicate  frame,  in  his  pale  attenu- 
ated face,  and  in  his  feeble  walk.  But,  if  the  case  of  the  lantern 
is  slender,  the  light  it  holds  is  brilliant.  A  first  introduction  to 
Mr.  Stephens  startles  you,  and  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
realize  that  there  stands  before  you  a  man  deservedly  famous  for 
his  triumphs  at  the  bar  and  the  forum, — that  one  so  frail  could, 
by  the  strength  of  his  intellect,  give  character  to,  by  impressing 
himself  upon,  the  legislation  of  a  great  nation.  Soon,  however, 
you  feel  the  effect  of  the  power  which  has  accomplished  these 
things ;  and  his  conversation,  springing  from  the  simplicity  of 
his  manner  in  a  clear  and  bright  stream,  carries  you  on  with  an 
accumulating  freight  of  anecdote  and  incident,  broad  views  and 
bright  speculations. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens  was  born  in  that  part  of  Wilkes  which 
was  afterward  cut  off  to  form  Taliaferro  County,  Georgia,  on 
the  llth  of  February,  1812.  His  grandfather,  an  Englishman, 
was  an  ardent  Jacobite.  He  came  to  America  some  time  between 
1745  and  1750,  was  in  the  Colonial  forces  at  Braddock's  defeat, 
in  time  joined  the  American  army,  was  an  active  participant  in 
the  Revolutionary  struggle,  and  at  the  close  of  his  service  settled 
in  Pennsylvania.  In  the  year  1795  he  went  to  Georgia,  and 


*  T.  B.  Thorpe,  Esq.,  who  kindly  furnished  a  sketch  of  which  I  have  largely 
availed  myself,  especially  as  regards  the  life  of  Mr.  Stephens  previous  to  his 
Congressional  career. 


452  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEX. 

settled  first  in  Elbert  County,  then  in  Wilkes,  on  Kettle  Creek, 
where  he  remained  until  1805,  when  he  again  removed  to  the 
place  where  the  subject  of  this  sketch  was  born.  Here  he  spent 
the  rest  of  his  days.  The  father  of  Alexander,  whose  name  was 
Andrew  B.,  was  a  man  of  limited  means  but  persistent  industry, 
and  maintained  a  high  standing  in  the  neighborhood  for  his  un- 
usual probity.  He  did  not  long  enjoy  the  example  of  this  just  and 
upright  man.  Having  been  deprived  of  the  fond  care  of  his  mo- 
ther, Margaret  Grier,  in  infancy,  he  suffered  the  loss  of  his  father 
in  boyhood.  The  solicitude  and  nourishment  which  would  have 
made  a  strong  boy  of  him  were  debarred  in  childhood;  and  that 
directing  care  which  moulds  the  youth  into  man  was  lost  in  boy- 
hood. He  was  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  fourteen :  his  home, 
where  his  grandfather,  father,  and  mother  had  died,  was  sold  for 
distribution,  and  four  hundred  and  forty-four  dollars  constituted 
the  amount  of  his  patrimony.  Dependent  almost  entirely  on 
himself,  his  future  looked  dim  enough;  and  who  would  have 
dreamed  that  the  sickly,  emaciated  boy  would  loom  up  from  the 
dreary  hearthstone  of  that  desolated  homestead  into  the  councils 
of  the  nation  and  the  brotherhood  of  the  famous  ? 

Previous  to  his  father's  death  he  had  regularly  attended  the 
"neighborhood"  school;  and  now,  by  the  kindness  of  an  uncle, 
he  was  enabled  to  continue  such  limited  studies  as  such  a  school 
afforded.  Having  more  brain  than  body,  the  ambition  to  excel 
disclosed  itself  by  degrees,  and  the  boy  conceived  the  idea  of 
securing  a  classical  education.  The  lack  of  money  to  accomplish 
this  presented  an  obstacle  which  was  fortunately  removed  by  the 
impression  he  must  have  made  on  some  friends,  who  kindly  came 
to  his  aid  and  furnished  the  funds,  which,  however,  he  would 
accept  only  as  a  loan.  Thus  encouraged,  he  set  to  work  by  him- 
self. Commencing  the  Latin  language  with  only  the  rudiments 
of  the  plainest  English  education,  he  in  nine  months  qualified 
himself  for  the  Freshman  Class,  and  entered  the  University  of 
Georgia.  After  the  usual  course  of  four  years,  he  was  graduated, 
in  1832,  with  the  highest  honors,  the  record  of  which  is  exhibited 
with  pride  by  the  present  officers  of  the  institution. 

Having  a  high  sense  of  personal  independence,  Mr.  Stephens's 
next  desire  was  to  repay  the  obligations  he  had  contracted  in 
the  prosecution  of  his  studies,  and,  as  the  most  available  way, 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS.  453 

made  the  education  lie  had  received  refund  the  means  by  which 
it  had  been  accomplished  :  he  became  a  teacher,  and  for  fifteen 
months  went  through  the  not  over-estimated  horrors  of  that 
unappreciated  though  honorable  profession,  earning  in  that  period 
sufficient  money  to  liquidate  his  debts.  The  effect  of  such  appli- 
cation on  one  who  had  been  an  invalid  from  birth  may  be  ima- 
gined :  suffice  it  to  say,  he  was  utterly  prostrated,  had  to  quit  all 
active  duty,  and  seek  relief  and  refreshment  in  travel. 

Somewhat  improved  in  health,  he  returned  to  work  out  his 
destiny,  having  set  his  mind  on  the  law  as  a  profession,  and  com- 
menced its  study  in  the  month  of  April,  1834,  in  a  manner  cha- 
racteristic of  the  discipline  and  concentration  of  his  intellect. 
He  prepared  himself  for  law  without  any  adviser  or  instructor. 
He  did  not  study  under  any  profound  jurist  or  graduate  from  the 
office  of  any  expounder  of  Coke  upon  Littleton.  Shutting  him- 
self up  with  his  text-books,  he  reappeared  at  the  end  of  ninety 
days  and  presented  himself  for  admission  to  the  practice  of  the 
bar.  He  was  examined,  before  the  Hon.  William  H.  Crawford, 
by  the  present  Chief- Justice  (Lumpkin)  of  Georgia,  was  admitted, 
and  received  from  those  eminent  men  the  highest  compliments 
for  the  manner  in  which  he  had  acquitted  himself. 

About  this  period  in  his  life,  an  incident  occurred  not  unwor- 
thy of  note,  as  it  illustrates  his  then  condition  and  prospects. 
He  wished  to  purchase  a  pocket-book  to  keep  his  papers  in.  The 
dealer,  being  rather  a  close  man,  and  supposing  the  young  Hwver 
had  no  money,  hesitated  about  a  credit.  This,  however,  had  not 
been  asked  :  when  the  price  was  known,  the  cash  was  paid  Tor  it, 
and  he  has  carried  it  about  him  ever  since,  sometimes  referring 
to  their  first  meeting  with  singular  pleasure,  and  having  an  affec- 
tion for  it  as  the  companion  and,  to  some  extent,  care-taker  of  his 
progressive  successes. 

But  the  antecedents  of  Mr.  Stephens  in  his  studies  were  typi- 
cal of  the  successes  which  were  to  wait  upon  him. 

Soon  after  his  admission — about  ten  days — he  was  engaged  in 
a  case  pf  great  responsibility.  A  wealthy  man  was  guardian  of 
his  grandchild,  its  mother  having  married  a  second  time.  After 
a  while  the  mother  desired  possession  of  the  child ;  but  her  claim 
was  resisted  by  the  grandfather  as  legal  guardian.  The  stepfather, 
desiring  to  please  his  wife,  consulted  young  Stephens  and  retained 


454  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

him  as  counsel  to  set  aside  the  guardianship.  The  trial  came 
off  before  five  judges,  no  jury  being  called.  Owing  to  the 
respectability  of  the  parties,  and  the  novel  spectacle  of  a  sickly 
boy,  without  any  practical  experience  in  the  law,  contending 
with  the  veterans  of  the  bar,  the  case  attracted  unusual  atten- 
tion. The  result  was  a  great  victory  for  Stephens  and  the  resto- 
ration of  the  child  to  its  mother.  This  success  at  once  gave 
Stephens  a  prominent  position,  and  he  was  retained  thencefor- 
ward on  one  side  or  the  other  of  every  important  case  in  the 
county. 

From  different  parts  of  the  State  inducements  were  held  out 
to  determine  him  in  the  selection  of  a  permanent  location.  These 
cordial  evidences  of  the  appreciation  in  which  his  rising  genius 
was  already  held  could  not  have  been  other  than  very  flattering 
to  him;  but  he  rejected  all  offers,  and  assured  the  friends  of  his 
boyhood,  much  to  their  satisfaction,  that  he  would  remain  among 
them,  and,  as  soon  as  he  was  able,  would  purchase  back  the  old 
homestead  on  which  he  was  born,  and  there  spend  and  end  his 
days. 

In  1836,  against  his  wishes,  he  was  nominated  by  his  friends 
for  the  Legislature,  and  was  triumphantly  returned  against  a 
bitter  opposition.  He  signalized  his  appearance  as  a  legislator 
in  the  advocacy  of  the  bill  for  the  construction  of  the  Western 
and  Atlantic  Railroad,  connecting  the  point  now  known  as  At- 
lanta with  Chattanooga,  in  Tennessee.  It  was  on  this  he  made 
his  maiden  speech  as  a  legislator, — a  speech  whose  fame  spread 
far  and  wide  over  the  country,  and  which  is  spoken  of  to  this 
day,  by  citizens  of  Georgia,  in  terms  of  unmeasured  eulogy.  To 
the  powerful  arguments  employed  by  him  in  this  celebrated  ap- 
peal to  the  patriotism  of  his  fellow-members,  the  success  of  this 
project,  which  was  carried  through  the  Legislature,  and  which 
has  placed  Georgia  in  the  van  of  her  sister  States  of  the  South 
in  these  wonderful  modes  of  improvement,  is  mainly  attributable. 
During  the  six  years  which  he  remained  in  the  Legislature  he 
was  very  prominent,  particularly  in  all  measures  relating  to  the 
finances  and  credit  of  the  State,  internal  improvements,  and  edu- 
cation. On  all  matters  relating  to  the  judiciary  and  the  Consti- 
tution he  took  a  conspicuous  part.  Not  long  after  he  became  a 
member,  a  bill  was  introduced  providing  for  the  call  of  a  State 


ALEXANDER    H.  STEPHENS.  455 

Convention  to  amend  the  Constitution.  This  he  opposed  almost 
solitary  and  alone,  upon  the  ground  that  the  Legislature  could 
not  call  a  convention  for  such  a  purpose.  The  Constitution  of 
the  State  declared  that  it  should  only  be  amended  by  a  bill 
passed  by  two-thirds  of  each  branch  of  the  Legislature  at  two 
consecutive  sessions.  Stephens  took  the  ground  that  when  a 
Constitution  is  silent  upon  the  mode  of  its  amendment,  the 
Legislature  can  call  a  convention  ;  that  when  a  Constitution 
points  out  a  particular  mode  in  which  it  may  be  amended,  with- 
out excluding  other  modes,  the  Legislature  may  adopt  some  other 
mode  than  that  pointed  out;  but  that  when  a  Constitution  pro- 
vides a  mode  for  its  amendment,  and  prohibits  all  other  modes, 
that  mode  only  can  be  taken  which  is  indicated.  Jenkins,  Craw- 
ford, Howard,  and  all  the  other  leading  men  took  the  opposite 
side  and  voted  for  a  convention.  The  general  opinion  then  was 
that  the  convention  could  be  called;  and  it  was  called  by  an 
overwhelming  majority,  which  passed  some  amendments,  but 
they  were  never  ratified  by  the  people.  At  this  time  it  is  believed 
that  the  views  taken  by  Mr.  Stephens  in  the  discussion  on  this 
subject  are  held  by  most  of  the  public  men  in  Georgia  to  have 
been  correct. 

He  opposed  the  organization  of  the  Court  of  Errors,  believing 
that  the  judiciary  as  established  was  the  best  in  the  world,  and 
that  the  change  would  only  multiply  difficulties  without  adding 
any  certainty  to  the  administration  of  the  law.  The  bill  WLS  not 
passed  while  he  was  in  the  Legislature. 

In  1889,  Mr.  Stephens  appeared  for  the  first  time  before  a 
public  audience  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  in  his  capacity 
of  delegate  to  the  Commercial  Convention,  composed  of  distin- 
guished representatives  from  the  Southern  States  of  the  Union. 
The  meeting  was  held  at  the  theatre,  at  that  time  the  most  com- 
modious edifice  in  the  city  for  the  purpose.  The  delegates  occupied 
the  pit  and  so  many  of  the  boxes  of  the  first  and  second  tiers  as 
were  necessary  to  accommodate  them.  The  rest  of  the  building 
was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity  by  a  brilliant,  intelligent,  and 
fashionable  audience,  composed  of  ladies  and  gentlemen.  The 
subject  under  discussion  was  the  importance  of  a  direct  Southern 
trade  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  best  mode  of  awakening  public 
attention  to  the  subject.  On  the  first  point  there  was  great 


456  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

unanimity  of  opinion  in  the  Convention  j  but  on  the  second — 
the  mode  of  action — the  views  of  members  widely  differed,  and 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  as  has  too  often  been  the  case  in 
their  past  history,  were  opposed  to  each  other.  General  Hayne, 
General  Hamilton,  Major  Filder,  Hon.  William  C.  Preston,  and 
other  distinguished  Carolinians,  had  already  addressed  the  Con- 
vention in  speeches  of  great  splendor  and  eloquence,  advocating^ 
a  particular  line  of  policy.  At  length  an  individual  arose  in  one 
of  the  boxes,  the  tones  of  whose  voice  were  rich  and  penetrating 
as  those  of  "the  Swedish  Nightingale."  This  personage — who, 
however  celebrated  in  the  State  of  Georgia,  was  not  as  yet  so 
well  known  in  South  Carolina — was  no  other  than  Alexander  H. 
Stephens.  But  "  the  hour  and  the  man  had  come,"  and  no  one 
who  heard  that  speech  delivered  can  ever  forget  the  electric 
effect  produced  by  it.  He  had  scarcely  commenced  speaking 
when  every  neck  was  extended,  every  eye  and  mouth  opened, 
and  every  eye  fixed,  as  if  in  mute  wonder.  The  contrast  which 
existed  between  his  physical  delicacy  and  his  intellectual  strength, 
between  his  masculine  habit  and  his  mellifluous  intonations,  pro- 
duced the  utmost  astonishment, — a  feeling  which  gradually  sub- 
sided into  intense  admiration  of  his  quick  wit,  his  keen  powers 
of  analysis,  his  rapid  generalizations,  and  his  overwhelming 
replies.  It  was  a  bold  proceeding  in  a  stranger — though  one  in 
whose  aspect  mind  triumphed  over  the  grosser  elements  of  the 
material  frame — to  measure  swords  with  such  antagonists  as  he 
encountered  in  that  assembly ;  but  it  was  a  still  more  memorable 
exploit  to  obtain,  as  he  did,  the  victory  over  them  in  an  argu- 
ment. The  triumphant  speech,  in  which  he  had  snatched  their 
laurels  from  the  most  brilliant  orators  of  the  occasion,  was  the 
topic  of  general  comment  and  unmeasured  applause;  and  he 
himself,  though  a  modest  and  unassuming  young  man,  became, 
wherever  he  appeared,  "  the  observed  of  all  observers/'  The 
delegates,  collected  from  different  and  distant  portions  of  the 
South,  and  who  were  enabled,  for  the  first  time,  to  appreciate  his 
singular  merits,  on  their  return  to  their  several  homes  contri- 
buted, by  their  enthusiastic  account  of  his  performance,  to 
extend  his  fame  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  country. 

In   1842,  he  was  elected  to  the   State  Senate,  in  which  he 
opposed  the  Central  Bank,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  ques- 


ALEXANDER   tt.  STEt&EfrS.  457 


tions  of  internal  improvements  and  districting  the  State,  which 
then  divided  parties. 

In  1843,  he  was  nominated  for  Congress  on  a  general  ticket, 
and  commenced  the  canvass  with  a  majority  of  two  thousand 
votes  against  him.  He  came  out  of  the  contest  with  thirty-five 
hundred  majority.  His  entry  into  Congress  was  signalized  by 
extraordinary  circumstances.  His  right  to  a  seat  was  disputed. 
Stephens,  in  the  discussion  that  ensued,  made  a  speech  in  favor 
of  the  power  of  Congress  to  district  the  State,  though  he  was 
elected,  in  defiance  of  the  law,  on  a  general  ticket,  and  then  left 
the  House  to  decide  the  question.  They  alone,  under  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  could  judge  of  the  qualifications 
and  elections  of  its  members.  If  they  adjudged  his  election  to 
be  legal,  then  he  was  the  one  his  constituents  had  chosen.  The 
House  decided  that  his  election  was  legal,  and  he  took  his  seat; 

Mr.  Stephens  was  brought  up  in  that  school  of  Southern 
States-Rights  men  who  sustained  General  Harrison  in  1840,  and 
was,  up  to  that  time,  prominent  in  the  Whig  ranks  ;  but,  favor- 
ing the  bill  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  he,  for  the  first  time, 
on  that  occasion  gave  the  Democracy  the  influence  of  his  voice. 
He  and  a  few  others  differed  not  only  from  his  own  party- 
friends,  but  from  a  majority  of  those  on  the  other  side.  He  and 
a  few  others  were  for  the  measure,  on  the  condition  that  the 
rights  of  the  South  should  be  guaranteed  in  the  bond  of  union, 
They  held  the  balance  of  power  in  the  House,  and  thus  succeeded 
in  having  their  resolutions  passed,  which  secured  the  existing 
guarantee  that  four  slave  States  should  be  carved  out  of  the  terri- 
tory and  admitted  into  the  Union,  if  the  people  should  present 
such  a  Constitution  on  their  application  for  admission.  Mr. 
Stephens  has  recently  given  the  only  true  history  of  these  reso- 
lutions which  has  appeared.  As  he  corrects  Benton's  statement, 
which  has  had  a  wide  circulation,  and  defends  Calhoun,  I  give 
the  interesting  episode  :—  - 

"Colonel  Benton,  in  his  'Thirty  Years'  View,'  quotes  them  at  length, 
and  says  they  were  introduced  at  an  early  day  of  the  session.  He  says 
they  '  were  sent  down  from  the  State  Department,.'  In  this  he  makes 
one  of  his  flings  at  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  was  then  at  the  head  of  that  Depart- 
ment. This  is,  in  every  essential  particular,  a  mistake.  These  resolu- 
tions were  not  introduced  at  an  early  day  of  the  session.  Congress  met  on 

30 


458  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  2dday  of  December,  1844;  on  the  12th  of  that  month,  Mr.  Charles  J 
Ingersoll,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  introduced  tha 
Administration  measure.  After  that  there  were  six  other  plans  of  annex- 
ation introduced  before  the  resolutions  which  finally  passed  were  offered. 
They  were  presented  by  Mr.  Milton  Brown,  of  Tennessee,  on  the  13th  of 
January,  1845.  He  and  I  consulted  frequently  together.  We  agreed  in 
our  views.  We  could  not  support  any  one  of  the  plans  submitted,  but 
were  anxious  for  the  measure  to  succeed  on  the  terms  I  have  stated.  He 
drew  up  the  resolutions  embodying  our  views,  securing  the  settlement  of 
the  vexed  question,  and  the  guarantee  as  to  the  four  future  slave  States 
south  of  the  Missouri  line,  just  as  they  passed.  Neither  Mr.  Calhoun  nor 
Mr.  Tyler  ever  saw  the  resolutions  until  they  were  offered  to  the  House ; 
and  I  doubt  if  any  other  person  did,  except  Mr.  Brown,  myself,  and  Hon. 
Ephraim  H.  Foster,  one  of  the  Senators  of  Tennessee.  Mr.  Brown  in- 
formed me  that  Mr.  Foster  concurred  fully  in  our  views,  and  would  pre- 
sent the  same  resolutions  in  the  Senate  on  the  same  day,  which  he 
did,  remarking  at  the  time  that  he  had  neither  consulted  nor  conversed 
with  any  other  Senator  in  relation  to  them.  As  for  the  phraseology  of 
the  resolutions,  that  is  due  entirely  to  Mr.  Brown ;  but  for  the  substance 
I  feel  fully  justified  in  saying  that  we  are  both  jointly  and  equally  respon- 
sible. My  course  in  the  matter  was  taken  not  without  some  doubt  and 
distrust  that  it  might  be  wrong,  as  so  much  talent,  age,  experience,  and 
worth  were  arrayed  against  it :  hence  you  may  imagine  the  gratification 
1  felt,  six  years  after,  when  Mr.  Webster,  in  his  celebrated  7th  of  March 
speech,  fully  admitted  the  constitutionality  of  the  annexation  and  the 
binding  obligation  of  the  guarantees  therein  secured.  The  recognised 
constitutional  expounder  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  opponents  of  the 
measure,  though  not  in  official  position  at  the  time  it  passed,  lived  to 
give  the  constitutional  question  involved  the  sanction  of  his  high  author- 
ity ;  and  now  few  men  of  any  party  or  any  creed  raise  a  point  upon  the 
subject."* 

Mr.  Stephens  held  the  same  views  as  Mr.  Calhoun  regarding 
the  Mexican  War,  and  was  opposed  to  advancing  the  American 
troops  into  Mexico;  but  when  the  war  actually  commenced,  and 
the  national  character  was  at  stake,  he  sustained  it  with  the  vigor 
characteristic  of  him.  In  the  Presidential  contest  which  fol- 
lowed between  Generals  Taylor  and  Cass,  he  supported  the 
former.  On  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850,  Mr.  Stephens 
expressed  his  willingness  to  support  any  measure  that  did 
away  with  Congressional  restriction,  leaving  the  Territories  to 
come  into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery.  In  1854,  he 

*  Speech  of  Mr.  Stephens  at  Augusta,  July  2,  1859 


ALEXANDER    H.  STEPHENS.  459 

was  the  eloquent  advocate  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  principle  advanced  in  the 
Utah  and  New  Mexico  Bills  of  1850.  His  speech  on  the 
17th  of  February,  1854,  which  was  regarded  as  the  exposition 
of  the  Administration  doctrines  in  the  House,  was  a  splendid 
effort,  and  justly  attracted  remark.  Following  up  the  mea- 
sures of  1850,  he  said  that  "the  whole  question  of  slavery  or 
no  slavery  was  to  be  left  to  the  people  of  the  Territories,  whether 
north  or  south  of  36°  30',  or  any  other  line.  The  question  was 
to  be  taken  out  of  Congress,  where  it  had  been  improperly  thrust 
from  the  beginning,  and  to  be  left  to  the  people  concerned  in 
the  matter  to  decide  for  themselves/'  This,  he  said,  was  the 
position  originally  held  by  the  South  when  the  Missouri  restric- 
tion was  at  first  proposed.  The  principle  upon  which  that  posi- 
tion rested  lay  at  the  very  foundation  of  all  our  republican  insti- 
tutions, and  was  that  the  citizens  of  every  distinct  and  separate 
community  or  State  should  have  the  right  to  govern  themselves 
in  their  domestic  matters  as  they  pleased,  and  that  they  should 
be  free  from  intermeddling  restrictions  and  arbitrary  dictation  on 
such  matters  on  the  part  of  any  power  or  Government  in  which 
they  have  no  voice.  It  was  out  of  a  violation  of  this  very  prin- 
ciple, to  a  great  extent,  that  the  War  of  the  Revolution  sprung. 
He  drew  a  parallel  between  the  Restrictionists,  or  Free-Soilers, 
or  those  who  hold  that  Congress  ought  to  impose  arbitrary  man- 
dates upon  the  people  of  the  Territories,  whether  the  people  be 
willing  or  not,  and  Lord  North  and  his  adherents  in  the  British 
Parliament  during  his  administration.  They  alike  claimed  the 
right  to  govern  the  Territories  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  notwith- 
standing the  absence  of  Territorial  representation.  The  doctrine 
of  the  South  was  the  doctrine  of  the  Whigs  in  1775-76,  and 
involved  the  principle  that  the  citizens  of  every  community 
should  have  a  voice  in  their  Government. 

He  emphatically  asserted  that  the  Compromise  of  1850,  so 
far  as  the  Territorial  question  was  concerned,  "was  based  upon 
the  truly  republican  and  national  policy  of  taking  the  disturbing 
element  out  of  Congress,  and  leaving  the  whole  question  of  sla- 
very in  the  Territories  to  the  people,  there  to  settle  it  for  them- 
selves." In  this  spirit,  he  fervently  called,  in  the  name  of  the 
friends  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  upon  the  House  and  country  to 


4(50  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 


these  important  measures  of  Territorial  legislation.* 
This  was  esteemed  Mr.  Stephens's  greatest  effort  in  Congress 
up  to  that  time. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1856,  Mr.  Stephens,  in  the  House, 
reiterated  these  views,  and  again  on  the  27th  of  June  of  the 
same  year,  in  a  speech  against  the  admission  of  Kansas  under 
the  Topeka  Constitution.  In  the  course  of  this  speech,  Mr. 
Stephens  exhibited  his  ready  power  as  a  debater  in  an  episode  of 
great  interest  with  the  Hon.  Lewis  D.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  who  in- 
terrupted the  brilliant  Georgian  with  several  queries.  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, desiring  to  nonplus  Mr.  Stephens,  asked  him  why  he  did 
not  appeal  to  the  courts  if  he  and  his  party  regarded  the  eighth 
section  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  unconstitutional.  "Why, 
Mr.  Speaker,"  said  Stephens,  "  it  was  my  first  duty  as  a  legislator, 
believing  it  to  be  wrong,  to  vote  to  repeal  it:  and  I  did  so; 
[laughter;]  and  if  Congress  had  not  repealed  it,  and  I  had  been 
personally  affected  by  it  in  the  Territory,  then  I  might  have 
had  recourse  to  the  courts." 

Again,  after  showing  that  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Jackson 
were  opposed  to  the  restriction  of  1820,  and  that  it  was  accepted 
by  the  South  only  as  an  alternative  for  the  sake  of  peace  and 
harmony,  upon  the  principle  of  a  division  of  the  territory  as  pro- 
perty between  the  two  sections,  he  reminded  Mr.  Campbell  that 
his  party  had  denounced  every  Northern  man  who  had  from  1846 
to  1850  desired  to  abide  by  it  far  the  sake  of  peace,  and  said,  — 

"If  the  gentleman  wishes  to  know  what  tree  brought  forth  that  bitter 
fruit  of  which  b,e  spoke  the  other  day,  I  will  tell  him.  It  was  not  the 
JCausas  tree,  but  that  old  political  Upa.s  planted  by  Rufus  King  in  1820. 
It  grew  up  ;  it  flourished;  and  it  sent  its  poisonous  exhalations  through- 
out this  country  till  it  came  wellnigh  extinguishing  the  life  of  the  Re- 
public in  1850." 

Mr.  Campbell:  '-'That  tree  was  planted  when  —  (cries  of  "Order!" 
"Order  J'*)  —  when  slavery  was  first  brought  to  the  shores  of  America." 
(Cries  of  "Order!"  "Order!") 

Mr.  Stephens:  "Well,  then,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  much  older  than  the 
Kansas  Bill.  It  was  planted  before  the  Government  was  formed.  The 
Cons  ^itutio>n  itself  was  grafted  upon  its  stock.  The  condition  of  slavery 
of  the  African  race,  as  it  exists  among  us,  is  a  'fixed  fact'  in  the  Consti- 
tution. From  this  a  tree  has  indeed  sprung,  bearing,  however,  no 

*  See  "CQng.  Globe,"  1st  Sess.  33d  Congress. 


ALEXANDER    H.  STEPHENS.  461 

troubles  or  bitter  fruits.  It  is  the  tree  of  national  liberty,  which,  by  the 
culture  of  statesmen  and  patriots,  has  grown  up  and  nourished,  and  is 
now  sending  its  branches  far  and  wide,  laden  with  no  fruit  but  national 
happiness,  prosperity,  glory,  and  renown." 

Mr.  Campbell:  "Will  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  read  the  preamble 
to  the  Constitution  ?" 

Mr.  Stephens:  "Yes;  and  I  believe  I  can  repeat  it  to  him.  It  is  in 
'order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic 
tranquillity " 

Mr.  Campbell:  "And  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity." 

Mr.  Stephens:  "Yes,  sir;  to  themselves  and  their  posterity, — not  to 
the  negroes  and  Africans.  And  what  sort  of  liberty  ?  Constitutional 
liberty;  that  liberty  which  recognised  the  inferior  condition  of  the 
African  race  among  them;  the  liberty  which  we  now  enjoy;  the  liberty 
which  all  the  States  enjoyed  at  that  time,  save  one,  (for  all  were  then 
slaveholding,  except  Massachusetts.)  That  is  the  sort  of  liberty.  None 
of  your  Socialism  liberty.  None  of  your  Fourierism  liberty.  Constitu- 
tional liberty, — '  law-and-order'-abiding  liberty.  That  is  the  liberty  which 
they  meant  to  perpetuate."* 

In  1855,  Mr.  Stephens  underwent  a  critical  ordeal  in  fighting 
the  "  Know-Nothing  organization/'  as  in  the  commencement  of 
the  struggle  he  found  all  his  early  associates,  for  the  first  time, 
arrayed  against  him.  He  felt  himself  to  be  in  the  right,  and 
faltered  not.  In  May  of  that  year  he  addressed  his  famous  letter 
to  Hon.  T.  W.  Thomas  against  the  "Order."  In  it  he  gave 
his  ideas  of  what  true  Americanism  was,  in  contradistinction  to 
the  standard  set  up  by  the  new  party.  True  Americanism,  as  he 
understood  it,  was,  like  true  Christianity,  not  confined  to  any 
particular  nation  or  clime.  It  was  not  the  product  of  the  earth, 
but  emanated  from  the  head  and  heart.  It  looked  upward,  on- 
ward, and  outward.  Toleration  of  religion  and  the  doctrrne  of 
the  right  of  expatriation  were  distinguishing  features  of  our  Con- 
stitution ;  and  a  vindication  of  the  same  principle  was  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  second  War  of  Independence. 

"The  genuine  disciples  of  'true  Americanism,'"  said  he,t"like  the 
genuine  followers  of  the  Cross,  are  those  whose  hearts  are  warmed  and 
fired — purified,  elevated,  and  ennobled — by  those  principles,  doctrines, 
and  precepts  which  characterize  their  respective  systems.  It  is  for  this 
reason  that  a  Kamtchatkan,  a  Briton,  a  Jew,  or  a  Hindoo  can  be  as  good 
a  Christian  as  any  one  born  on  '  Calvary's  brow'  or  where  the  '  Sermon 

*  See  "  Congressional  Globe,"  1st  Sess.  34th  Congress. 
39* 


462  IJV1NO   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN, 

on  the  Mount*  was  preached.  And,  for  the  same  reason,  an  Irishman,  a 
Frenchman,  a  German,  or  a  Russian  can  be  as  thoroughly  'American'  as 
if  he  had  been  born  within  the  walls  of  the  old  Independence  Hall  itself. 
Which  was  the  '  true  American,'  Arnold  or  Hamilton  ?  The  one  was  a 
Native,  the  other  was  a,n  adopted  son." 

The  effect  of  this  letter  was  overwhelming,  and  extended  from 
Georgia  to  the  adjoining  States.  His  position  was  nobly  sus- 
tained; for,  commencing  with  three  thousand  majority  against 
him  in  his  own  district,  he  came  out  of  the  struggle  with  nearly 
three  thousand  majority  in  his  favor. 

In  the  Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  the  issues  of  which,  so  widely 
agitated  the  country,  Mr.  Stephens  bore  a  distinguished  part, 
and,  from  his  position,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Terri- 
tories, W;as  particularly  prominent  on  the  leading  topic  of  the  day 
His  first  duty  was  in  response  to  the  resolutions  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  Senator  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  His  brief  but 
strongly-tinted  picture  of  the  Seiiator— <- who  "with  the  sense  of 
age  had  the  fire  of  youth./'  wh,o,  "  scorning  to  wrangle,  yet  had  a 
zeal  for  truth,"  and  who,  though  mercurial  ifl  temperament  and 
versatile  in  accomplishment^  was  chaste  in  thought  and  firm  in 
principle— ^was  one  of  the  most  characteristic  tributes  ever  paid 
on  such  an  occasion. 

In  the  debate  on  the  Neutrality  La.ws  consequent  upon  the 
arrest  of  General  Walker  by  Commodore  Paulding,  Mr.  Stephens 
disclaimed  being  in  favor  of  the  violation  of  public  faith  by  either 
individuals  or  nations.  He  was  not  in  favor  of  the  abrogation 
of  our  Neutrality  Laws  so  far  as  they  express  the  laws  of  nations; 
but  where  a  part  of  the  law  of  1818  admitted  of  a  doubtful  con- 
struction— as  section  eight  did — -he  was  for  removing  that  doubt. 
The  law  should  be  clear  and  beyond  awioubt.  He  admitted  the 
right  to  arrest  a  fugitive;  but  General  Walker  was  not  a  fugitive. 
He  asserted,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  "Walker  was  the 
only  legitimately-elected  President  of  Nicaragua  by  popular  vote; 
and,  as  the  matter  stood,  his  judgment  was  that  Walker  should 
be  put  in  a  national  ship,  with  all  his  men  and  property,  and 
placed  just  where  he  had  been  before  the  commission  of  the 
outrage. 

President  Buchanan's  message  recommending  the  admission 
of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  transmitted  to 


ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS.  463 

the  House  on  the  2d  of  February.  Mr.  Stephens  moved  to  refer 
it  to  the  Committee  on  Territories.  Mr.  Hughes,  of  Indiana, 
supported  the  views  of  the  message,  and  moved  to  refer  it  to  a 
committee  of  thirteen.  This  was  too  wholesale  a  mode  of  opera- 
tion for  Mr.  Harris,  of  Illinois,  who  offered  an  amendment  for 
reference  to  a  committee  of  fifteen  and  authorizing  an  inquiry 
into  and  a  report  upon  all  the  facts  connected  with  the  framing 
of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  and  the  various  elections  held  in 
Kansas.  The  House  sat  until  half-past  six  on  the  morning  of 
the  6th,  through  scenes  of  fruitless  discussions,  some  violence, 
and  perpetual  roll-calling.  On  the  8th,  Harris's  motion  passed, 
yeas,  114,  nays,  111;  and  on  the  llth,  Speaker  Orr  announced 
the  select  committee  as  follows : — Messrs.  Harris,  of  111. ;  Stephens, 
Ga.;  Morrell,  Vt.;  Letcher,  Va..;  E.  Wade,  Ohio;  Quitman, 
Miss.;  Winslow,  N,C.;  Bennett,  N.Y, ;  White,  Pa. ;  Walbridge, 
Mich. ;  Anderson,  Mo, ;  Stevenson,  Ky. ;  Adrain,  N.  J. ;  Buffin- 
ton,  Mass.;  and  Russell,  N.Y,  On  the  10th  of  March,  Mr. 
Stephens  brought  in  the  majority  report,  and,  it  being  objected  to, 
took  the  responsibility  of  having  it  printed  and  placed  before  the 
country.  The  report  concluded  with  a  resolution  "that  Kansas 
ought  to  be  admitted  as  a  State  into  the  Union  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution."  He  put  it  strictly  upon  the  law  of  the 
case.  If  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Kansas  were  opposed  to 
the  Constitution,  they  ought  to  have  gone  to  the  polls  and  voted 
for  delegates  to  the  Convention  that  formed  the  Constitution. 
If,  from  factious  or  other  worse  motives,  they  stayed  away  and 
took  no  part  in  the  election,  it  was  their  own  fault.  The  Con- 
stitution had  been  made  in  pursuance  of  law  :  it  should  be  recog- 
nised as  such ;  and  if  the  people,  after  they  were  admitted,  did  not 
like  it,  they  could  change  it.  Messrs.  Harris  and  Adrain  issuedt 
a  counter  report ;  and  the  question  continued  to  be  the  leading 
subject  in  the  House  as  well  as  the  Senate.  The  Lecomptonites 
of  the  Senate  passed  the  bill  on  the  24th  of  March;  and  on 
April  1st,  Mr.  Stephens  moved  to  take  it  up  in  the  House. 
On  the  same  day,  Mr.  Montgomery,  of  Pennsylvania,  offered, 
as  a  substitute,  the  Cfittenden  bill  (defeated  in  the  Senate)  as 
amended  by  the  anti-Leconipton  Democratic  caucus.  This  was 
passed :  yeas,  120,  nays,  112.  Then  followed  the  contention 
between  the  Senate  and  the  House  until  the  14th  of  April,  when 


464  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

the  House  acquiesced  to  the  demand  of  the  Senate  for  a  com- 
mittee of  conference.*  Mr.  Stephens  was  appointed  one  of  the 
managers  on  the  part  of  the  House;  and  the  result  of  the  con- 
ference was  the  "English  Bill,"  which  passed  both  branches  on 
the  30th  of  April.  The  debates  on  this  substitute  were  scarcely 
less  exciting  than  those  on  the  original  Senate  bill.  Mr.  Ste- 
phens energetically  supported  it,  and  was  mainly  instrumental  to 
its  passage.  His  most  noticeable  appearance  in  the  House  was 
in  a  discussion  with  Mr.  H.  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland.  In  the 
heat  of  debate,  all  sides  looked  to  Mr.  Stephens.  He  expounded 
the  views  of  his  own  party  and  replied  to  the  queries  and  par- 
ried the  attacks  of  the  Opposition.  When  he  arose,  the  House 
became  still  as  if  by  an  understood  agreement.  The  crowd  in  the 
galleries  inclined  their  heads  forward,  as  if  the  motion  of  one 
man;  and  through  the  sudden  calm  the  thin,  shrill  voice  of  the 
"gentleman  from  Georgia"  arose,  and  expanded  by  degrees,  until 
the  sound  and  sense  were  so  blended  that  you  became  satisfied 
there  was  no  lack  of  breadth  in  either.  The  value  placed  upon 
the  aid  of  Mr.  Stephens  by  the  Government  may  be  understood 
from  the  tribute  paid  to  his  labors  by  the  official  organ  after  the 
passage  of  the  bill: — 

"  Cool,  resolute,  self-sacrificing,  vigilant,  and  able,  he  has  stood  thy 
Mentor  of  the  body,  equal  to  every  demand  upon  his  time  and  his  intel- 
lect,—the  champion  of  a  noble  principle,  all  the  more  dear  to  the  people 
because,  in  its  proposed  application,  its  foundations  must  be  laid  beneath 
the  quicksands  of  past  legislations  and  in  opposition  to  those  powerful 
interests  which  errors  of  legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery  fail  to  in- 
spire. There  have  been  few  instances  in  the  history  of  the  Government 
which  have  shown,  in  any  one  individual,  higher  qualities  of  statesman- 
ship— ability,  firmness,  patience,  industry,  and  faithful  devotion,  in  time 
%nd  out  of  time,  to  a  great  principle  and  a  just  measure — than  have  been 
exhibited  by  the  honorable  member  from  Georgia." 

As  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  Mr.  Stephens 
introduced  Minnesota  and  Oregon  into  the  Union  through  the 
House  of  Representatives. f  He  was  in  favor  of  allowing  three 

*  See  ante,  under  "Crittenden,"  for  a  circumstantial  outline  of  action  in  the 
House  from  the  introduction  of  the  "  Crittenden-Montgomery  Bill." 

f  Minnesota  was  admitted  May  11, 1858,  and  Oregon  on  the  12th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1859. 


ALEXANDER    H.  STEPHENS.  465 

Representatives  to  sit  from  the  former  until  the  census  was 
taken.  On  the  admission  of  the  latter  State  he  made  the  most 
effective  speech  perhaps  that  he  ever  made  in  Congress.  There 
was  very  strong  opposition  to  the  measure,  particularly  from  the 
South,  his  own  section.  His  appeal  to  his  Southern  friends  may 
illustrate  his  general  views  in  relation  to  the  principles  of  the 
Government  more  fully  than  any  thing  that  has  been  yet  said  of 
him.  This  was  his  last  speech.  In  it  he  said, — 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  on  another  and  entirely  different  aspect  of  this 
question  I  have  something  special  to  say  to  another  side  of  the  House, — 
a  distinct  class  in  it.  I  mean  the  members  coming  from  slaveholding 
States.  There  is  evidently  a  feeling  of  opposition  in  that  quarter  to  the 
admission  of  Oregon,  from  a  reluctance  and  manifest  indisposition  to  in- 
crease the  number  of  what  are  called  free  States.  This  arises  from  an 
apprehension  that,  with  the  loss  of  the  balance  of  power,  the  rights  of 
our  section  upon  constitutional  questions  will  be  less  secure.  This  may 
be  so.  It  does  not,  however,  necessarily  follow.  But  that  balance  is 
already  gone, — lost  by  causes  beyond  your  or  my  control.  There  is  no 
prospect  of  its  ever  being  regained  ;  and,  in  taking  that  ground,  you  do 
but  reverse  the  position  of  our  sectional  opponents  on  the  other  side  of 
the  House.  I  know  it  is  the  tendency  of  power  to  encroach ;  but  let  us 
look  to  the  security  which  rests  upon  principle  rather  than  upon  num- 
bers. The  citadel  of  our  defence  is  principle  sustained  by  reason,  truth, 
honor,  and  justice.  Let  us,  therefore,  do  justice,  though  the  heavens 
fall. 

"  Let  us  not  do  an  indirect  wrong  for  fear  that  the  recipient  from  our 
hands  of  what  is  properly  due  will  turn  upon  us  and  injure  us.  States- 
men in  the  line  of  duty  should  never  consult  their  fears.  Where  duty 
leads,  there  we  may  never  fear  to  tread.  In  the  political  world  great 
events  and  changes  are  rapidly  crowding  upon  us.  To  these  we  should 
not  be  insensible.  As  wise  inen,  we  should  not  attempt  to  ignore 
them.  We  need  not  close  our  eyes,  and  suppose  the  sun  will  cease  to 
shine  because  we  see  not  the  light.  Let  us  rather,  with  eyes  and  minds 
wide  awake,  look  around  us  and  see  where  we  are,  whence  we  have  come, 
and  where  we  shall  soon  be,  borne  along  by  the  rapid,  swift,  and  irresist- 
ible car  of  time.  This  immense  territory  to  the  west  has  to  be  peopled. 
It  is  now  peopling.  New  States  are  fast  growing  up,  and  others,  not  yet 
in  embryo,  will  soon  spring  ipto  existence.  Progress  and  development 
mark  every  thing  in  nature, — human  societies,  as  well  as  every  thing 
else.  Nothing  in  the  physical  world  is  still ;  life  and  motion  are  in  every 
thing ;  so  in  the  mental,  moral,  and  political.  The  earth  is  never  still. 
The  great  central  orb  is  ever  moving.  Progress  is  the  universal  law 
governing  all  things, — animate  as  well  as  inanimate.  Death  itself  is  but 
the  beginning  of  a  new  life  in  a  new  form.  Our  Government  and  institu- 


466  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

tions  are  subject  to  this  all-pervading  power.  The  past  wonderfully 
exemplifies  its  influence,  and  gives  us  some  shadows  of  the  future. 

"  This  is  the  sixteenth  session  that  I  have  been  here,  and  within  that 
brief  space  of  fifteen  years  we  have  added  six  States  to  the  Union, — 
lacking  but  one  of  being  more  than  half  of  the  original  thirteen.  Upward 
of  twelve  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of  territory — a  much  larger 
area  than  was  possessed  by  the  whole  United  States  at  the  time  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  in  1783 — have  been  added  to  our  domain.  At  this  time 
the  area  of  our  Republic  is  greater  than  that  of  any  five  of  the  greatest 
Powers  in  Europe,  all  combined  ;  greater  than  that  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire in  the  brightest  days  of  her  glory  ;  more  extensive  than  were  Alex- 
ander's dominions  when  he  stood  on  the  Indus  and  wept  that  he  had  no 
more  worlds  to  conquer.  Such  is  our  present  position;  nor  are  we  yet 
at  the  end  of  our  acquisitions. 

"Our  internal  movements,  within  the  same  time,  have  not  been  less 
active  in  progress  and  development  than  those  external.  A  bare  glance 
at  these  will  suffice.  Our  tonnage,  when  I  first  came  to  Congress,  was 
but  a  little  over  two  million;  now  it  is  upward  of  five  million, — more  than 
double.  Our  exports  of  domestic  manufactures  were  only  eleven  million 
dollars  in  round  numbers  ;  now  they  are  upward  of  thirty  million.  Our 
exports  of  domestic  produce,  staples,  &c.  were  then  under  one  hundred 
million  dollars ;  now  they  are  upward  of  three  hundred  million !  The 
amount  of  coin  in  the  United  States  was  at  that  time  about  one  hundred 
million;  now  it  exceeds  three  hundred  million.  The  cotton  crop  then  was 
but  fifty-four  million ;  now  it  is  upward  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  million 
dollars.  We  had  then  not  more  than  five  thousand  miles  of  railroad  in 
operation ;  we  have  now  not  less  than  twenty-six  thousand  miles, — more 
than  enough  to  encircle  the  globe,  and  at  a  cost  of  more  than  one  thou- 
sand million  dollars.  At  that  time  Professor  Morse  was  engaged  in  one 
of  the  rooms  of  this  Capitol  in  experimenting  on  his  unperfected  idea  of 
an  electric  telegraph, — and  there  was  as  much  doubt  about  his  success  as 
there  is  at  present  about  the  Atlantic  cable, — but  now  there  are  more 
than  thirty-five  thousand  miles  in  extent  of  these  iron  nerves  sent  forth 
in  every  direction  through  the  land,  connecting  the  most  distant  points, 
and  uniting  all  together  as  if  under  the  influence  of  a  common  living 
sensorium.  This  is  but  a  glance  at  the  surface :  to  enter  within  and 
take  the  range  of  other  matters, — schools,  colleges,  the  arts,  and  various 
mechanical  and  industrial  pursuits,  which  add  to  the  intelligence,  wealth, 
and  prosperity  of  a  people  and  mark  their  course  in  the  history  of  nations, 
— would  require  time ;  but  in  all  would  be  found  alike  astonishing  results. 

"  This  progress,  sir,  is  not  to  be  arrested.  It  will  go  on.  The  end  is 
not  yet.  There  are  persons  now  living  who  will  see  over  a  hundred  mil- 
lion human  beings  within  the  present  boundaries  of  the  United  States, — 
to  say  nothing  of  future  extension, — and  perhaps  double  the  number  of 
States  we  now  have,  should  the  Union  last,  For  myself,  I  say  to  you,  my 


ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS.  467 

Southern  colleagues  on  this  floor,  that  I  do  not  apprehend  danger  to  our 
constitutional  rights  from  the  bare  fact  of  increasing  the  number  of  States 
with  institutions  dissimilar  to  ours.  The  whole  governmental  fabric  of 
the  United  States  is  based  and  founded  upon  the  idea  of  dissimilarity  in 
the  institutions  of  the  respective  members.  Principles,  not  numbers,  are 
our  protection.  When  these  fail,  we  have,  like  all  other  people  who, 
knowing  their  rights,  dare  maintain  them,  nothing  to  rely  upon  but  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  our  own  right  arms  and  stout  hearts.  With  these 
f(  elings  and  this  basis  of  action,  whenever  any  State  comes  and  asks  ad- 
niis^ion  as  Oregon  does,  I  am  prepared  to  extend  her  the  hand  of  welcome, 
without  looking  into  her  Constitution  further  than  to  see  that  it  is  repub- 
lican in  form,  upon  our  well-ki^pwn  American  models. 

"When  aggression  comes,  if  come  it  ever  shall,  then  the  end  draweth 
nigh.  Then,  if  in  my  day,  I  shall  be  for  resistance,  open,  bold,  and  defi- 
ant. I  know  of  no  allegiance  superior  to  that  due  the  hearthstones  of  the 
homestead.  This  I  say  to  all.  I  lay  no  claim  to  any  sentiment  of  nation- 
ality not  founded  upon  the  patriotism  of  a  true  heart,  and  I  know  of  no 
such  patriotism  that  does  not  centre  at  home.  Like  the  enlarging  circle 
upon  the  surface  of  smooth  waters,  however,  this  can  and  will,  if  unob- 
structed, extend  to  the  utmost  limits  of  a  common  country.  Such  is  my 
nationality, — such  my  sectionalism, — such  my  patriotism.  Our  fathers 
of  the  South  joined  your  fathers  of  the  North  in  resistance  to  a  common 
aggression  from  their  fatherland ;  and  if  they  were  justified  in  rising  to 
right  a  wrong  inflicted  by  a  parent  country,  how  much  more  ought  we, 
should  the  necessity  ever  come,  to  stand  justified  before  an  enlightened 
world  in  righting  a  wrong  from  even  those  we  call  brothers  !  That  neces- 
sity, I  trust,  will  never  come. 

«'  What  is  to  be  our  future  I  do  not  know.  I  have  no  taste  for  indulg- 
ing in  speculations  about  it.  I  would  not,  if  I  could,  raise  the  veil  that 
wisely  conceals  it  from  us.  '  Sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil  thereof,' 
is  a  good  precept  in  every  thing  pertaining  to  human  action.  The  evil  I 
would  not  anticipate ;  I  would  rather  strive  to  prevent  its  coming ;  and 
one  way,  in  my  judgment,  to  prevent  it  is,  while  here,  in  all  things  to  do 
what  is  right  and  proper  to  be  done  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States, — nothing  more  and  nothing  less.  Our  safety,  as  well  as  the  pros- 
perity of  all  parts  of  the  country,  so  long  as  this  Government  lasts,  lies 
mainly  in  a  strict  conformity  to  the  laws  of  its  existence.  Growth  is  one 
of  these.  The  admission  of  new  States  is  one  of  the  objects  expressly 
provided  for.  How  are  they  to  come  in  ?  With  just  such  Constitutions 
as  the  people  in  each  may  please  to  make  for  themselves,  so  they  are 
republican  in  form.  This  is  the  ground  the  South  has  ever  stood  upon. 
Let  us  not  abandon  it  now.  It  is  founded  upon  a  principle  planted  in  the 
compact  of  Union  itself,  and  more  essential  to  us  than  all  others  besides ; 
that  is,  the  equality  of  the  States  and  the  reserved  rights  of  the  people 
of  the  respective  States.  By  our  system,  each  State,  however  great  the 


468  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

number,  has  the  absolute  right  to  regulate  all  its  internal  affairs  as  she 
pleases,  subject  only  to  her  obligations  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  With  this  limitation,  the  people  of  Massachusetts  have 
the  perfect  right  to  do  as  they  please  upon  all  matters  relating  to  their 
internal  policy ;  the  people  of  Ohio  have  the  right  to  do  the  same ;  the 
people  of  Georgia  the  same  ;  of  California  the  same  ;  and  so  with  all  the 
rest. 

"  Such  is  the  machinery  of  our  theory  of  self-government  by  the  people. 
This  is  the  great  novelty  of  our  peculiar  system,  involving  a  principle 
unknown  to  the  ancients,  an  idea  never  dreamed  of  by  Aristotle  or  Plato. 
The  union  of  several  distinct,  independent  communities  upon  this  basis 
is  a  new  principle  in  human  Governments.  It  is  now  a  problem  in  expe- 
riment for  the  people  of  the  nineteenth  century  upon  this  continent  to 
solve.  As  I  behold  its  workings  in  the  past  and  at  the  present,  while  I 
am  not  sanguine,  yet  I  am  hopeful  of  its  successful  solution.  The  most 
joyous  feeling  of  my  heart  is  the  earnest  hope  that  it  will,  for  the  future, 
move  on  as  peacefully,  prosperously,  and  brilliantly  as  it  has  in  the  past. 
If  so,  then  we  shall  exhibit  a  moral  and  political  spectacle  to  the  world 
something  like  the  prophetic  vision  of  Ezekiel,  when  he  saw  a  number 
of  distinct  beings  or  living  creatures,  each  with  a  separate  and  distinct 
organism,  having  the  functions  of  life  within  itself,  all  of  one  external 
likeness,  and  all,  at  the  same  time,  mysteriously  connected,  with  one 
common  animating  spirit  pervading  the  whole,  so  that,  when  the  com- 
mon spirit  moved,  they  all  moved, — their  appearance  and  their  work 
being,  as  it  were,  a  wheel  in  the  middle  of  a  wheel ;  and  whithersoever 
the  common  spirit  went,  thither  the  others  went,  all  going  together ;  and 
when  they  went  he  heard  the  noise  of  their  motion  like  the  noise  of  great 
waters,  as  the  voice  of  the  Almighty.  Should  our  experiment  succeed, 
such,  will  be  our  exhibition, — a  machinery  of  government  so  intricate,  so 
complicated,  with  so  many  separate  and  distinct  parts,  so  many  independ- 
ent States,  each  perfect  in  the  attributes  and  functions  of  sovereignty 
within  its  own  jurisdiction, — all,  nevertheless,  united  under  the  control  of 
a  common  directing  power  for  external  objects  and  purposes, — may, 
natural  enough,  seem  novel,  strange,  and  inexplicable  to  the  philosophers 
and  crowned  heads  of  the  world. 

"It  is  for  us,  and  those  who  shall  come  after  us,  to  determine  whether 
this  grand  experimental  problem  shall  be  worked  out ;  not  by  quarrel- 
ling among  ourselves ;  not  by  doing  injustice  to  any ;  not  by  keeping  out 
any  particular  class  of  States ;  but  by  each  State  remaining  a  separate 
and  distinct  political  organism  within  itself, — all  bound  together  for 
general  objects,  under  a  common  Federal  head ;  as  it  were,  a  wheel 
within  a  wheel.  Then  the  number  may  be  multiplied  without  limit;  and 
then,  indeed,  may  the  nations  of  the  earth  look  on  in  wonder  at  our 
career ;  and  when  they  hear  the  noise  of  the  wheels  of  our  progress  in 
achievement,  in  development,  in  expansion,  in  glory,  and  renown,  it  may 


ALEXANDER    H.  STEPHENS.  469 

well  appear  to  them  not  unlike  the  noise  of  great  waters,  the  very  voice 
of  the  Almighty — Vox populi!  Vox  Dei!  [Great  applause  in  the  galleries 
and  on  the  floor.]"* 

Previous  to  the  last  session  of  Congress,  it  was  announced  that 
Mr.  Stephens  would  retire  at  its  close.  It  was  ardently  hoped 
that  the  rumor  was  groundless,  as  much  by  the  party  he  was 
opposed  to  as  by  that  which  he  had  elevated  by  his  wisdom, 
energy,  and  eloquence.  A  complimentary  dinner  was  tendered 
him  in  "Washington  by  the  prominent  men  of  all  parties,  including 
Senators  and  members, — an  unusual  manifestation  of  personal 
regard.  This  he  declined,  but  yielded  to  a  like  invitation  of  his 
immediate  constituents.  This  was  given  in  the  city  of  Augusta, 
in  his  district,  without  distinction  of  party,  on  the  2d  of  July  last. 
He  addressed  the  assemblage  in  a  speech  reviewing  public  events 
since  his  entrance  into  public  life,  and  retired  with  feeling  but 
manly  words  of  hope.  He  left  the  country  in  a  better  condition 
than  he  found  it  upon  entering  its  councils.  Whatever  dangers 
may  have  threatened  the  Republic,  her  material  resources,  intel- 
lectual advancement,  social  condition,  or  political  status  had  suf- 
fered no  detriment.  On  the  contrary,  he  beheld  in  her  progress 
a  career  unprecedented.  He  dwelt  on  the  agitations  growing  out 
of  the  Slavery  question,  in  conformity  with  his  views  as  already 
set  forth,  and,  showing  the  good  which  emanates  from  the  public 
discussion  of  principles,  desired  his  friends  to  weigh  not  too  lightly 
the  most  violent  discussions  by  public  men,  even  upon  the  most 
abstract  principles.  They  underlie  all  popular  rights,  and  con- 
stitute the  essence  of  sovereignty  and  independence.  The  war 
of  the  Revolution  was  fought  more  in  vindication  of  abstract 
principles  than  for  the  redress  of  any  practical  grievances.  It 
was  the  right  to  impose  taxes  without  representation,  more  than 
the  amount  imposed,  that  was  complained  of.  "  The  very  bill," 
said  Mr.  Stephens,  "  that  led  to  resistance  reduced  the  tax,  but 
asserted  in  its  preamble  the  unlimited  and  unconditional  right  to 
tax.  The  amount  involved  in  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  small, 
but  on  the  principle  probably  depended  the  destiny  of  the 
country." 

In  the  acquisition  of  Cuba  Mr.  Stephens  beheld  a  most  inaport- 


*  See  "Cong.  Globe,"  Appendix,  2d  Sess.  35th  Congress,  Feb.  12,  1859. 

40 


470  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

ant  measure,  but  he  would  not  give  Spain  more  than  a  million  or 
two  for  it.  The  true  policy  would  be  to  repeal  all  laws  making  it 
penal  for  Americans  to  go  and  help  the  Cubans  to  independence. 
Whatever  may  be  our  expansion,  he  saw  no  danger  to  the  South, 
if  the  Territorial  policy  now  settled  should  be  adhered  to,  as  by 
it  the  South  could  colonize  and  expand  too  with  her  institutions, 
to  the  full  extent  of  her  capacity  and  population ;  but  he  could 
not  expect  to  see  many  new  slave  States  unless  they  had  an  in- 
crease of  African  stock.  Boundaries  do  not  make  States.  People 
make  them,  and  it  requires  people  of  the  African  race  to  make 
slave  States.  He  questioned  whether  the  South  could  furnish 
the  requisite  number  to  secure  more  than  the  four  States  to  come 
out  of  Texas.  We  could  not  get  more  without  a  foreign  supply. 
If  but  few  more  slave  States  come  into  the  Union,  it  will  not  neces- 
sarily be  in  consequence  of  Abolitionism  or  Wilmot-Provisoism, 
but  for  want  of  negroes.  "  It  is  useless,"  said  Mr.  Stephens,  "  to 
wage  war  on  those  who  may  withhold  Congressional  legislation  to 
protect  slave-property  in  the  Territories,  or  to  quarrel  among  our- 
selves and  accuse  each  other  of  unsoundness  on  that  question, 
unless  we  get  more  Africans  to  send  there  to  be  protected.  I 
give  you  no  opinion  upon  the  subject  except  this :  that,  without 
an  increase  of  African  slaves  from  abroad,  you  may  not  expect  or 
look  for  many  more  slave  States." 

Mr.  Stephens  did  not  agree  with  those  who  assailed  a  "  higher 
law."  He  believed  in  it,  and  held  that  in  the  law  of  the  Crea- 
tor, as  manifested  in  His  works  and  His  revelations,  the  cause  of 
the  South  eminently  rested.  In  an  eloquent  passage  he  showed 
why  he  recognised  to  the  fullest  extent  the  doctrine  that  all 
human  laws  and  constitutions  must  be  founded  upon  the  divine 
law.  He  would  not  swear  to  support  any  constitution  inconsist- 
ent with  this  higher  law.  He  showed  the  gradation  of  every 
thing  in  nature,  and  condemned,  as  the  wickedest  of  all  follies 
and  the  absurdest  of  all  crusades,  those  which  attempt  to  make 
things  equal  which  God  in  his  wisdom  has  made  unequal. 
Slavery  or  subordination  was  the  normal  condition  of  the  negro. 
He  did  not  hold  to  the  doctrine  which  teaches  that  that  Govern- 
ment is  best  which  secures  the  greatest  amount  of  happiness  to 
the  greatest  number.  One  hundred  men  have  no  right  to  enjoy 
happiness  at  the  expense  of  ninety-nine  or  a  less  number.  That 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS.  471 

is  best  which  secures  the  most  happiness  to  all ;  and  if  our  sys- 
tem is  not  the  best,  or  cannot  be  made  the  best,  for  both  master 
and  slave,  it  ought  to  be  abandoned.  While  Southern  security 
was,  in  his  eyes,  paramount  to  the  safety  of  the  Union,  he  ex- 
pressed himself  strongly  in  favor  of  the  latter,  and  believed  that 
it  would  be  preserved  as  long  as  intelligence,  virtue,  integrity, 
and  patriotism  ruled  the  National  Councils. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Stephens  said  he  retired  from  no  feelings 
of  discontent,  but  because,  the  questions  having  been  settled  with 
which  he  had  been  connected,  he  desired  to  follow  some  more 
agreeable  pursuits.  There  was  no  office  under  heaven  he  wished 
to  hold ;  and,  in  quitting  public  life,  he  hoped  and  believed  no 
crisis  would  occur  to  require  his  active  participation  in  public 
affairs  again.  With  a  deep  regret  if  he  had  ever,  in  the  heat  of 
party  excitement,  inadvertently  wounded  the  feelings  of  an  oppo- 
nent, he  invoked  undisturbed  peace  and  prosperity  on  our  com- 
mon country.  In  that  speech  one  of  the  best  and  wisest  men  of 
the  country  took  his  leave  of  the  public  stage. 

Mr.  Stephens  is  proverbially  kind,  but  of  his  many  good  acts 
none  is  more  deserving  of  mention  than  his  liberal  assistance  to 
boys  and  young  men.  Having  received  aid  in  procuring  his  own 
education,  he  appreciates  its  value.  He  has  aided,  as  he  was 
aided,  upward  of  thirty,  and  has  for  several  years  kept  annually 
at  least  three  at  college.  He  generally  selects  the  orphan  and 
the  destitute, — those  who  have  a  desire  for  knowledge  without 
the  means  of  obtaining  it. 

I  commenced  this  brief  sketch  with  an  allusion  of  Thorpe's  to 
Stephens  as  a  celebrity  in  Washington,  and  I  may  not  inaptly 
close  it  with  a  rapid  and  comprehensive  picture  made  by  John 
Mitchel  at  that  home  to  which  the  statesman  has  been  so  deeply 
attached  from  childhood  and  to  which  he  has  retired  in  his  efful- 
gent maturity : — 

"At  Crawford  ville,"  writes  Mitchel,  "  a  village  on  one  of  the  piney 
ridges  of  Georgia,  in  an  unpretending  and  somewhat  desolate-looking 
house,  (desolate-looking  it  may  well  be,  for  no  fair  and  kindly  house- 
mother ever  made  it  shine  and  smile,)  dwells  one  of  the  choicest  and 
rarest  spirits  of  our  hemisphere.  Youthful  and  almost  boyish-looking, 
yet  stricken  by  mortal  malady, — one  who  has  made  a  « covenant  with 
death,'  yet  whose  veins  are  full  of  the  most  genial  life, — with  the  cold 


472  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

hand  clutching  at  his  vitals,  yet  with  a  laugh  clear  and  ringing  as  the 
marriage-bell ;  his  thin  face  is  of  deathly  hue,  yet  the  dark  eyes  are 
blazing  lamps.  If  you  are  his  friend,  he  is  gentle  and  affectionate  as  a 
girl;  if  his  enemy,  he  will  have  great  pleasure  in  standing  opposite  to 
you  at  any  distance  that  may  be  arranged, — in  which  case  you  had  better 
look  sharp,  for  he  is  cool  as  an  oyster.  A  student  and  true  philosopher, 
a  laborious  and  conscientious  legislator,  a  powerful  lawyer,  and  a  zealous 
cultivator  of  grapes,  (Catawba  and  Scuppernong,)  for  he  has  faith  in  the 
virtues  of  wine, — a  generous  friend  and  patron  of  humble  merit,  for  the 
which  many  prayers  and  blessings  arise  every  evening  on  his  behalf, — a 
noble  imaginative  orator,  yet  not  of  the  Charles  Phillips  school  of  '  Irish 
oratory'  by  any  means,  his  taste  being  too  highly  educated  for  that  spe- 
cies of  rigmarole, — such  is  Alexander  II.  Stephens." 


HENRY   A.  WISE.  47o 


HENRY  A.  WISE, 

OF  VIRGINIA. 

WITHOUT  doubt,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and  brilliant 
men  of  the  day  is  he  whose  name  stands  at  the  head  of  this 
sketch.  A  clear  thinker,  a  forcible  debater,  and  a  man  ready 
for  every  occasion,  few  have  attracted  so  much  public  attention, 
and  none  have  deserved  his  great  and  exciting  successes  better. 

Henry  Alexander  Wise,  the  son  of  John  Wise  and  his  wife 
Sarah  Corbin  Cropper,  was  born  on  the  3d  of  December,  1806, 
at  Accomac  Court-House,  called  Drummondtown.  On  both  the 
paternal  and  maternal  side  he  is  descended  from  military  people 
of  energy  and  great  decision  of  character.  His  father  was  the 
son  of  Colonel  John  Wise,  a  commissioned  colonel  of  the  King 
of  England,  and  one  of  the  earliest  emigrants  to  the  Eastern 
Shore  of  Virginia;  and  his  mother  was  the  daughter  of  General 
John  Cropper,  who,  commissioned  as  captain  in  February,  1776, 
while  yet  but  nineteen  years  old,  fought  under  Washington  at 
Germantown,  Princeton,  Monmouth,  Trenton,  Chadd's  Ford,  and 
Brandy  wine,  won  the  esteem  of  La  Fayette,  and,  after  further 
service  in  the  South,: — chiefly  as  county  lieutenant  of  Accomac 
County, — died  a  brigadier-general  in  January,  1821,  aged  sixty- 
five  years. 

At  the  period  of  the  birth  of  Henry  A.,  his  father,  who  was  a 
lawyer  by  profession  and  had  been  distinguished  as  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Delegates  previous  to  1800,  was  clerk  of  the  courts 
of  Accomac.  He  died  in  1812,  and  was  followed  by  his  widow 
in  the  succeeding  year.  Thus  the  subject  of  this  sketch  was 
orphaned  at  the  age  of  seven  years.  He  was  taken  to  Bowman's 
Folly,  the  old  family  seat  of  Sir  Edmund  Bowman,  an  ancestor 
of  his  mother's,  and,  after  some  further  changes,  was  placed 
under  the  care  of  two  paternal  aunts  at  Clifton,  on  the  Chescon- 
essex  Creek,  where  he  remained  two  years,  and  learned  the  alpha- 


474  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

bet  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Margaret  Academy  next  had  the 
honor  of  his  presence,  where  he  learned  as  much  mischief  and  as 
little  Greek  and  Latin  as  were  needed  to  sustain  the  character 
of  that  institution;  and  so  it  turned  out  that  when — in  1$22 — 
young  Wise  was  sent  to  Washington  College,  Pennsylvania,  it 
was  with  much  difficulty  that  he  entered  the  sophomore  class. 
The  college  was  then  under  the  Presidency  of  Dr.  Andrew  Wylie, 
a  North-of-Ireland  Presbyterian,  whose  reputation  comes  to  our 
day  as  that  of  a  gentleman,  philosopher,  linguist,  and  metaphysi- 
cian,— as  also  that  of  "  a  cavalier  who  loved  virtue  for  virtue's 
sake,  truth  for  truth's  sake,  and  his  fellow-creatures  for  their 
own  sake,"  and  cultivated  in  his  pupils  the  additional  accom- 
plishments of  "gallantry  and  high  game." 

This  suited  young  Wise  exactly;  and  his  progress  in  the 
polite  arts,  as  well  as  in  "high  game,"  was  of  a  most  satisfac- 
tory nature.  He  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  the  debates  of 
the  Union  Literary  Society,  and,  as  its  champion,  carried  off  the 
victory  twice  from  a  rival  society,  and  on  a  third  trial  brought 
the  judges  to  a  tie.  He  graduated  in  1825,  before  he  was  nine- 
teen, dividing  the  first  honor  with  a  Maryland  youth  named 
Mitchell.  Mr.  Wise  commenced  practice  as  an  advocate  before 
he  left  college,  having  volunteered  to  defend  W.  II.  McGuffey, 
who  was  suspended  for  thrashing  a  fellow-student.  Wise  justi- 
fied his  course,  and  narrowly  escaped  sharing  the  penalty  inflicted 
on  his  client.  How  now  stand  these  gentlemen  of  the  same 
alma  mater?  asks  Dr.  Hambleton,  and  answers,  "One  [McG.] 
adorns  the  chair  of  Moral  Philosophy  in  the  greatest,  best-regu- 
lated, best-conducted,  and  most  republican  university  in  the  land, 
and  the  other  presides  over  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia."* 

Mr.  Wise  left  college  in  1825,  and  returned  home  by  way  of 
Canada  and  New  York.  He  studied  law  in  the  school  of  Henry 
St.  George  Tucker,  at  Winchester,  with  whom  he  remained  until 
the  fall  of  1828,  when  he  went  home  and  cast  his  maiden  vote 
for  Andrew  Jackson.  Having  marriedf  in  October  of  that  year, 

*  "Virginia  Politics  in  1855,"  Ac.,  by  James  P.  Hambleton,  M.D. 

|  Mr.  Wise  was  married  to  Ann  Eliza,  daughter  of  R,ev.  Dr.  0.  Jennings,  of 
Washington  College,  on  the  8th  of  October,  1828.  She  died  in  June,  1837.  He 
was  married  a  second  time,  in  November,  1840,  to  Sarah,  third  daughter  of 
Hon.  John  Sergeant,  of  P-hiladelphin.  She  died  in  1850.  He  was  married  a 


HENRY   A.  WISE.  475 

in  the  city  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  he  settled  there,  formed  a 
law-partnership,  and  achieved  a  good  practice,  but,  yearning  for 
his  native  State,  returned  to  Accomac  in  the  fall  of  1830,  and  in 
the  following  spring  commenced  a  very  successful  professional 
career,  to  which  he  soon  added  a  political  one  of  a  very  remark- 
able and  active  character,  and  which  has  grown  in  vitality  and 
importance  down  to  the  moment  at  which  these  lines  are  written* 
Although  the  parents  and  relatives  of  Mr.  Wise  were  Federal- 
ists, he  early  declared  himself  in  favor  of  State  rights,  and  has 
continued  one  of  the  most  vigorous  exponents  of  that  doctrine. 
He  represented  the  York  District  in  1832  as  delegate  to  the 
Baltimore  National  Democratic  Convention,  and  supported 
General  Jackson  for  the  first  office,  but  refused  to  acquiesce  in 
the  nomination  of  Van  Buren  for  Vice-President.  During  the 
Nullification  furore  in  1832-33,  Mr.  Wise  espoused  the  doctrine 
of  the  resolutions  of  1798-99,  as  reported  by  Madison, — "that 
each  State  for  itself  is  the  judge  of  the  infraction,  and  of  the 
mode  and  manner  of  redress."  He  was,  therefore,  opposed  on 
the  one  hand  to  the  Proclamation  and  Force  Bill,  and  on  the 
other  to  the  remedies  of  South  Carolina,  and  set  forth  his  views 
in  an  address  to  the  York  District,  which  Mr.  Ritchie  at  the 
time  characterized  as  "a  masterly  refutation  of  many  of  the 
errors  of  the  day, — the  doctrines  of  consolidation  as  well  as  of 
Nullification."  Mr.  Wise  then,  as  now,  was  equal  to  any  emer- 
gency, and  very  soon  brought  his  "high-game"  proclivities  into 
the  political  arena,  of  which  Ritchie  thus  gives  us  an  early  illus- 
tration when  he  says,  "  Mr.  Wise  has  been  bitterly  assailed  by 
the  Nullifiers;  but  he  is  fully  able  to  defend  himself.  He  asks 
no  quarter  from  them,  and  he  will  give  none."  Mr.  WTise  in 
those  days  supported  Jackson  to  save  the  Union,  while  he  con- 
demned his  course, — thinking  that  a  milder  one  was  more  suitable 
to  the  crisis.  In  1833,  the  Jackson  party  of  the  Eastern  Shore 
presented  Mr.  Wise  as  a  candidate  for  Congress  against  Hon. 
Richard  Coke,  of  Williamsburg,  who  had  represented  the  York 
District  but  became  a  Nullifier  on  the  appearance  of  the  Procla- 
mation. The  contest  was  severe  and  acrimonious,  but  resulted  in 


third  time  to  Mary  Elizabeth  Lyons,  sister  of  a  distinguished  lawyer  of  Rich- 
raond,  Virginia,  in  November,  1853. 


476  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN.    . 

the  election  of  Wise  by  four  hundred  majority,  and  a  duel  with 
his  antagonist,  the  latter  being  the  challenging  party.  In  the 
"  affair  of  honor/'  Mr.  Coke's  right  arm  was  fractured. 

Mr.  Wise  was  among  the  seventeen  Democrats  of  the  House 
who  seceded  from  Jackson  on  the  removal  of  the  deposits. 
Hambleton  gives  a  strange  anecdote  of  this  period.  In  Wise's 
speech  on  the  removal  of  the  deposits  he  quoted  a  remark  of 
John  Randolph's  about  the  "rara  avis/'  the  "black  swan/'  and 
alluded  to  the  fact  that  his  death  had  not  been  announced  in  the 
House,  saying  it  was  no  fault  of  his.  This  called  out,  a  few  days 
afterward,  Randolph's  successor,  Judge  Bouldin,  who  took  the 
floor  and  commenced  giving  the  reasons  thus : — "  I  will  tell  my 
colleague  the  reason  why" — Here  his  head  went  back,  the  veins 
in  his  temples  became  corded,  his  face  for  a  moment  was  dis- 
torted, and  he  fell  a  dead  man.  What  is  strange  about  this 
whole  affair  is,  that  the  only  allusion  to  the  death  of  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph ever  made  in  the  House  of  Representatives  prefaced  the 
death  of  him  who  filled  his  seat.*  Mr.  Wise  was  re-elected  in 
1835,  and  again  in  1837,  as  the  advocate  of  the  principles  of 
Hugh  Lawson  White  and  John  Tyler,  who  had  been  run  respect- 
ively for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  in  opposition 
to  Van  Buren  and  Johnson, — "That  is,  opposed  to  the  Pet  Bank 
system,  Benton's  Sub-Treasury,  and  the  reference  of  Abolition 
petitions  to  special  or  any  committee,  and  the  fearless  advocate 
for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  a  Tariff  for  revenue  only,  &c." 

The  famous  Graves  and  Cilley  duel  took  place  in  1837.  Mr. 
Wise  was  the  second  of  the  former,  and  Hon.  George  W.  Jones, 
of  Iowa,  the  second  of  the  latter.  It  grew  out  of  an  attack  by  Mr. 
Cilley  on  James  Watson  Webb,  of  the  "  Courier  and  Enquirer." 
Graves  first  acted  as  the  friend  of  Webb,  when  Cilley  refused  to 
be  accountable  for  words  spoken  in  debate.  A  question  of  vera- 
city having  subsequently  arisen,  Graves  became  a  principal,  and. 
acted  by  the  advice  of  Henry  Clay.  Mr.  Wise  was  opposed  to  the 
duel,  and  desired  to  delay  it,  and,  if  possible,  settle  the  affair  by 
negotiation.  He  declined  several  times  to  bear  the  challenge  to 
Mr.  Cilley;  and,  on  the  last  occasion  of  his  doing  so,  "Mr.  Graves 
appealed  to  Messrs.  Clay  and  Menefee  to  bear  witness  that  on  one 

*  Hambleton,  p.  20. 


HENRY   A.  WISE.  477 

occasion,  in  the  absence  of  Mr.  Wise  from  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, he  had,  without  asking  the  right  or  the  wrong  of  Mr. 
Wise's  controversy,  taken  up  his  personal  quarrel,  and  was  ready 
to  fight  for  him, — that  he  had  more  confidence  in  him  than  any  one 
else  as  his  friend  on  the  ground ;  and  that  if  he  (Wise)  suffered  him 
to  go  upon  the  field  without  guarding  his  life  and  his  honor,  and 
he  was  brought  back  a  corpse,  he  desired  his  wife,  his  children, 
and  his  friends  to  know  that  he  (Wise)  had  failed  to  stand  by 
him  after  he  knew  he  was  determined  to  fight."  Mr.  Wise  could 
not  withstand  this  appeal.  He  carried  the  challenge  to  Mr.  Cil- 
ley,  copied  by  Mr.  Graves  from  Mr.  Clay's  manuscript.  Mr. 
Wise  had,  however,  resolved  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  hostile 
meeting.  After  nightfall,  Mr.  George  W.  Jones  brought  an 
acceptance,  and  the  terms  proposed, — eighty  yards,  with  rifles. 
Mr.  Wise  demurred.  Mr.  Clay  instantly  exclaimed,  "No  Ken- 
tuckian  can  back  out  from  a  rifle !'"'  Mr.  Wise's  object  still 
being  that  of  delay,  he  met  Mr.  Jones,  the  next  morning, 
and  said  he  must  have  time  to  go  to  Philadelphia  for  a  rifle,  as 
he  did  not  know  where  else  to  get  one  that  was  reliable.  Mr. 
Jones  replied,  "Certainly,  sir,  there  must  be  a  gun  which  can  be 
relied  on  in  the  whole  District  of  Columbia!"  At  this  answer, 
Mr.  Wise  was  somewhat  provoked,  and  replied,  "If  you  know  of 
one,  sir,  I  would  be  glad  if  you  would  furnish  me  with  it." 
Thereupon,  the  next  morning,  a  rifle,  powder-flask,  bullet-moulds, 
&c.  were  found  upon  Mr.  Wise's  table,  with  a  polite  note  tender- 
ing the  rifle,  &c.  "to  Mr.  Graves."  Graves  was  a  very  bad  and 
Cilley  a  crack  shot;  yet  at  the  third  fire  the  latter  was  shot, 
and  died  in  a  few  moments.  His  death  led  to  great  public 
excitement;  and  a  committee  of  investigation  was  ordered  by  the 
House.  The  chief  onus  of  the  affair  was  sought  to  be  placed  on 
Wise;  and  even  those  with  whom  he  had  acted  from  personal 
motives  allowed  this  opinion  to  prevail  in  order  to  shield  them- 
selves. 

Mr.  James  Watson  Webb,  in  1842,  alleged,  in  the  "Courier 
and  Enquirer,"  that  Mr.  Wise  had  instigated  the  duel.  Such  a 
charge  was  totally  unfounded,  unjust,  and  even  cowardly,  ema- 
nating as  it  did  from  Mr.  Webb,  who  was  directly  connected  with 
the  affair.  Soon  after  this  slanderous  and  malicious  allegation 
had  appeared  in  the  "  Courier  and  Enquirer,"  Mr.  Wise  pub- 


478  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

lished  the  facts  of  the  case  in  the  "Madisonian."  Mr.  Clay, 
finding  that  an  explanation  might  injure  his  prospects  for  the 
Presidency  in  1844  or  at  some  future  time,  wrote  to  Mr.  Graves, 
and  persuaded  him  to  say  that  he  (Clay)  had  no  part  whatsoever 
in  the  "ad vice,  counsel,  or  preparation  of  the  duel.  Mr.  Clay 
published  that  letter  in  the  "  National  Intelligencer"  as  true. 
Immediately  Mr.  Wise  addressed  to  him  categorical  questions, 
which  he  placed  in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Linn,  of  Missouri.  Mr. 
Clay  replied,  admitting  his  whole  part  in  the  affair,  and  generally 
justified  Mr.  Wise  as  well  as  himself.  Fof  his  conduct  in  this 
affair  Mr.  Wise  never  could  forgive  Clay,  although  he  acted  as 
his  negotiator  for  the  support  of  Judge  White  in  1839.  The 
above  account  is  condensed  from  Hambleton's  compilation  of 
"  Virginia  Politics." 

Mr.  Wise's  influence  was  paramount  in  placing  Mr.  Tyler  on 
the  Harrison  ticket  for  the  Vice-Presidency, — which  accounts 
for  his  having  been  the  mainstay  and  bulwark  of  his  Ad- 
ministration. Mr.  Wise's  course  was  prompted  by  the  most 
strictly  Southern-Rights  conception  of  the  Constitution  and 
by  his  knowledge  of  the  antecedents  of  Mr.  Tyler,  who  had 
been  previously  nominated  on  the  States-Rights  platform  with 
Judge  White.  It  is  held  by  his  admirers  that  Wise  and  the 
Democrats  who  acted  with  him,  by  placing,  after  great  exer- 
tions, Mr.  Tyler  in  nomination,  saved  Texas  and  the  Union,  and 
placed  the  country  and  the  Democratic  party  in  an  attitude  that 
insured  their  brilliant  success  under  the  banner  of  Polk  and 
Dallas  in  1844.  Meeting  Mr.  Clay  and  Thomas  W.  Grimier  in 
the  spring  of  1841,  Mr.  Wise,  alluding  to  the  recent  election, 
said,  "Well,  sir,  we  have  fought  a  good  fight  in  Virginia,  si/; 
and,  although  we  did  not  exactly  win  the  victory,  we  came  off 
with  the  honors  of  war."  To  which  Clay  replied,  "I  congratu- 
late myself,  sir,  that  Virginia  has  gone  for  the  enemy."  "  Why," 
said  Wise,  "  I  thought  you  once  said  you  would  prefer  defeat 
with  your  mother  State  for  you,  to  victory  with  her  voice  against 
you."  "Sir,"  rejoined  the  great  orator,  "we  will  no  longer  be 
embarrassed  by  her  peculiar  opinions."  Clay's  interpretation  of 
the  matter  is  regarded  as  a  backing  out  of  the  pledges  which  he 
made  to  White  through  Mr.  Wise,  when  he  sought  the  adherence 
of  the  States-Rights  Democrats  to  forward  his  views  for  the 


HENRY   A.  WISE.  479 

Presidency.  After  the  success  of  Harrison,  the  first  move  of 
the  victors  under  Clay  was  to  call  an  extra  session,  so  that  they 
could  put  forward  their  favorite  measures  on  the  incoming  of 
their  President.  Wise  not  only  opposed  the  extra  session,  but 
the  whole  scheme  of  action  mapped  out  by  the  Whigs.  The 
death  of  Harrison  disconcerted  their  plans.  Wise  immediately 
sought  Tyler,  and  advised  him  by  all  means  to  veto  the  United 
States  Bank  Bill  and  to  further  the  speedy  annexation  of  Texas; 
and  in  both  cases  his  advice  was  taken.  » 

In  1842,  the  United  States  Senate  rejected  Mr.  Wise's  name, 
which  was  sent  in  as  Minister  to  France.  In  the  spring  of  1843, 
he  was  re-elected  to  Congress;  but,  his  health  giving  way,  he 
was  nominated  for  the  Rio  Janeiro  mission.  He  was  near 
being  defeated  by  the  same  influence  that  had  rejected  him 
before;  but,  previous  to  the  decision,  Senator  Archer,  of  Vir- 
ginia, sought  Mr.  Wise,  and  asked  him  why  he  had  been  so 
bitter  in  his  late  canvass  against  Mr.  Clay.  Wise,  in  reply,  in- 
quired "if  the  French  mission,  the  Brazilian  mission,  and  all  the 
rest  of  the  missions  belonged  to  Mr.  Clay.  Was  subserviency 
to  him  a  necessary  qualification  for  office  ?  Were  personal  differ- 
ences, and  not  public  considerations,  to  govern  in  selecting  foreign 
ministers  ?';  In  conclusion,  he  told  Mr.  Archer  to  go  back  to 
his  friends,  and  tell  them  "  that,  if  they  would  act  like  men  worthy 
to  be  called  friends  of  their  idol,  they  would  resent  his  insults, 
and  would  do  so  in  their  proper  persons,  and  not  by  abusing  their 
public  offices."  Senator  Archer  made  no  report  in  caucus,  save 
a  demand  that  Wise  be  sent  to  Rio  Janeiro, — which  was  done. 
His  course  in  Brazil,  whither  he  went  in  May,  1844,  was  highly 
approved  by  the  Tyler  and  Polk  Administrations.  He  returned 
in  October,  1847,  and  participated  in  the  Presidential  contest 
of  the  succeeding  year.  In  1850,  he  was  elected  to  the  State 
Convention  which  revised  the  Constitution. 

At  the  close  of  the  summer  of  1854,  attention  began  to  be 
directed  to  the  Gubernatorial  election  that  was  to  take  place  in 
the  ensuing  year.  Various  parties  were  spoken  of;  and  early  in 
September  a  meeting  was  held  in  Norfolk  County,  and  a  com- 
mittee appointed  to  correspond  with  the  most  prominent  gentle- 
men, in  order  to  obtain  their  opinions  regarding  the  "Know- 
Nothings."  This  new  party,  according  to  the  most  reliable 


480  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

information,  was  first  organized  in  the  town  of  Charlottesville,  in 
July,  1854,  and  soon  numbered  several  councils  scattered  all  over 
the  State.  A  State  Council  was  authorized  by  the  Grand  Council 
of  Thirteen  of  the  State  of  New  York  to  grant  charters  for  the  esta- 
blishment of  councils  in  Virginia;  and  the  consequence  was  "that 
in  nearly  every  secluded  grove,  retired  school-house,  and  con- 
cealed recess  could  be  found  a  band  of  men  veiled  in  secrecy, 
and,  under  cover  of  darkness,  administering^Jesuitical  oaths  and 
teaching  cabalistic  signs  to  the  thoughtless,  indiscreet,  and  un- 
suspecting novitiates. "  The  committee  of  correspondence  ad- 
dressed Lieutenant- Governor  S.  F.  Leake,  Hon.  John  Letcher, 
James  A.  Seddon,  Henry  A.  Wise,  and  ex-Governor  William 
Smith,  all  of  whom  save  the  latter  promptly  replied.  Wise's 
letter  was  considered  a  masterly  production,  full  of  the  true  spirit 
of  a  Southern  republican  and  statesman^  Starting  out  with  the 
proposition  that  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  this  country  was 
not  such  as  to  justify  the  formation  of  any  secret  political  society, 
he  proved  it  by  a  pithy  and  powerful  argument,  which  was  the 
touchstone  of  the  great  campaign  with  which  his  name  will  be 
forever  identified.  It  embraced  most  of  the  views  which  he 
enlarged  upon  so  brilliantly  and  effectively  in  the  contest,  and 
furnished  unanswerable  arguments  to  the  constitutionalists  all 
over  the  country.  He  showed  that 

The  laws  of  the  United  States — Federal  and  State  laws — 
declare  and  defend  the  liberties  of  the  people ;  and  the  will  of 
the  people  was  the  source  of  all  constitutions  and  laws.  The 
mind,  as  the  person,  was  free,  and  the  spirit  of  the  laws  the 
body-guard  and  home-guard  of  the  people.  Would  any  man  pro- 
pagate truth  ?  Truth  is  free  to  combat  error.  Would  he  propa- 
gate error  ?  Error  itself  may  stalk  abroad  provided  truth  is  free 
to  follow,  however  slowly,  with  her  torches  to  light  up  the  wreck. 
What  necessity,  then,  was  there  for  secrecy  ?  If  it  be  good,  why 
not  make  it  known  ?  Here  was  a  great  primary  organization,  all 
of  which  that  was  known  was,  its  proscription  of  persons  of 
foreign  birth  and  Catholic  faith,  and  of  those  who  did  not  pro- 
scribe them. 

The  natives  were  to  the  foreign-born  in  the  United  States 
in  the  ratio  of  eight  to  one.  In  Virginia,  the  natives  were 
to  foreign-born  citizens  as  thirty-eight  to  one.  The  number 


HENRY   A.  WISE.  481 

* 

of  churches  in  the  United  States  was  38,061;  of  Catholic 
churches,  1221:  more  than  thirty-one  to  one  were  Protestant. 
In  Virginia  the  churches  numbered  2,383 ;  Catholic  churches, 
17  :  more  than  one  hundred  and  forty  to  one.  Other  figures 
were  used  to  exhibit  the  immense  minority  in  which  the  foreign 
and  Catholic  citizens  were.  Wise  asked,  What  had  such  a  ma- 
jority to  fear?  Where  was  the  necessity  for  this  master  majority 
to  resort  to  secret  organization  ?  It  confessed  to  something  which 
dared  not  meet  the  scrutiny  of  knowledge.  He  did  not  think 
that  any  secret,  new-born  patriotism  was  needed  to  protect  us 
from  foreign  influence.  When  we  were  as  weak  as  three  mil- 
lions, we  relied  largely  on  foreigners  by  birth  to  defend  us  and 
aid  us  in  securing  independence.  Now  that  we  were  twenty-two 
millions  strong,  how  is  it  that  we  have  become  so  weak  in  our 
fears  as  to  apprehend  we  were  to  be  deprived  of  our  liberties  by 
foreigners  ?  As  for  the  Pope,  he  would  as  soon  think  of  dread- 
ing him  as  the  ghost  of  Gruy  Fawkes. 

There  was  not  only  no  necessity  for  this  secret  political  organ- 
ization, but  it  was  against  the  spirit  of  our  laws  and  the  facts  of 
our  history.  Our  laws  sprung  from  the  necessity  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  early  settlers.  The  very  experience  of  despotism 
they  had  once  tasted  made  them  hate  tyrants,  either  elective  or 
hereditary.  They  had  to  fight  Indians  from  Philip,  on  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  to  Powhatan,  on  the  River  of  Swans.  These 
foreigners  did  their  task  like  men.  They  grew  and  thrived  until 
they  were  rich  enough  to  be  taxed.  They  were  then  told  that 
taxation  was  no  tyranny.  But  these  foreigners  gave  the  world  a 
new  truth, — that  taxation  without  representation  was  tyranny. 
The  attempt  to  force  it  made  them  resolve  that  they  would  give 
millions  for  defence,  but  not  a  cent  for  tribute.  That  resolve 
drove  them — foreigners,  Protestants,  Catholics,  and  all — to  the 
alternative  of  war.  They  united,  with  dependence  on  G-od  alone, 
and  issued  a  Declaration  of  Independence  of  all  earth;  and  one 
of  their  first  complaints  (against  the  King  of  England)  was  that 
"he  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States; 
for  that  purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of 
foreigners." 

They  pledged  themselves  to  tolerance  in  religion  and  to 
"  mutuality"  in  political  freedom.  Here  was  proof  enough  that 

41 


482  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

foreigners  and  Catholics  both  entered  as  material  elements  into 
our  Americanism.  "  Know-Nothingism"  was  against  Americanism 
itself;  for  one  of  the  best  fruits  of  the  Revolution  was  to  esta- 
blish, for  the  first  time  in  the  world,  the  human  right  of  expa- 
triation. Prior  to  our  separate  existence  as  a  nation  of  the  earth, 
the  despotisms  of  the  Old  World  had  made  a  law  unto  themselves, 
whereby  they  could  hold  forever  in  chains  those  of  mankind  who 
were  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  born  their  subjects.  Before  1770, 
Virginia  and  all  the  Colonies  encouraged  immigration.  It  was  a 
necessity  as  well  as  a  policy  of  the  whole  country.  George  III. 
was  compelled  to  renounce  our  allegiance  to  him,  though  we  were 
born  his  subjects.  Yet,  when  we  had  a  separate  existence,  we 
were  called  on  to  recognise  the  odious  maxim  "once  a  citizen, 
always  a  citizen;"  but,  spurning  the  dogma  and  the  tyrants  who 
boasted  the  power  to  enforce  it,  the  fourth  power  which  the  Con- 
vention of  1787,  that  formed  our  blessed  Constitution,  enumerated, 
was  that  "  The  Congress  shall  have  power  l  to  establish  a  uni- 
form rule  of  naturalization/" 

In  1812,  we  declared  the  last  war  for  "Free-Trade  and  Sailors' 
Rights," — that  is,  for  the  right  of  naturalized  citizen-sailors  to 
sail  on  the  high  seas  and  trade  abroad  free  from  search  and 
seizure.  We  had  reciprocally  undertaken  to  protect  them,  in 
consideration  of  their  oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States. 
How  protect  them  ?  By  enabling  them  to  fulfil  their  obligations 
of  allegiance  and  fidelity,  by  making  them  free  to  fight  for  our 
flag,  and  free  in  every  sense,  just  as  if  they  had  been  born  in  our 
country.  Fight  for  us  they  did;  naturalized  and  those  not 
naturalized  were  of  our  crews.  They  fought  in  every  sea  for  the 
flag  which  threw  protection  over  them,  from  the  first  gun  of  the 
Constitution  frigate  to  the  last  gun  of  the  boats  on  Lake  Pont- 
chartrain.  That  war  sealed  in  blood  the  American  principle, — 
the  right  of  expatriation,  the  right  and  duty  of  naturalization, 
the  right  to  fly  from  tyranny  to  the  flag  of  freedom,  and  the 
reciprocal  duties  of  allegiance  and  protection. 

This  is  but  a  very  meagre  outline,  indeed,  of  the  grounds  on 
which  Henry  A.  Wise  commenced  his  high-spirited  and  furious 
war  "for,  and  not  against,  the  imperishable  American  truths"  he 
enunciated.  This  able  letter  was  the  tocsin  of  war,  and  the 
death-knell  of  the  "secret  political  organization."  After  the 


HENRY    A.  WISE.  483 

claims  of  the  leading  candidates  were  discussed  in  the  papers,  a 
convention  was  held  at  Staunton,  November  30,  which  resulted 
in  the  nomination — December  2 — of  Mr.  Wise  for  Governor. 
The  "Know-Nothings"  professed  satisfaction  at  this  result, — as 
Mr.  Wise,  though  well  known,  was  little  understood  previously. 
Among  the  Democracy,  it  was  argued  that  he  voted  for  the 
Whigs  in  1840,  and  opposed  Jackson  in  Congress.  His  inde- 
pendence was  regarded  as  dangerous ;  and  Hambleton — who  ought 
to  know — says  that  "  no  candidate  ever  went  before  the  people 
under  more  discouraging  circumstances."  He  was  extensively 
misrepresented  and  slandered;  but  his  natural  fervor  and  vigor, 
exalted  to  an  almost  superhuman  frenzy  by  the  truthful  splendor 
of  the  principles  he  held,  made  him  invincible.  Virginia  at- 
tracted the  general  attention  of  all  the  States ;  and  before  the 
canvass  was  completed  the  eyes  of  all  were  resting  on  it  with  the 
most  fervent  and  excited  anxiety.  Wise  had  created  this  anxiety, 
and  he  struggled  like  one  who  felt  he  could  satisfy  the  interest 
he  had  conjured  up.  It  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  political 
campaigns  in  this  or  any  other  country.  The  Democracy  had  to 
meet  a  formidable  and  insidious  enemy,  flushed  with  victory. 
Nothing  but  the  clarion  tones  and  fearless  energy  of  Wise  could 
have  met  them.  Had  any  other  man  been  at  the  lead  in  that 
stormy  fight,  the  proud  Old  Dominion  would  have  been  hurled 
into  abysmal  disgrace  and  dishonor. 

In  this  connection,  the  following  important  letter  will  be  found 
of  lasting  interest  and  worthy  of  permanent  record. 

"RICHMOND,  VA.,  April  19,  1855. 

"Dear  Sir : — The  letter  which  you  have  addressed  to  me  contains  three 
questions,  to  which  you  ask  an  answer,  with  a  view  to  publication. 

"First  Question:  'Whether  the  Catholics  in  Virginia  do  acknowledge 
any  temporal  allegiance  to  the  Pope.' 

"To  this  I  answer,  that  unless  there  be  in  Virginia  some  Italians  who 
owe  allegiance  to  the  Pope  as  a  temporal  prince,  because  they  were  bora 
in  his  States  and  are  not  naturalized  citizens  of  this  country,  there  are 
no  Catholics  in  Virginia  who  owe  or  acknowledge  any  temporal  allegiance 
to  the  Pope. 

"Second  Question :  '  Whether,  if  this  country  could  be  and  was  assailed 
and  invaded  by  an  army  of  the  Pope,  (if  he  had  one,)  or  by  any  other 
Catholic  Power,  the  Catholic  citizens  of  this  country,  no  matter  where 
born,  would  not  be  as  much  bound  to  defend  the  flag  of  America,  her 
rights  and  liberty,  as  any  native-born  citizen  would  be.' 


484  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

"Answer:  To  me,  the  hypothesis  of  an  invasion  of  our  country  by  the 
Pope  seems  an  absurdity ;  but,  should  he  come  with  armies  to  establish 
temporal  dominion  here,  or  should  any  other  Catholic  Power  make  such 
an  attempt,  it  is  my  conviction  that  all  Catholic  citizens,  no  matter  where 
born,  who  enjoy  the  benefits  and  franchises  of  the  Constitution,  would  be 
conscientiously  bound,  like  native-born  citizens,  to  defend  the  flag,  rights, 
and  liberties  of  the  Republic  and  repel  such  invasion. 

"  Third  Question:  'Whether  the  performance  of  that  duty  would  con- 
flict with  any  oath,  or  vow,  or  other  obligation,  of  the  Catholic.' 

"Answer:  Catholics  reared  in  the  Church  as  such  have  not  the  custom 
of  taking  any  oaths  or  vows,  except  the  baptismal  vows,  '  to  renounce  the 
Devil,  his  works  and  pomps.'  Persons  converted  to  the  faith,  or  those 
receiving  degrees  in  theology,  may  be  required  to  take  the  oath  contained 
in  the  creed  of  Pius  IV., — of  obedience  to  the  Pope, — which,  as  far  as  I 
know,  has  always  been  understood  and  interpreted  to  signify  a  spiritual 
obedience  to  him  as  head  of  the  Church,  and  not  obedience  to  him  as  a 
temporal  prince.  Bishops,  on  their  consecration,  also  take  an  oath,  which 
in  our  country  is  different  from  the  old  form  used  in  Europe.  But  none 
of  these  vows,  oaths,  and  no  other  obligation  of  which  I  am  aware,  con- 
flicts with  the  duty  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  to  defend  the  flag  and 
the  liberties  of  his  country. 

"In  conclusion,  allow  me  to  state  that,  as  we  have  no  article  of  faith 
teaching  that  the  Pope,  of  divine  right,  enjoys  temporal  power  as  head 
of  the  Church,  whatever  some  theologians  or  writers  may  have  said  on 
this  point  must,  like  my  answers  to  your  inquiries,  be  considered  as 
opinions  for  which  the  writers  themselves  on)y  can  be  held  responsible. 
"  Yours,  very  truly,  &c., 

"  J.  M'GiLL,  Bishop  of  Richmond. 

"To  JAMES  LYONS,  Esq."  ^ 

After  publishing  a  list  of  appointments,  Mr.  Wise  opened  the 
canvass  at  Ashland  Hall,  Norfolk  City,  on  the  5th  of  January, 
1855.  The  journals  of  that  city  picture  the  scene  as  interesting. 
His  address  was  forcible,  well  arranged,  and  argumentative, 
abounding  in  the  most  bitter  sarcasm  and  the  most  soothing 
appeals.  Its  effect  can  be  best  illustrated,  in  the  words  of  one  of 
these  papers  at  the  time,  "  by  the  earnest  attention  with  which 
it  was  heard,  and  tjie  frequent  bursts  of  applause  that  followed 
his  telling,  sabre-like  flashes  of  eloquence."*  The  "Know- 
Nothing"  and  Whig  press  retorted  on  him  by  reviewing  his 
antecedents.  The  great  charge  against  him  was  inconsistency, — 
that  he  had  been  an  active  Whig  leader,  and  that  he  now  pro- 

I 

*  "  Norfolk  Argus"  und  "News"  of  the  time. 


HENRY    A.  WISE.  485 

claimed  he  had  no  recantations  to  make.  Fusion  with  "  Know- 
Nothingism"  was  recommended  to  the  Whigs,  and  Whig  orators 
and  writers  declared  the  new  organization  to  be  not  a  Whig  trick, 
but  "  a  great  party  of  reform,  embracing  alike  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats." In  a  very  bold  speech  at  Alexandria,  on  the  3d  of 
February,  1855,  Mr.  Wise  flung  back  the  aspersions,  and  left 
'not  a  doubt  as  to  the  position  in  which  he  stood.  He  announced 
himself  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the  Democracy  of  Virginia, 
twice  endorsed  as  Elector, — in  1848  and  1852, — and  then  nomi- 
nated for  the  Governorship. 

"If,"  said  he,  " any. Democrat  in  this  assembly  recollects  that,  in  times 
past,  I  did  not  always  regard  regularly-organized  nominations,  and 
chooses  to  vote  against  me  on  that  account,  let  him  do  so,  provided  he 
will  stand  where  I  have  ever  stood, — upon  principle,  acting  bona  fide  as 
an  earnest,  honest  man ;  let  him  then,  I  say,  vote  against  me.  When  he 
does  it,  let  him  remember  that  he  then  does  the  very  act  for  which  he  is 
condemning  me :  he  will  be  voting  against  the  regular  nominee.  If  there 
be  any  Whig  in  this  assembly  who  will  vote  against  me  because  I  am  not 
what  he  calls  consistent,  and  because  I  have  chosen  to  use  party  as  a 
servant  and  not  as  a  master,  I  would  not  ask  him  for  his  vote.  But  I 
would  ask  him  not  to  be  like  me,  whom  he  chooses  to  deem  inconsistent. 
[Applause.]  I  ask  him,  when  he  comes  to  the  polls,  to  be  true  and  clear 
in  act  and  conscience, — not  carrying  before  him  a  dark  lantern  of  a  secret 
association,  and  gripping  a  Democrat  with  one  hand  and  a  Whig  with  the 
other." 

He  repudiated  the  idea  of  addressing  himself  to  a  party :  he 
spoke  of  principles,  and  addressed  the  people;  and,  mappirg  out 
the  necessities  of  the  State,  he  created  quite  a  sensation  by  saying, 
"  If  I  be  elected  Governor  of  Virginia,  then,  I  tell  you  bluntly 
and  briefly,  if  it  be  necessary  to  tax  you  to  defend  her  honor,  I 
shall  command  taxation,  though  it  make  us  groan."  Next  to 
public  credit  he  held  the  public  works ;  and  those  in  Virginia 
were  started  without  any  idea  of  their  relative  importance  to 
each  other.  The  canals  and  railroads,  he  said,  were  like  "  ditches 
dug  in  the  middle  of  a  plantation,  without  outlet  at  either  end." 
"  You  appropriate  for  them  to-day,  neglect  them  to-morrow,  and 
leave  the  appropriation  of  the  day  after  to-morrow  to  repair 
decay."  He  wanted  Virginia  to  reach  out  her  arms  to  the  great 
West,  "  to  tap  the  Ohio,"  and  join  the  Big  Bend  with  the  rivers 
of  the  East.  While  her  public  works  were  incomplete,  Virginia 
would  have  no  commerce.  With  great  power  and  resources,  she 

41* 


486  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

had  been  dwarfed  in  the  Union.  She  had  been  called  the  "  Old 
Dominion  :"  he  implored  his  hearers  to  do  something  for  her  pro- 
gress, and  to  justify  calling  her  the  New  Dominion.  After 
dwelling  on  the  wants  and  prospects  of  Virginia,  he  reviewed 
the  message  of  Governor  Gardner  to  the  Legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  the  discourse  of  Rev.  J.  Freeman  Clarke  on  "  the 
rendition  of  Anthony  Burns/'  and  elicited  the  greatest  enthu- 
siasm. The  peculiarity  of  Mr.  Wise's  oratory — its  sudden  tran- 
sition from  "  grave  to  gay,  from  lively  to  severe" — was  eminently 
characteristic  of  this  speech,  which,  in  some  respects,  was  one  of 
the  speaker's  most  telling  efforts.  Deploring  the  fate  of  Massa- 
chusetts, he  said,  "  Massachusetts !  Massachusetts !  the  elder 
sister  of  Virginia,  who  in  the  night  of  the  Revolution  gave  her 
password  for  password,  sign  for  sign,  cheer  for  cheer,  in  the 
midst  of  our  gloom  !  Massachusetts  has  thrown  aside  her  Puri- 
tanism/  her  Christian  religion,  her  Bible,  her  Constitution,  and 
has  given  herself  up  to  Know-Nothingism  and  Anti-Slavery." 
(Tremendous  cheering.)  Rev.  Mr.  Clarke  remarked  in  his  dis- 
course that  Northern  enthusiasm  and  conscience,  when  fully 
aroused,  "  have  always  been  more  than  a  match  for  Southern  or- 
ganization," upon  which  Wise  exclaimed,  "Northern  conscience! 
0  gods  !  (great  laughter,)  Northerruconscieuce  !  Take  a  shark- 
skin and  let  it  dry  to  shagreen ;  skin  the  rhinoceros ;  go  then 
and  get  the  silver-steel  and  grind  it;  and,  when  you  have  ground 
it,  take  the  hone  and  whet  it  till  it  would  split  a  hair,  and  with 
it  prick  the  shagreen  or  the  rhinoceros-skin,  and  then  go  and  try 
it  on  Northern  conscience."  (Cheers  and  laughter.)  He  con- 
cluded, amidst  great  applauser  by  telling  the  Know-Nothings  that 
he  would  make  no  compromise,  no  parley,  no  terms,  with  them. 
"They  shall  either  crush  me  or  I  will  crush  them  in  this 
State;"  and  he  did  crush  them.  It  would  need  a  volume  of 
itself  to  portray  the  excitement  of  the  Virginia  campaign  of 
1855,  and  the  important  share  Mr.  Wise  took  in  it.  He  con- 
cluded his  efforts  at  Leesburg,  having  been  regularly  in  the 
field  from  the  1st  of  January  to  the  7th  of  May.  He  travelled 
more  than  three  thousand  miles,  made  fifty  speeches,  and, 
much  enfeebled  and  exhausted,  retired  to  Washington  and  there 
awaited  the  result  of  his  brilliant  and  excessive  labors  in  behalf 
of  justice  and  the  Constitution.  The  result  came  and  grandly 


HENRY  A.  WISE.  487 

vindicated  his  course.  He  was  elected  Governor  by  10,180 
majority  over  his  opponent,  Mr.  Flournoy.  All  over  the  coun- 
try this  victory  was  hailed  by  the  Democracy  with  delight,  and 
congratulations — public  and  private,  by  vote,  resolution,  and 
letter — poured  in  upon  the  great  Virginian. 

In  the  fall  of  this  year,  Mr.  Wise  scornfully  rejected  the  invi- 
tation to  deliver  one  of  a  series  of  lectures  on  Slavery  in  Boston, 
in  this  wise : — 

"  In  short,  gentlemen,  I  will  not  deliver  one  of  the  lectures  of 
the  course  on  Slavery  at  the  Tremont  Temple,  in  Boston,  on 
Thursday  evening,  January  10,  1858;  and  there  will  be  no 
Thursday  evening  between  the  middle  of  December  and  the 
middle  of  March  next,  or  between  that  and  doomsday,  which 
will  best  accommodate  me  for  that  purpose." 

On  the  Slavery  and  Territorial  questions  Governor  Wise  is 
equally  emphatic  as  on  the  subject  of  "  Americanism."  In  a 
letter  to  the  "  Dowdell  Festival"  in  Alabama,  and  in  another 
letter  to  the  National  Democratic  party  of  New  York,  both  in 
the  fall  of  1855,  as  well  as  in  several  letters  and  addresses, 
Governor  Wise  has  given  his  views.  He  favored  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was  the  first  act  to 
violate  Washington's  injunction  not  to  recognise  geographical 
lines ;  it  was  the  first  to  make  a  border  between  the  North  and 
South, — the  first  to  begin  the  separation  of  the  States.  He  was 
opposed  to  it,  and  believed  that  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
brought  us  back  to  the  Constitution  by  restoring  us  to  statu 
quo  ante  1819-20,  where  Washington  and  Hancock,  Adams 
and  Jefferson,  Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  and  the  old  Thirteen, 
stood.  He  held  that  the  "  fanatics  of  fusion"  who  "  agreed  to 
disagree"  have  never  abided  by  the  Compromise.  They  have 
broken  its  every  letter  and  spirit. 

"  In  the  States  and  Territories  and  District,  in  the  Indian  country,  on 
the  trade  in  transitu  between  States,  Districts,  and  Territories,  on  the 
acquisition  of  territory,  on  the  organization  and  admission  of  States  into 
the  Union,  on  questions  of  peace  and  war, — ever,  everywhere,  always,  in 
season  and  out  of  season, — they  have  raised  the  question  against  slavery, 
until  they  have,  on  various  occasions,  nearly  raised  the  very  demon  of 
civil  war  and  disunion  !  They  have  harbored  English  emissaries,  raised 
foreign  funds,  wielded  associated  influence  and  capital,  wearied  Congress 
with  petitions,  fatigued  the  public  mind  with  compromises,  filled  it  with 


488  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE   MEN. 

reviling  and  abuse,  pensioned  press,  pulpit,  preacher,  teacher,  run  under- 
ground railroads,  spirited  away  runaways ;  have  scattered,  broadcast, 
tales  of  holy  horrors ;  painted,  on  the  stage,  scenes ;  written  log-cabin 
novels ;  lectured,  ranted,  rioted,  until  they  have  made  us  a  divided  peo- 
ple,— until  they  have  cut  the  continent  in  two  by  a  line  of  border  feuds, 
— until  they  have  separated  our  churches,  set  us  apart  socially  at  the 
watering  and  other  places, — and  until  they  have  engendered  a  sectional 
antagonism  more  becoming  enemies  in  hostile  array  than  tolerant  neigh- 
bors, much  less  united  brethren, — children  of  one  father, — children  of  a 
common  country, — the  only  children  the  Father  of  that  country  ever  had, 
whose  farewell  is  still  our  warning." 

When  the  "  Lecompton"  agitation  came  up,  Governor  Wise, 
in  a  letter  to  John  W.  Forney  and  others  of  Philadelphia, 
regretted  that  he  was  constrained  by  his  convictions  to  differ 
with  President  Buchanan,  his  friend  of  twenty  years,  and  for 
whose  election  he  was  as  much  responsible  as  any  other  man  in 
the  country.  He  was  opposed  to  Congressional  intervention. 
"  We  are  told/'  said  he,  "  that  we  are  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the 
record.  What  evidence  have  we,  then,  that  it  is  a  Constitution 
at  all  ?  We  are  told  that  this  is  not  the  time  to  raise  the  ques- 
tion, de  facto,  whether  it  is  the  act  and  deed  of  the  people  of 
Kansas.  When  would  be  the  time,  when  was  the  time,  if  it  be 
not  the  time  now  ?"  He  did  not  believe  that  expediency  should 
be  carried  so  far  as  to  allow  Congress  to  set  its  will  over  the  will 
of  the  people  of  Kansas  and  give  a  minority  Constitution  to  a 
majority.  He  was  told  that  the  "  prompt  admission"  of  Kansas 
would  end  the  agitation.  He  did  not  believe  the  "  Kansas  ques- 
tion" could  ever  be  local  again.  If  Congress  endorsed  this  sche- 
dule of  legerdemain,  if  the  South  insisted  on  it,  and  the  North- 
ern Democracy  were  required  to  consent  to  the  injustice,  the 
precedent  would  become  universal.  It  would  return  the  chalice 
to  our  own  lips,  he  said,  when  the  "  Kansas  question"  again  and 
again  would  arise  in  North  Texas,  New  Mexico,  Mesilla  Valley, 
and  in  all  our  boundless  domain.  He  believed  such  a  course 
would  drive  thousands  of  honest  Democrats  in  the  North  from 
us.  During  the  great  Illinois  campaign  of  1858,  Governor  Wise 
wrote  a  most  hearty  and  enthusiastic  letter,  cheering  on  the 
Democracy  for  Douglas,  and  would  have  gone  personally  into 
the  struggle  but  for  the  duties  of  state  and  the  still  more  tender 
duties  of  family  which  kept  him  in  Richmond. 


HENRY  A.  WISE.  489 

In  1859  Governor  Wise  published  an  elaborate  historical 
and  constitutional  treatise  on  Territorial  Government  and 
the  admission  of  new  States  into  the  Union.  It  was  drawn 
foith  by  a  letter  from  William  F.  Samford,  Esq.,  of  Alabama, 
requesting  the  Governor's  views.  The  object  of  the  treatise  was 
to  elucidate  the  truths  of  history  and  the  construction  of  the 
Constitution  and  laws  pertaining  to  Territories  and  the  admis- 
sion of  States,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  great  question  of  the 
"  settlement"  of  the  Territories  and  new  States  of  the  Union 
cannot  be  temporized  and  localized,  as  the  fashionable  phrase  is, 
by  the  patchwork  of  mere  politicians  and  partisans.  Governor 
Wise  thinks  it  unphilosophical  to  attempt  it,  and  that  a  sound, 
fixed  rule  of  policy  should  be  adopted  and  inflexibly  adhered  to. 
He  shows  that  intervention  for  protection  is  all-pervading,  and  is 
one  of  the  most  vitally  essential  attributes  of  the  Federal  Union. 
The  Slavery  contest  is  one  not  to  be  decided  by  the  laws  of  man, 
but  by  the  laws  of  nature  and  the  providence  of  God.  Nature's 
music  harmonizes  all.  "  The  law  of  frost  and  the  law  of  the  sun 
are  reconciled  and  kiss  each  other  in  the  blending  of  light  and 
of  temperature,  in  the  equipoise  of  expansion  and  contraction,  in 
the  variety  of  climate  and  of  production,  in  the  supply  and  sus- 
tentation  of  animal  and  vegetable  life  and  health  in  every  form 
of  its  existence."  Governor  Wise  lives  north  of  36°  30',  and  he 
is  a  slaveholder  by  inheritance  and  purchase,  and,  as  he  says, 
would  gladly  own  a  great  many  more  if  he  were  able.  His  slaves 
love  him,  and,  as  he  knows  they  would  fight  for  him,  he  will 
fight  for  them. 

Toward  the  close  of  1857,  the  Richmond  "  Enquirer"  inter- 
rogated Governor  Wise  as  to  his  position  touching  the  election 
of  United  States  Senator.  For  many  months  rumors  had  been 
circulated  that  it  was  his  desire  and  design  to  oust  Senator  Hun- 
ter and  occupy  the  Senatorial  seat  himself.  Taking  the  oppor- 
tunity presented  by  the  "  Enquirer,"  the  Governor  wrote  a  letter 
denying  the  truth  of  the  rumor,  and  stating,  with  the  usual 
frankness  of  the  writer,  that  he  did  not  want  a  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and,  if  he  did,  would  not  have  it  at  Mr.  Hunter's  expense, 
— hoped  that  Mr.  Hunter  did  not  desire  a  re-election  at  his 
(Wise's)  expense,  and  wished  in  future  to  be  relieved  of  the 
penalty  of  being  considered  his  rival  for  the  place  in  question. 


490  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

As  was  to  be  expected  from  Governor  Wise's  war  on  "  Ameri- 
canism" as  opposed  to  the  constitutional  rights  of  foreign-born 
citizens,  he  came  out  in  opposition  to  Secretary  Cass's  views  in 
the  Le  Clerc  letter.  He  is  opposed  to  the  opening  of  the  slave- 
trade,  and  in  favor  of  Congressional  protection  of  slavery  in  the 
Territories. 

Governor  Wise  has  filled  a  large  and  important  space  in  the 
history  of  his  time.  Always  fearless,  clear,  and  uncompromising, 
his  opinions  never  fail  to  attract  attention  and  awaken  discussion. 
While  this  sketch  was  being  written,  the  startling  news  was 
flashed  over  the  country  that  a  servile  insurrection  had  broken 
out  at  Harper's  Ferry.  Governor  Wise  was  promptly  on  the 
ground  of  the  disaster;  and  the  acclaim  with  which  he  was 
received  on  his  return  to  Richmond  showed  how  satisfied  the 
people  were  with  his  intentions  for  defence  had  a  crisis  arisen. 

The  conspiracy  and  effort  at  insurrection  attempted  at  Har- 
per's Ferry  constituted  one  of  the  most  surprising  and  startling 
episodes  in  the  history  of  our  country.  A  fanatical  man,  stimu- 
lated to  desperation  by  the  teachings  and  appeals  of  wild  and 
treasonable  enthusiasts,  unrestrained  by  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  land,  formed  a  conspiracy  to  stir  up  servile  insurrec- 
tion. Renting  a  farm  in  the  State  of  Maryland,  within  a  few 
miles  of  Harper's  Ferry,  the  conspirators  remained  for  some 
months  apparently  engaged  in  peaceful  pursuits,  during  which 
time  they  took  every  means  to  conciliate  the  kind  feelings  of  the 
people,  especially  those  of  Harper's  Ferry.  They  familiarized 
themselves  with  the  localities,  streets,  houses,  and  workshops,  so 
that  a  seizure  might  be  made  at  any  hour  of  the  night  without 
attracting  unusual  attention.  On  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  the 
sense  of  security  was  perfect  and  universal.  Having  cut  the 
telegraphic  wires,  the  conspirators,  unmolested  and  unobserved, 
entered  the  village  on  the  night  of  Sunday,  October  16,  1859, 
seized  upon  the  solitary  watchman  placed  at  the  arsenal  as  pro- 
tection against  fire  only,  and  possessed  themselves  speedily  of 
all  the  buildings  containing  arms  or  suitable  for  defence.  The 
next  movement  was  to  seize  the  principal  men  of  the  place,  with 
whom  their  residence  near  there  had  made  them  acquainted. 
These  arrests  were  made  singly,  and  in  every  instance  by  several 
perfectly-armed  men,  who  conveyed  their  prisoners  to  the  place 


HENRY  A.  WISE.  491 

of  confinement.  This  process  was  carried  on  throughout  the 
night,  and  extended  not  only  to  the  village,  but  to  the  country 
around. 

When  morning  came,  the  people  of  the  village  gathered  to  the 
scene  of  confusion  about  the  arsenal.  The  conspirators  now  com- 
menced a  fire  upon  them ;  and  the  citizens  of  the  place,  getting 
together  such  arms  as  were  not  in  the  possession  of  the  plun- 
derers, immediately  returned  the  fire  of  the  assailants  with  such 
effect  that  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours  they  were  driven  from 
their  positions,  and  all  either  killed  or  wounded,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  leader  and  half  a  dozen  others  of  his  party,  who  were 
driven  into  an  engine-house,  whither  they  fled  for  security. 
They  carried  along  with  them  ten  or  twelve  of  the  prisoners  they 
had  taken  the  night  before,  who  were  to  be  used  as  hostages,  as 
the  robbers  alleged,  to  prevent  the  fire  of  the  citizens  outside 
from  being  directed  toward  themselves  in  the  house  where  they 
had  taken  shelter. 

Throughout  the  whole  day  on  Monday,  from  twelve  o'clock,  at 
which  time  intelligence  of  the  outbreak  reached  Washington,  the 
most  exaggerated  accounts  were  received  of  the  state  of  things  at 
Harper's  Ferry  and  the  number  of  persons  engaged  in  it..  Prompt 
measures,  however,  were  taken,  and  Brevet  Colonel  Robert  E. 
Lee,  of  the  First  Cavalry,  was  at  once  summoned  to  take  com- 
mand of  a  detachment  of  marines  and  two  companies  of  volun- 
teers from  Frederick,  Maryland,  who  had  promptly  offered  their 
services.  The  troops  reached  the  scene  of  action  during  the 
night. 

The  next  morning,  at  an  early  hour,  Colonel  Lee  gave  orders 
to  the  marines  to  attack  and  carry  the  house  where  the  conspira- 
tors were  strongly  barricaded,  which  was  very  promptly  and  gal- 
lantly done  by  Major  Russell.* 

The  prompt  energy  with  which  Governor  Wise  applied  him- 
self to  the  emergency,  and  the  force  of  his  appeals  exhorting  the 
State  to  be  prepared  for  any  future  exigency,  attracted  the  com- 

*  This  account  is  condensed  from  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Hon.  Secretary 
of  War.  Among  the  citizens  killed  was  F.  Beckham,  the  Mayor  of  the  town. 
All  of  the  insurgents  were  either  killed  or  captured,  with  one  or  two  exceptions. 
The  leader,  John  Brown,  of  Kansas  notoriety,  was  hanged  on  the  2d  of  Decem- 
ber, 1859. 


492  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

ment  and  applause  of  the  conservative  national  men  and  presses 
all  over  the  country.  His  Gubernatorial  term  expired  with  the 
year  1859. 

By  his  friends  Governor  Wise  is  held  up  as  a  "  benefactor  to 
the  nineteenth  century/'  and  by  his  enemies  is  abused  in  an 
equal  ratio;  none,  however,  failing  to  give  him  credit  for  a  chi- 
valrous, upright,  unmistakable  openness  and  decision  of  action. 
Let  us,  in  conclusion,  hear  a  political  admirer  condense  his  career 
into  a  nutshell : — 

"  His  political  history,  from  its  early  commencement  till  now, 
is  marked  throughout  by  an  almost  unbroken  series  of  brilliant 
successes.  In  every  sphere  of  his  public  life  he  has  been  found 
not  efficient  only,  but  more  than  equal  to  the  most  trying  emer- 
gencies or  the  most  difficult,  dangerous,  and  delicate  tasks.  As 
Representative  in  Congress,  as  foreign  Minister,  as  member  of 
the  Reform  Convention,  as  Governor  of  Virginia, — in  every 
thing  he  has  ever  attempted, — Henry  A.  Wise  has  been  distin- 
guished as  an  extraordinary  man." 

The  same  writer — in  a  pamphlet  from  which  this  paragraph  is 
taken — very  eloquently  advocates  the  claims  and  availability  of 
Governor  Wise  for  the  Democratic  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1860. 


JOHN    E   WOOL. 


JOHN  E.  WOOL, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 

THIS  eminent  soldier  and  citizen,  of  whom  New  York  is 
justly  proud,  was  born  at  Newburgh,  and  comes  of  a  stock  dis- 
tinguished for  gallantry  and  patriotism.  At  the  breaking  out  of 
the  Revolution,  his  grandfather,  James  Wool,  was  a  farmer,  living 
in  Rensselaer  County,  almost  on  the  frontier.  Five  of  his  sons 
tramped  through  the  battle-fields.  Two  were  made  prisoners  at 
the  taking  of  Fort  Washington  and  suffered  the  horrors  of  the 
prison-ship,  from  the  effects  of  which  one  died  and  the  other 
barely  survived.  Another  commanded  a  company  in  Lamb's 
Artillery  and  went  with  Montgomery  to  Quebec,  and  afterward 
served  with,  and  was  severely  wounded  under,  Washington  in 
New  Jersey.  Another  was  with  Stark  at  Bennington ;  and  the 
father  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch  was  with  Wayne  at  Stony 
Point.  They  were  all  dashing  soldiers,  contributing  to  the  early 
honor  and  glory  of  American  arms  even  as  their  still  more  famous 
relative  contributed  to  the  honor  and  glory  attaching  to  the  latest 
military  history  of  the  Republic. 

General  Wool's  life  is  full  of  singular  significance  and  hearty 
inspiration  to  youth.  He  is  essentially  a  self-made  man, — his 
own  schoolmaster  and  his  own  pupil.  But  four  years  old  at  the 
death  of  his  father,  the  child  was  taken  by  his  grandfather,  and, 
at  the  age  of  twelve,  with  the  scanty  results  of  a  limited  attend- 
ance at  a  country  school,  was  placed  in  a  store  at  Troy.  In  this 
position  he  remained  for  six  years,  when  he  took  charge  of  a 
stationery  store,  with  the  privilege  of  a  doing  a  little  business  on 
his  own  account."  A  fire  left  nothing  of  his  stock  or  hopes,  and 
he  entered  the  law-office  of  Mr.  John  Russell,  of  Troy,  and  re- 
mained there  more  than  a  year. 

About  this  time,  a  war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Bri- 
tain becoming  imminent,  Congress  authorized  the  raising  of  twenty- 

42 


494  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

five  thousand  men.  The  blood  of  Stony  Point  was  aroused,  and, 
leaving  his  law-books  and  office,  young  Wool,  under  the  recom- 
mendation of  Governor  Clinton,  sought  and  obtained  an  appoint- 
ment in  the  army  as  a  captain  in  the  Thirteenth  United  States 
Infantry.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  1812,  just  before  the  decla- 
ration of  war.  Recruiting  his  company,  he  joined  the  regiment 
at  Greenbush,  and  continued  there  until  September,  when  the 
regiment  was  ordered  to  the  Niagara  frontier.  It  was  not  long 
before  Captain  Wool  made  his  mark. 

To  recover  some  of  the  ground  lost  by  the  unfortunate  opera- 
tions of  Hull,  General  Van  Rensselaer  determined  to  cross  the 
Niagara  River,  storm  Fort  George,  and  carry  the  Heights  of 
Queenstown.  Six  hundred  men  were  detached  to  commence 
the  movement  by  establishing  themselves  on  the  heights.  Owing 
to  a  scarcity  of  boats,  however,  only  three  companies  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Chrystie's  command, — those  of  Wool,  Malcolm, 
and  Armstrong, — with  about  one  hundred  regulars  and  militia 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Van  Rensselaer,  including  a  small  de- 
tachment of  United  States  artillery,  were  enabled  to  embark  at 
one  time.  Under  a  heavy  fire  the  Thirteenth  landed  on  the  13th 
of  October,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  Wool,  being 
the  senior  captain,  by  the  order  of  Van  Rensselaer,  who  landed 
at  some  distance,  formed  his  three  companies  on  a  plateau  near 
the  foot  of  the  heights,  the  enemy  having  retreated  before  him. 
While  thus  situated,  and  awaiting  further  orders,  the  British 
from  Queenstown  made  a  severe  attack  on  the  Thirteenth,  but 
were  finally  repulsed,  after  inflicting  serious  loss  on  the  Ameri- 
cans. Wool  was  shot  through  both  thighs ;  Malcolm  and  Arm- 
strong were  badly  wounded;  Lieutenants  Valleau  and  Morris 
killed,  and  Lieutenant  Lent  wounded  in  the  arm ;  besides  great 
losses  among  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates.  Van 
Rensselaer  failing  from  loss  of  blood,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
troops  not  having  arrived  from  the  American  side,  a  descent  was 
ordered;  but  Wool,  flushed  with  enthusiasm,  volunteered  to 
storm  the  heights.  The  colonel  was  unwilling  to  trust  so  im- 
portant an  enterprise  to  so  young  an  officer,  whose  actual  service 
had  but  commenced  that  morning ;  but,  the  ardor  of  the  young 
captain  being  seconded  by  his  officers,  his  ofler  was  accepted. 
Insensible  to  the  pain  of  his  wounds,  and  only  thinking  of  the 


JOHN   E.  WOOL.  495 

glory  to  be  won,  Captain  Wool  led  his  men  up  the  steep  ascent. 
Supporting  themselves  by  their  muskets,  they  finally  gained  the 
eminence  in  the  rear  of  the  battery,  and,  driving  a  detachment 
of  the  Forty-Ninth  British  down  the  heights,  Wool  and  his  gal- 
lant comrades  raised  the  American  flag  to  greet  the  dawn  of  that 
glorious  day.  But  the  fight  did  not  end  here.  Aroused  by  the 
cannon  at  Queenstown,  the  British  general,  Sir  Isaac  Brock, 
hastened  from  Fort  George  at  the  head  of  a  greatly  superior 
force,  and  attacked  the  Americans  with  such  impetuosity  as  to 
drive  them  to  the  brow  of  the  cliff.  The  position  of  these  raw 
Americans  was  now  one  of  terrible  danger.  Before  them  were 
British  veterans  who  had  won  European  honors, — behind  them 
an  almost  perpendicular  cliff.  At  this  moment  some  fluttering 
heart  raised  a  white  flag.  The  sight  of  it  drove  the  blood  still 
more  fervidly  through  the  veins  of  the  young  captain.  Tearing 
down  the  dastardly  emblem  of  surrender,  he  made  a  manly 
appeal  to  his  men,  checked  the  panic,  and,  reinspiring  his  party 
to  become  the  assailants,  he  drove  the  British  down  the  heights. 
In  turn,  Brock  rallied  his  troops,  and,  dashing  on  the  Ameri- 
cans, he  fell  dead,  when  a  general  rout  followed,  leaving  Wool  the 
hero  and  master  of  the  heights.  Thus,  says  a  distinguished 
authority,  "  the  American  arms  were  saved  from  disgrace  and 
covered  with  glory  by  the  unyielding  firmness  of  one  man ;  and 
a  moral  example  was  given  which,  like  that  of  Bunker  Hill, 
imparted  its  invigorating  influence  to  all  the  subsequent  trans- 
actions of  the  war.  The  light  which  spread  its  radiance  over 
the  plains  of  Niagara  and  New  Orleans  first  dawned  on  the 
Heights  of  Queenstown."  All  the  journals  of  the  day  abound 
with  encomiums  on  the  gallantry  of  Wool,  who  at  this  time 
was — according  to  the  "  National  Intelligencer"  of  that  day — 
only  twenty-three  years  of  age.  He  was  immediately  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  major,  and  continued  in  the  Twenty-Ninth  Infan- 
try on  the  Northern  frontier,  sustaining  the  reputation  he  had 
achieved  at  Queenstown. 

In  the  series  of  fights  which  took  place  about  Beekmantown 
and  Plattsburg  from  the  6th  to  the  llth  of  September,  1814, 
Major  Wool  greatly  distinguished  himself.  With  two  hundred 
and  fifty  regulars  and  the  militia  under  Colonel  Miller,  he  kept 
the  whole  British  column  of  four  thousand  at  bay,  fighting  them 


496  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

inch  by  inch  and  killing  or  wounding  nearly  two  hundred  of 
them.  He  was  honorably  mentioned  in  his  general's  despatches 
and  was  brevetted  lieutenant-colonel.  Well  might  General  Viele 
say  to  Wool,  "  The  bloody  Saranac  will  never  cease  to  murmur 
your  praise,"*  and  Governor  Young  remark  that  "  the  people  of 
the  whole  country  saw  Captain  Wool  at  Queenstown  marking  his 
course  with  his  own  blood,  and  Major  Wool  at  Plattsburg  and 
at  Beekmanstown  gallantly  resisting,  with  two  hundred  men, 
the  whole  British  line."f  Wool's  reputation  was  now  esta- 
blished. Cool,  intrepid,  and  as  quick  in  the  field  to  originate  as 
to  execute  orders,  the  Government  was  aware  of  his  importance, 
and  in  1816  offered  him  a  choice  of  three  appointments.  He 
selected  the  Inspector-Generalship  of  Division,  as  it  offered  great 
scope  for  activity  and  usefulness ;  and  in  1821  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  two  Inspector-Generals  of  the  army. 

In  1828,  John  C.  Calhoun  thus  recognises  General  Wool's 
services  in  this  position  : — "  During  the  whole  period  that  I  had 
charge  of  the  Department,  you  performed  the  very  laborious  and 
highly  responsible  duties  of  your  office  with  honor  to  yourself, 
with  fidelity  to  your  trust,  and  to  the  entire  confidence  of 
myself." 

In  1830,  General  Wool  made  a  report  discouraging  the  erec- 
tion of  fortifications  on  the  Northern  frontier,  and  showing  that 
modern  science  had  rendered  fortified  posts  useless  between  con- 
tiguous nations.  His  report  on  the  reduction  of  the  army  in  the 
same  year  is  regarded  as  a  model  of  its  kind.  In  1832,  the 
Government  sent  General  Wool  to  Europe  to  collect  information 
connected  with  military  science.  He  was  kindly  welcomed  by 
Louis  Philippe,  and  received  from  the  French  Government  every 
attention  which  might  further  the  objects  of  his  visit.  He  was 
one  of  the  king's  suite  at  a  grand  review  of  seventy  thousand  men 
and  one  hundred  pieces  of  artillery.  In  November  of  the  same 
year  he  was  the  guest  of  the  King  of  Belgium,  and  with  him 
reviewed  a  hundred  thousand  troops  and  inspected  the  famous 
fortifications  of  Antwerp,  at  the  siege  of  which,  under  Chasse, 
he  was  also  present.  In  1835,  when  Jackson  determined  that 

*  Public  Address  of  General  Viele  to  General  Wool  in  1848. 
f  Address  of  Governor  Young  on  presenting  General  Wool  with  a  sword  in 
1848. 


JOHN    E.  WOOL.  497 

France  should  pay  its  old  debt,  General  Wool  was  ordered  to 
inspect  the  coast-defences  from  Maine  to  the  delta  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. His  report,  as  well  as  that  also  on  the  Western  defences, 
is  highly  commended.  In  1836,  having  been  intrusted  with  the 
removal  of  the  Indians  from  the  Cherokee  country  to  Arkansas, 
he  performed  the  delicate  duty  in  so  satisfactory  a  manner  as  to 
draw  forth  the  most  flattering  testimonials  from  the  Tennessee 
volunteers  who  acted  under  him.  At  his  own  request,  he  was 
subjected  to  a  court  of  inquiry,  the  Governor  of  Alabama  having 
charged  him  with  an  "  attempt  to  usurp  the  power  of  civil  tri- 
bunals" while  in  that  State.  General  Wool's  defence  was  a 
masterly  production,  and  the  inquiry  resulted  in  an  honorable 
acquittal. 

In  1838,  during  the  Canadian  difficulties,  he  was  employed  in 
a  reconnoissance  in  the  wilds  of  Maine  for  the  defence  of  the 
frontier,  and  discharged  his  arduous  duties  with  an  iron  will 
which,  in  the  eyes  of  his  admirers,  "assimilates  him  in  so 
marked  a  degree  to  General  Jackson." 

This  long  experience  and  indefatigable  attention  to  business 
in  almost  every  branch  of  the  country's  service  made  him  of 
immeasurable  efficiency  in  the  Mexican  War.  Indeed,  it  has 
been  boasted  that  "  to  his  industry,  address,  and  energy  in 
organizing,  inspecting,  and  mustering  into  service  twelve  thou- 
sand men,  from  six  different  States,  in  six  weeks,  and  pouring 
them  down  to  the  support  of  the  enveloped  column  of  Taylor, 
and  leading  a  portion  of  them  on  his  immortal  march  of  nine 
hundred  miles  through  an  enemy's  country,  and  effecting  a 
junction  with  Taylor  without  losing  a  man, — organizing  and 
drilling  the  united  command,  selecting  the  frontier  of  Buena 
Vista,  and  promptly  occupying  it  in  the  face  of  the  advancing 
Mexicans, — may  the  great  success  of  that  war  be  attributed."* 
The  battle  of  Buena  Vista  electrified  the.whole  American  people, 
and  a  despondency  which  was  nearly  universal  was  followed  by 
universal  rejoicing.  Their  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  Gene- 
ral Taylor's  army,  with  which  it  was  known  General  Wool's  column 
had  united,  were  most  alarming,  and  the  belief  was  becoming 
prevalent  that  both  generals  would  be  sacrificed.  The  cloud  was 

*  "  Democratic  Review,"  1851,  vol.  xxix. 
2<J  42* 


LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

dispelled,  the  name  of  Wool  was  glorified  throughout  the  land, 
and  the  Presidency  itself  was  deemed  an  inadequate  reward  for 
the  services  of  General  Taylor ;  yet  in  many  of  the  later  accounts 
of  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  the  name  of  Wool  is  scarcely  men- 
tioned, and  in  some  it  might  seem  somewhat  doubtful  whether 
he  was  in  it.* 

It  is  impossible  to  follow  the  elaborate  details  of  the  energy 
and  activity  of  General  Wool  as  recorded  by  his  biographers. 
To  the  military  student  his  plans  and  manoeuvres  must  ever  be  a 
valuable  source  of  information ;  but  in  the  space  allotted  here 
little  more  can  be  done  than  to  present  a  comprehensive  epitome 
of  a  career  so  full  of  vigorous  service  and  successful  results.  His 
strict  discipline  and  the  restraints  he  put  on  the  volunteers  sub- 
jected General  Wool  to  the  dislike  of  those  men  until  they 
became  soldiers :  then  he  was  the  object  of  their  admiration. 
He  had  to  create  a  useful  army.  Only  one  regiment  of  the 
volunteers  had  been  under  fire  before  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista ; 
and,  feeling  that  his  great  dependence  in  the  hour  of  trial  would 
be  upon  that  self-confiding  bravery  which  discipline  inspires,  he 
directed  the  energies  and  experience  of  his  military  life  to  per- 
fect his  army  from  the  moment  it  was  concentrated  at  San  An- 
tonio. To  these  weighty  services  Taylor  testifies  in  his  detailed 
report  of  the  great  battle : — "  To  Brigadier- General  Wool  my 
obligations  are  especially  due.  The  high  state  of  discipline  and 
instruction  of  several  of  the  volunteer  regiments  was  attained 
under  his  command  \  and  to  his  vigilance  and  arduous  services 
before  the  action,  and  his  gallantry  and  activity  on  the  field,  a 
large  share  of  our  success  is  justly  to  be  attributed.  During 
most  of  the  engagement  he  was  in  immediate  command  of  the 
troops  thrown  back  OB  our  left  flank.  I  beg  leave  to  recommend 
him  to  the  favorable  notice  of  the  Government.""!" 

Everywhere  he  was  seen  rallying  and  encouraging  the  volun- 
teers and  disposing  the  forces.  It  was  a  miracle  that  he  escaped 

*  See  "A  Narrative  of  Major-General  Wool's  Campaign  in  Mexico  in  the 
Years  1846,  1847,  and  1848,  by  Francis  Baylies,  of  Massachusetts.  Albany, 
1851." 

f  General  Taylor's  Report,  dated  March  6,  1847  j  see,  also,  Taylor's  first 
Report,  dated  February  24. 


JOHN    E.  WOOL  499 

the  balls  which  thinned  the  ranks  he  was  marshalling.*  The 
confidence  he  inspired  may  be  seen  from  the  following  passage 
in  a  letter  written  by  General  Gushing,  which  I  am  permitted  to 
copy.  It  is  dated  Buena  Vista,  August  20,  1847 :— "  I  shall 
never  cease  to  esteem  it  one  of  the  most  fortunate  incidents  of 
my  life  to  have  been  placed,  though  but  for  so  short  a  period  of 
time,  under  your  command,  and  in  such  relation  to  it  as  to  afford 
me  the  means  of  observing  and  learning  to  follow  the  rules  ot 
discipline  and  principles  of  military  administration  which  direct 
your  conduct  as  the  chief  of  an  army.  As  a  school  of  instruc- 
tion in  one  of  the  highest  departn-ents  of  human  knowledge,  it 
has  been  of  inappreciable  value  to  me.  And  the  careful  study 
of  the  orders  governing  your  long  and  successful  march  from  La- 
vacca,  while  it  has  added  to  the  exalted  respect  I  previously  en- 
tertained for  your  .military  character  and  to  my  admiration  of 
that  most  ably-conducted  expedition,  has  laid  before  me  a  model 
of  its  class."  Colonel  Samuel  R.  Curtis,  commanding  the  Third 
Regiment  of  Ohio  Volunteers,  and  since  a  member  of  Congress, 
wrote  to  General  Wool  (under  date  Saltillo,  June  23,  1847) 
thus : — "  The  toil,  privations,  and  dangers  of  war  are  associated 
with  some  agreeable  reminiscences ;  and  I  shall  always  look  back 
with  pride  and  pleasure  on  the  humble  services  I  have  performed 
under  a  general  qualified  for  the  highest  station,  since  he  has 
shown  himself,  on  all  occasions,  distinguished  for  coolness,  cou- 
rage, and  caution, — three  attributes  rarely  combined,  but  cardi- 
nal points  in  a  military  commander."  And  General  Lane,  with 
the  truthful  impulse  of  his  nature,  said  Wool  won  laurels  and 
a  fame  that  would  endure  as  long  as  the  traces  of  American  his- 
tory shall  exist. 

Injudicious  friends  of  General  Taylor  have  at  times  and  in 
various  ways  attacked  General  Wool,  and  it  is  to  be  said  to  the 
honor  of  the  latter  that  he  never,  "  directly  or  indirectly,  or  in 
any  degree,  detracted  from  the  merits  of  the  commander-in- 
chief."  In  letters  written  by  Wool  to  Daniel  Webster,  Lewis' 
Cass,  John  Bell,  W.  C.  Rives,  Joshua  A.  Spencer,  John  A.  Dix, 
and  many  others,  he  has  extolled  the  character  and  achievements 
of  Taylor.  Jefferson  Davis,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  such  a 

*  Account  of  the  battle,  by  Major  Coffee. 


500  LIVING    REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

letter  addressed  to  General  Gibson,  says,  (under  date  Saltillo, 
March  25, 1847,)  "  In  these  times  of  petty  jealousy  and  ignoble 
strife  for  public  approbation  it  is  quite  refreshing  to  see  one  so 
prominent  in  the  scenes  you  describe  forgetting  himself  to  sustain 
and  commend  his  commander." 

Having  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brevet  major-general  for 
gallant  and  distinguished  conduct  at  Buena  Vista,  Wool  remained 
in  command  at  Saltillo  until  November  25,  when,  Taylor  leaving 
for  the  United  States,  the  chief  command  devolved  on  him,  and 
so  continued  till  the  5th  of  June,  1848,  when  the  commissioners, 
Sevier  and  Clifford,  officially  notified  him  of  the  termination  of 
the  war.  He  arrived  at  Washington  on  the  17th  of  August, 
and  reached  New  York  on  the  following  day,  where  he  was 
received  by  the  Citizens'  Corps,  under  Colonel  Pierce,  and  a 
committee  of  one  hundred  citizens  of  Troy.  On  the  morning 
of  the  19th  he  was  escorted,  by  the  City  Guards,  the  Troy  Citi- 
zens' Corps,  and  committee,  to  the  steamboat  Hendrik  Hudson, 
which  the  Trojans  had  chartered  to  conduct  the  general  to  their 
city  and  his  home.  His  course  up  the  river  was  a  splendid  ova- 
tion, the  citizens  on  shore  cheering  the  general  as  he  passed  the 
towns  and  villages.  Especial  demonstrations  were  made  at 
Poughkeepsie,  Albany,  and  West  Troy.  The  whole  people 
assembled  at  Troy  to  greet  him,  and  so  great  was  the  enthusiasm 
and  dense  the  multitude  that  several  hours  elapsed  before  he 
reached  his  residence.  Soon  after  the  news  from  Buena  Vista, 
the  citizens  of  Troy,  in  Common  Council  assembled,  had  ex- 
pressed their  gratification  at  General  Wool's  conduct,  and 
resolved  to  tender  him  a  sword.  This  was  presented  on  the  23d 
of  August,  at  a  public  reception  in  which  Millard  Fillmore  and 
all  the  leading  civil  and  military  personages  in  the  community 
participated.  In  reply  to  an  address  of  General  Viele,  Gene- 
ral Wool  made  a  brief  and  modest  speech.  He  afterward 
reviewed  the  military,  and  was  received  by  the  city  authorities 
at  the  courthouse  and  presented  with  the  sword,  on  receiving 
which  the  distinguished  soldier  made  a  suitable  address.  The 
thunders  of  cannon,  the  animating  sounds  of  martial  music,  the 
deafening  cheers  of  forty  thousand  people,  the  splendid  array  of 
the  citizen  soldiers,  the  contrast  between  military  splendor  and 
civic  dignity,  the  pathway  of  a  victor  strewn  with  flowers  by 


JOHN   E.  WOOL.  501 

female  hands,  presented  scenes  which  kindled  the  enthusiasm 
of  all  generous  and  romantic  minds.*  The  State  of  New  York 
passed  resolutions  of  honor,  and  presented  a  sword  to  him  at  the 
Capitol  in  Albany,  December,  1848 ;  and  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  also,  on  the  4th  of  January,  1854,  voted  a  sword 
as  a  mark  of  the  nation's  gratitude,  which  the  Secretary  of  War, 
Hon.  John  B.  Floyd,  transmitted  by  special  messenger,  with  a 
most  complimentary  letter. 

General  Wool  cherishes  these  splendid  tokens  of  the  respect 
and  approbation  of  his  fellow-citizens,  his  fellow-countrymen,  his 
native  State,  and  the  nation,  with  that  honest  and  unpretending 
pride  which  so  well  becomes  the  modesty  of  true  valor  and  worth. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1853,  the  command  of  the 
Department  of  the  Pacific,  always  one  of  grave  responsibility, 
had  become  peculiarly  important  and  delicate  in  consequence  of 
the  "  filibuster  expeditions"  which  were  believed  to  be  fitting 
out  in  California.  Reposing  great  confidence  in  his  wisdom  and 
discretion,  the  Government  selected  General  Wool  for  the  com- 
mand. Summoned  to  Washington  to  have  an  interview  with  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  War,  he  at  once  expressed  his  willing- 
ness to  undertake  the  arduous  duty.  Many  of  his  friends  thought 
this  a  hard  requital  for  a  long  life  of  service ;  but  the  general  un- 
hesitatingly, indeed  cheerfully,  accepted,  believing  it  to  be  his 
duty,  which,  under  every  circumstance,  he  had  made  the  rule  of 
his  life.  He  was  appointed  January  9,  1854. 

In  addition  to  the  ordinary  duties  of  the  Military  Department 
of  the  Pacific,  certain  special  duties  were  assigned  him.  He  was 
instructed  to  maintain  our  international  obligations  by  preventing 
unlawful  expeditions  against  foreign  Powers ;  to  protect  the  Mexi- 
can territory  from  Indian  incursions,  as  required  by  the  treaty  of 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo ;  to  extend  his  vigilance  to  the  Territory  of 
Utah;  to  remove  the  Indians  in  California  to  the  reservations 
provided  for  them ;  to  exercise  a  strict  supervision  over  the  ex- 
penditures ;  and  to  collect  as  much  topographical  information  as 
was  possible.*)* 

*  Baylies's  "  Narrative,  Ac.,"  p.  72. 

f  See  "  Letter  of  Instruction  from  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary  of  War,  to 
Brevet  Major-General  John  E.  Wool,  U.S.A."  Ex.  Doc.,  No.  88,  H.  of  R., 
Thirty-Fifth  Congress,  First  Session. 


502  LIVING   REPRESENTATIVE    MEN. 

General  Wool  arrived  in  California  about  the  middle  of  Febru- 
ary, and  immediately  set  to  work  to  discharge  his  duties.  How 
promptly.and  effectively  he  dealt  with  the  "  filibusters"  may  be 
seen  from  the  lengthy  correspondence  published  by  Govern- 
ment.* He  co-operated  with , but  did  not  assume  nor  interfere 
with  any  of  the  functions  of,  the  civil  officers  ]  and  the  United 
States  Marshal  and  District- Attorney,,  by  letters,  congratulated 
him  on  the  success  of  his  official  career  in  sustaining  the  Neu- 
trality Laws.f  After  the  surrender  and  indictment  of  Walker, 
the  trial  of  the  French  Consul  Dillon,  the  trial  and  conviction  of 
Watkins,  Emery,'  and  the  Mexican  Consul,  General  Wool  re- 
stricted himself  to  "  simply  rendering  aid  to  the  civil  authori- 
ties," which  duty,  however,  was  practically  nullified  about  the 
middle  of  September  by  the  removal,  by  order  of  the  War  De- 
partment, of  his  head-quarters  from  San  Francisco  to  Benicia,  an 
obscure  post  about  thirty  miles  inland.  In  the  spring  of  1855 
he  made  a  tour  of  inspection  and  reconnoissance  through  the  dis- 
tant Territories  of  Oregon  and  Washington,  and  instituted  mea- 
sures of  protection  for  the  inhabitants  and  the  emigrants. 
Returning  to  Benicia,  he  remained  there  until  the  breaking  out 
of  Indian  hostilities  in  the  Territories  of  Washington  and  Ore- 
gon in  the  fall  of  1855.  On  receiving  intelligence  of  this, 
General  Wool  immediately  repaired  to  the  scene  of  action  to 
suppress  the  disturbances.  After  taking  the  necessary  measures 
to  accomplish  this  object,  he  returned  to  California  to  perfect  his 
arrangements,  and  arrived  there  in  January.  Early  the  follow- 
ing spring,  his  arrangements. being  fully  completed,  he  repaired 
a  third  time  to  these  distant  Territories,  and,  by  his  prompt 
measures,  in  the  face  of  various  adverse  circumstances  and  in 
despite  of  all  opposition,  put  an  end  to  the  war  in  less  than 
three  months.  Soon  after,  he  returned  to  California,  where  he 
remained  until  near  the  close  of  the  Pierce  Administration,  when 
he  received  an  order  relieving  him  from  his  "  banishment"  and 
restoring  him  to  the  command  of  the  East. 

General  Wool's  return  created  even  a  wilder  enthusiasm  than 
on  the  former  occasion.  It  was  all  the  more  gratifying  as  it  was 


*  "Letter  of  Instruction,  Ac.,"  pp.  27-30,  57,  61.  66-68,  94-96,  111-114. 
f  Ibid.,  pp.  155-156. 


JOHN   E.  WOOL.  503 

impromptu,  it  not  being  known  until  that  morning — March  16, 
1857 — that  he  had  arrived  in  New  York.  His  personal  friends 
could  not  reach  him,  so  great  was  the  crowd.  /  After  some  strug- 
gling, the-  Major  of  Troy  managed  to  convey  the  general  to  a 
carriage,  when  he  was  escorted  to  his  home  by  several  fine  mili- 
tary-bands and  amid  the  excitement  of  the  welcoming  populace. 
Meetings  of  congratulation  were  held,  and  he  was  again  the  reci- 
pient of  the  honors  of  civic  resolutions.  From  that  time  General 
Wool  has  continued  to  reside  in  Troy,  the  head-quarters  of  the 
Department  of  the  East,  and  no  one  enjoys  a  more  hearty  popu- 
larity.* 

General  Wool  has  been  likened  to  General  Greene  of  Revolu- 
tionary fame,  and  there  are  some  points  of  resemblance  in  cha- 
racter and  fortune.  Their  parentage  was  different,  for  Wool's 
father  was  a  soldier,  while.  Greene's  was  a  Quaker;  but  the 
earliest  periods  of  their  lives  were  passed  in  the  humble  obscu- 
rity of  country  towns  and  among  farmers.  Greene  commenced 
life  as  a  blacksmith,  Wool  as  a  trader.  Both  were  untaught  in 
the  schools, — both  had  the  same  passion  for  books  and  reading, 
and  the  same  enthusiastic  temperament  and  gay  manners.  Both 
acquired  distinction  early,  both  were  abused  by  calumniators  and 
detractors,  both  were  compelled  to  encounter,  at  times,  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Government,  and  both  carne  forth  from  the  contro- 
versies with  fresher  laurels  and  higher  honors.  Both  felt  a  most 
imperious  sense  of  their  military  duties  and  were  the  most  rigid 
disciplinarians, — benevolent  in  their  feelings,  but  inflexible  when 
justice  demanded  punishment.  Both  created  efficient  soldiers 
from  raw  militia-men  and  volunteers,  and,  by  the  force  of  elaer^y, 
discipline,  and  a  peculiar  faculty  for  command,  transformed  dis- 
orderly mobs  into  regular  armies.  In  some  particulars  their  for- 
tunes were  different.  Greene  never  won  a  battle,  but  always, 
like  Blucher,  after  defeat  secured  the  fruits  of  a  victory.  Wool 
was  never  defeated.* 

*  Baylies's  "  Narrative,  Ac.,"  p.  46. 
THE    END. 


STEREOTYPED  BY  1.  JOHNSON  &  CO. 
PHILADELPHIA. 


